CIHM 
Microfiche 
Series 
(IMonographs) 


ICIMH 

Collection  de 
microfiches 
(monographies) 


Canadian  Instituta  for  Hiatorical  Microraproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  hittoriquaa 


T 


M 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes  /  Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best  original 
copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this  copy  which 
may  be  bibliographically  unique,  which  may  alter  any  of 
the  images  in  the  reproduction,  or  which  may 
significantly  change  the  usual  method  of  filming  are 
checked  below. 


D 
D 
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a 

D 
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n 


Coloured  covers  / 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged  / 
Couverture  endommag^e 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated  / 
Couverture  restaur^e  et/ou  pelliculde 


D 


Cover  title  missing  /  Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps  /  Cartes  g^ographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)  / 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations  / 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material  / 
Reli^  avep  d'autres  documents 

Only  edition  available  / 
Seule  Edition  disponibie 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion  along 
interior  margin  /  La  reliure  serr^e  peut  causer  de 
I'ombre  ou  de  la  distorsion  le  long  de  la  marge 
int^rieure. 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restorations  may  appear 
within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these  have  been 
omitted  from  filming  /  II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages 
blanches  ajout^es  lors  d'une  restauration 
apparaissent  dans  le  texte,  mais,  lorsque  cela  ^tait 
possible,  ces  pages  n'ont  pas  6\6  film^es. 

Additional  comments  / 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires: 


L'tnstitut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire  qu'il  lui  a 
M6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details  de  cet  exem- 
plaire qui  sont  peut-6tre  uniques  du  point  de  vue  bibli- 
ographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier  une  image  reproduite, 
ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une  modification  dans  la  mitho- 
de  normale  de  filmage  sont  indiqu^s  cl-dessous. 

I     I  Coloured  pages  /  Pages  de  couleur 

I I  Pages  damaged  /  Pages  endommag^es 


D 


Pages  restored  and/or  laminated  / 
Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  pelliculdes 


r~p^  Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed  / 
b^  Pages  dteoior^es,  tachetdes  ou  piqu^es 

I     I  Pages  detached  /  Pages  d^tach^es 

[^  Showthrough  /  Transparence 

I     I  Quality  of  print  varies  / 


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D 


D 


Quality  in^gale  de  I'lmpression 

Includes  supplementary  material  / 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppl^mentaire 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata  slips, 
tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to  ensure  the  best 
possible  image  /  Les  pages  totalement  ou 
paitiellement  obscurcies  par  un  feuiltet  d'errata,  une 
pelure.  etc.,  ont  i\6  filmies  k  nouveau  de  fagon  k 
obtenir  la  meiileure  image  possible. 

Opposing  pages  with  varying  colouration  or 
discolourations  are  filmed  twice  to  ensure  the  best 
possible  image  /  Les  pages  s'opposant  ayant  des 
colorations  variables  ou  des  decolorations  sont 
fiim^es  deux  fois  afin  d'obtenir  la  meiileure  image 
possible. 


This  item  Is  (ilmtd  st  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below  / 

Ce  document  est  f!lm4  su  tsux  de  reduction  Indlqui  ci-dessous. 


lOx 

14x 

18x 

22x 

26x 

30x 

7 

12x 

16x 

20x 

24x 

28x 

32x 

Th«  copy  filmed  h«ra  has  b««n  raproducMl  thanka 
to  tlM  ganaroaity  of: 

National  Library  of  Cajiada 


L'anamplaira  film*  fut  rapreduit  gric*  t  la 
g*n«rosM  da: 

Bibliotha(|ua  nationala  du  Ca&ada 


Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
possibia  eonaidaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  eepy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  eontraet  apacificationa. 


Original  copia*  in  printad  papar  covara  trm  filmad 
beginning  with  tha  front  eovar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illuatratad  impraa- 
sien.  or  ttia  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  origirtal  copias  ara  filmad  beginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  psge  with  s  printed 
or  illusuated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  eech  microfiche 
shell  contain  the  symbol  — »  I  meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  appliaa. 

Mapa.  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bonom.  as  many  frames  ss 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  images  suivantas  ont  *t*  raproduites  avae  la 
plus  grand  sein.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattet*  da  I'eaemplaira  fiimA,  et  en 
eonf  ormitd  evac  lea  eonditiona  du  contrat  da 
fUmag^. 

Lea  aHomplairaa  originaus  dont  la  eouverture  en 
pepier  est  ImprimOe  sont  filmOs  sn  eommencant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
derniOre  pege  qui  eomporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreaaion  ou  d'illuauation.  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  la  caa.  Toua  lea  autres  asamplairas 
originauK  sont  film^  en  eommencant  par  la 
pramiOre  paga  qui  eomporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreaaion  ou  d'iUuatration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  darniAra  paga  qui  eomporte  una  telle 
amprainto. 

Un  dee  symbolas  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darni*re  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  seion  le 
eas:  la  symbola  •>»  signifie  "A  8UIVRE".  la 
symbela  ▼  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartaa.  planches,  tableaux,  etc..  peuvent  etre 
filmto  A  das  uux  de  rdduction  diff*rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  *tre 
reproduit  en  un  soul  clichO.  il  est  films  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supOrieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  haut  un  bas.  an  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imagaa  ndcassaira.  Lea  diagrammea  suivants 
illustrant  la  mdthoda. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

MICROCOPY  RBOIUTION  TKT  CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


1.0 


IK 
IS 
U 


123 


13.2 


13.6 


14.0 


|Z5 

12.0 


1.8 


^  APPLIED  IIVHGE    Inc 

^^  1653  East  Moin   Street 

r.iS  Rochester.   N->w  York        14609       US* 

•SSS  (716)   482  -  0300  -  Ptione 

^B  (716)   288  -  S989  -  Fo> 


THE   AMERICAN   COMMONWEALTH 


l-HE  MACMII.I-AN  COMPANY 

NEW  VORK    •    BOSTON    •    CHICAGO 
SAM   FRANCISCO 

MACMILLAX  &   CO.,  Limited 

LONDON    •    BOMIIAV    •    CALCtTTA 
MELHOL'RNB 

THE  MACMILLAN  CO.  OF  CANADA,  LTD. 

TORONTO 


THE 


AMERICAN  COMMONWEALTH 


JAMES  BRYCE 

AVmoB  or  "tbb  holt  bomav  umaa** 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES 

VOL.  ir 

Tta  Pabtt  Ststem  — Pubmc  Opinion- —  Illustrations 

A«D  BeFUICTIONS  —  SOCLAI  iNSTITUTIONg 


NEW  EDITION 

COMPLETELY   REVISED  THROUOHOUT 
WITH  AOOmONAL  CHAPTSRS 


ytta  gorfe 
THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 


All  righi^  rtterttd 


:!'-  2'JC 


64151 


j    y.^^ 


o  I '-It' 


('oPVBKillT,   VlffA, 

bt  mac.millan  and  00. 
ooptbisbt,  1»10,  1914, 

Bt  the  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


Set  up  and  electrotyixd.     Published  November,  iqia 


NartDOOti  9th« 

J.  s.  fushing  On.  —  Berwick  dc  Smith  Co. 

Norwocxl,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


CONTENTS 
VOL.  II 

PART  III  — The  Party  System 

uii.  Political  Parties  and  thkir  Histout         ...        3 

Liv.  The  Parties  of  To-day 21 

Lv.  Composition  of  the  Parties 31 

LVI.  PORTHER  OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE  PaRTIKS    ...    41 

LVii.  The  Politicians gg 

Lviii.  Why  the  Best  Men  do  not  go  into  Politico   .        .      69 

Lix.  Party  Organizations 7q 

Lx.  The  Machine g2 

Note  on  Recent  Legislation  regarding  Primaries  .      89 

Lxi.  What  the  Machine  has  to  do 93 

Lxii.  How  THE  Machine  Works lOi 

Lxiii.  Rings  and  Bosses Hj 

Lxiv.  Local  Extension  of  Rings  and  Bosses      ...     124 

Lxv.  Spoils .«« 

Lxvi,  Elections  and  their  Machinery         .        .        .        .146 

Lxvii.  Corruption |cq 

Lxviii.  The  War  against  Bossdom 168 

Lxix.  National  Nominating  Conventions  .        .        .        .176 
Lxx.  The  Nominating  Convention  at  Work      ...     186 

Lxxi.  The  Presidential  Campaign 204 

Lxxii.  The  Issues  in  Presidential  Elections       .        .        .214 
Lxxiii.  Further  Observations  on  Nominations  and  Elec- 

T'ONs 222 

Lxxiv.  Types  of  American  Statesmen 230 

Lxxv.  What  the  People  Think  of  It 239 

Note  on  the  Party  System 246 

PART  IV— Public  Opinion 

Lxxvi.  The  Nature  of  Public  Opinion  .        .        .        .  •  251 

locxvii.  Government  by  Public  Opinion  ....    259 

V 


vi 


C0NTKNT8 


Lxxviii.  How  Public  Opinion  Kulkh  in  America 
Lxxix.  Okuanh  or  Public  Uhinion 
Lxxx.  National   ('HAiiACTEHisTua    ah   Mouldino    Public 
Opinion 

LXXXt.    ClABBEH    A«    iNrLUENCINCl    OPINION        , 

Lxxxii.  Local  Types  or  Opinion    -  Kast,  West,  and  South 
Lxxxiii.  The  Action  op  Public  Opinion 
Lxxxiv.  The  Tyranny  or  the  Majority 

Lxxxv.  The  Fatalism  or  the  Multitude    . 
Lxxxvi.  Whii:rein  Public  Opinion  Pails 
Lxxxvii.  Wherein  Public  Opinion  Succeeds 


267 
274 


297 
311 
321 
338 
347 
367 
366 


PART  V — Illustrations  and  Reflections 

Lxxxviii.  The  Tammany  Ring  in  New  York  City         .        .  379 

Lxxxix.  The  Philadelphia  Gas  Rino 406 

xc.  Kearneyism  in  Calipornia 426 

xci.  The  Home  or  the  Nation 449 

xcii.  The  Latest  Phase  ok  Immkjration  .         .         .  469 

xciii.  The  South  since  the  War 49I 

xciv.  Present  and  Future  or  the  Neoro       .        .        .  512 

xcv.  Further  RErLECTioNs  on  the  Negro  Problem      .  540 

xcvi.  Foreign  Policy  and  Territorial  Extension  .  565 

xcvii.  The  New  Transmarine  Dominions  .        .        .  576 

xcviii.  Laissez  Faire 587 

xcix.  Woman  t^urrRAGB 600 

c.  The  Supposed  Faults  or  Democracy      .        ,        .  613 

CI.  The  True  Faults  or  American  Democracy  .  630 

cii.  The  Strength  of  American  Democracy         ,        .  642 
an.  How  far  American  Experience  is  Available  for 

EuBoPB 055 

PART  VI — Social  Institutions 

cnr.  The  Bab 665 

cv.  The  Bench 679 

cvi.  Railroads  .        ,        ,        ,■',        ,        ,        ,        ,  qqq 


CONTENTS  y\\ 

evil.  Wall  Street 703 

cviii.  The  Univekhities  and  Colleoes 711 

CIX.    Fl'RTHER   OhsKHVATIOVS   ON   THE    UNIVERSITIES       .           .  743 

ex.  The  Cburcuks  and  the  Cleroy 763 

<xi.  The  iNFLtiENCE  or  Reliuion 781 

cxii.  The  Position  or  Women 795 

cxiii.  Equality yiO 

cxiv.  The  Influence  or  Democracy  on  Thouoht       .        .  822 

cxv.  Creative  Intellectual  Power 832 

cxvi.  The  Rplation  or  the  United  States  to  Europe       .  845 

cxvii.  The  Absence  of  a  Capital 85r> 

cxviii,  American  Oratory 862 

cxix.  The  Pleasantnest  op  American  Life         .        .        .  870 

cxx.  The  Uniformity  of  American  Life     ....  878 

cxxi.  The  Temper  op  the  W^est            891 

cxxii.  The  Future  of  Political  Institutions      .        ,        .  902 

cxxiii.  Social  and  Economic  Future 916 

APPENDIX 935 

INDEX !       .*  941 


j 


PART   III 
THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


CHAPTER  LIII 

POLITICAL   PARTIES   AND  THEIR   HISTORY 

In  the  preceding  chapters  I  have  endeavoured  to  describe 
the  legal  framework  of  American  government  as  it  exists  both 
m  the  nation  ami  m  the  States.     Beginning  from  the  Federal 
and  State  Constitutions  we  have  seen  what  ^ort  of  a  structure 
has  been  erected  upon  them  as  a  foundation,  what  methods  of 
legislation  and  administration  have  been  developed,  what  re- 
suls  these  methods  have  produced.      It  is  only  occasionally 
and  incidentally  that  we  have  had  to  consider  the  influence 
upon  political  bodies  and  methods  of  those  extra-legal  group- 
ings of  men  called  political  parties.     But  the  spirit  and  force  of 
party  has  m  America  been  as  essential  to  the  action  of  the  ma- 
chinery of  government  as  steam  is  to  a  locomotive  engine  •  or 
vary  the  simile,  party  association  and  organization  are  to' the 
organs  of  government  almost  what  the  motor  nerves  are  to  the 
muscles,  sinews,  and  bones  of  the  human  bodv.     They  transmit 
the  motive  power,  they  determine  the  directions  in  which  the 
organs  act.     A  description  of  them  is  therefore  a   necessarv 
complement  to  an  account  of  the  C  on.stitution  and  government 
for  It  IS  into  the  hands  of  the  parties  that  the  workinP   of  the 
government  has  fallen.     Th<>ir  ingenuity,  stimulated  by  inces- 
sant nvalry,  has  turned  many  provisions  of  the  Constitution 
to  unforeseen  uses,  and  given  to  the  legal  institutions  of  the  coun- 
try  no  small  part  of  their  present  colour. 

To  describe  the  party  system  is,  however,  much  harder  than 
It  has  been  to  describe  those  legal  institutions.  Hitherto  we 
have  been  on  comparatively  firm  ground,  for  we  have  had 
dehnite  data  to  rely  upon,  and  the  facts  set  forth  have  been 
mostly  patent^  facts  which  can  be  .vstablished  from  books,  and 
documents.  But  now  wc-  com,«  to  phenomena  lor  a  knowledge 
of  which  one  mu.st  trust  to  a  variety  of  flying  and  floating  sources, 
to  newspaper  paragraphs,  to  the  conversation  of  American 
acquaintances,  to  impressions  formed  on  the  spot  from  seeing 


THE  PARTY   SYSTEM 


PART   III 


incidents  iind  hotirins  stories  and  anecdotes,  the  authority  for 
which,  though  it  seenieti  sufficient  at  the  time,  cannot  always 
l)e  renieniiu'red.  Nor  have  I  ^he  advantage  of  being  able  to 
cite  any  previous  treatise  on  tlu  s  Hject ;  •  for  though  the  books 
and  articl(>s  dealing  with  the  public  life  of  the  United  States 
may  be  counted  l)y  hundreds,  I  know  of  no  author  who  has  set 
himself  to  dt^scribc  impartially  the  actual  daily  working  of  that 
part  of  th?  vast  and  intricate  political  machine  which  lies  outside 
the  Constitution,  ntjr,  what  is  more  important  still,  the  influences 
whicii  sway  th(>  men  by  whom  this  machine  has  been  constructed 
and  is  daily  manii)ulated.  Th(>  task,  however,  cannot  be  de- 
clined ;  for  it  is  that  very  part  of  my  undertaking  which,  even 
though  imjierfectly  performed,  may  be  most  serviceable  to  the 
student  of  mod(>rn  politics.  A  philosopher  in  (lermany,  who 
had  mastered  all  the  treatises  on  the  British  Constitution, 
perus(>d  every  statute  of  recent  years,  and  even  followed  through 
the  newspapers  the  del)ates  in  Parliament,  would  know  far  less 
about  the  government  and  politics  of  England  than  he  might 
learn  by  spending  a  month  there  conversing  with  i)ractical 
l)oliticians,  and  watching  the  daily  changes  of  sentiment  during 
a  parliamentary  crisis  or  a  general  election. 

So,  too,  in  th(>  I'nited  States,  the  actual  working  of  party 
governm(>nt  is  not  only  full  of  interest  and  instruction,  but  is 
so  unlik(>  what  a  student  of  the  Federal  Constitution  could  have 
exjM'cted  or  foreseen,  that  it  is  th(>  thing  of  all  others  which 
any  one  writing  al)out  America  ought  to  try  to  portray.  In 
the  knowledge  of  a  stranger  there  nuist,  of  course,  be  serious 
ix.-\ps.  Jiut  since  no  native  American  has  yet  essayed  th(>  task 
■  describing  the  i>arty  system  of  his  country,  it  is  better  that 
stranger  should  address  himself  to  it,  than  that  the  inquiring 
Eurojjean  should  have  no  means  of  satisfying  his  curiosity. 
\\u\  a  native  .\mcrican  writer,  even  if  he  steerecl  clear  of  par- 
tisanship, which  1  think  he  might,  for  in  no  country  does  one 
find  a  larger  nunilu'r  of  i)liilosophically  judicial  observers  of 
l)olitics,  would  sulTer  from  his  own  famiUarity  with  many  of 
those  very  things  which  a  stranger  finds  perplexing.  Thus 
European  and  (>ven  American  readers  may  find  in  the  sort  of 

'  Sinoo  the-  first  oiitioii  of  this  iK)(>k  was  imlili.-iliril,  many  works  on  the  sul)- 
jcct  have  iippfarcd,  sonic  of  jtrcat  merit.  Anion«  tiiiin  ari'  M.  Ostrogorski's 
I)>niii(nir[i  iinii  llii(>rii<ini:iiliiiii  nf  I'lililicnl  i'lirliis;  VrnUvfiov  Mortiv's  HiKtory 
cf  Piililiciil  I'ariiiK  ill  thr  !'.  S. :  I'lofcssur  .Icssc  Macy's  J'lirti/  ()r(iniii:ntioii  orid 
Miichiiiinj;  l'rofi»s<ir  llonry  Ji'ncs  I'uril'i  liisc  and  Oruulh  of  Amirican  I'utidis. 


(HAP.  Mir     POLITICAL   PAUTIKS  AVI)   TIIKIII   HISTOIiV 


IXTspcctivc  which  ji  straUKcr  gets  of  traiisjvthmtic  phenomeiui 
some  conipeiisution  for  his  m-ccssanly  inferior  kno\vi('(lLr(>  „{ 
details. 

In  America  the  great  moving  forces  are  the  parties  The 
government  counts  for  less  than  in  Euroi)e,  the  j.urties  count 
for  more;  ami  the  fewer  have  become  their  principles  and  tlie 
famter  their  mterest  in  thos(-  j)rinciples,  the  more  perfect  has 
become  their  organization.  The  less  of  nature  the  more  of 
art;  the  less  spontaneity  the  more  meclianism.  But  before  I 
attempt  to  describe  this  organization,  something  must  l)e  said 
of  the  doctrines  which  the  i)arties  respectiv.'lv  j)rofess,  and  the 
exi)lanation  of  the  doctrines  involves  a  few  preliminary  words 
upon  the  history  of  party  in  America. 

Although  the  early  colonists  carried  with  them  across  the 
P"a  some  of  the  hal)its  of  English  political  lif(s  and  others  may 
have  been  subsequently  imitated  from  the  old  country,  tlie  parties 
of  the  United  States  are  pure  home  growths,  de\-eloped  l)y  the 
circumstances  of  the  nation.  The  English  reader  who  attempts 
as  Enghshmen  are  apt  to  do,  to  identify  the  great  American 
parties  with  his  om\  familiar  Wliigs  and  Tories,  or  even  to  dis- 
cover a  general  similarity  between  them,  had  better  give  up 
the  attempt,  for  it  will  lead  him  hopelesslv  astrav.  Here  and 
there  we  find  points  of  analogy  rather  than"^  of  resemblance  but 
the  moment  we  try  to  follow  out  the  analog\-  it  breaks  down,  so 
different  are  the  issues  on  which  English  and  xVmerican  politics 
have  turned. 

In  the  United  States,  the  liistory  of  party  begins  with  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1787  at  Philadelphia.  In  its  de- 
bates and  discussions  on  the  drafting  of  the  Constitution  there 
were  revealed  two  opposite  tendencies,  which  soon  afterwards 
appeared  on  a  larger  .scale  in  the  State  Conv(>ntions,  to  which 
the  new  instrument  was  submitted  for  acceptance.  These  were 
the  centrifugal  and  centripetal  ten(lenci(>s-  a  t(>ndency  to  main- 
tain both  the  freedom  of  the  individual  citizen  and  the  indepen- 
dence in  legislation,  in  administration,  in  jurisdiction,  inileed 
in  everything  except  foreign  policy  and  national  def(>nce,  of  the 
several  States  ;  an  oppo.site  tendency  to  suI)or(Hnate  the  States 
to  the  nation  and  vest  large  powers  in  the  central  Federal  au- 
thority. 

The  charge  against  tlie  (Constitution  that  .t  endangered  State 
rights  evoked  so  much  alarm  that  some  States  were  induced 


6 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


to  ratify  only  by  the  promise  that  certain  amendments  should 
be  added,  which  were  accorilingly  accepted  in  the  course  of  the 
next  three  years.  When  the  machinery  had  been  set  in  motion 
by  the  choice  of  George  Washington  as  President,. and  with  him 
of  a  Senate  and  a  House  of  Representatives,  the  tendencies  which 
had  opposed  or  supported  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  reap- 
peared notonly  in  Congress  but  in  the  President's  cabinet,  where 
Alexander  Hamilton,  secretary  of  the  treasury,  counselled  a  line 
of  action  which  assumed  and  required  the  exercise  of  large  powers 
by  the  Federal  government,  wliile  Jefferson,  the  secretary  of  state, 
desired  to  practically  restrict  its  action  to  foreign  affairs.  The 
advocates  of  a  central  national  authority  had  begun  to  receive 
the  name  of  Federalists,  and  to  act  pretty  coixstantly  together, 
when  an  event  happened  which,  while  it  tightened  their  union, 
finally  consolidated  their  opponents  also  into  a  party.  This  was 
the  creation  of  the  French  Republic  and  its  declaration  of  war 
against  England.  The  Federalists,  who  were  shocked  by  the 
excesses  of  the  Terror  of  1793,  counselled  neutrality,  and  were 
more  than  ever  inclined  to  value  the  principle  of  authority, 
and  to  allow  the  Federal  power  a  wide  sphere  of  action.  The 
party  of  Jefferson,  who  had  now  retired  from  the  Administration, 
were  pervaded  by  sjTnpathy  with  French  ideas,  were  hostile 
to  England  whose  attitude  continued  to  be  discourteous,  and 
sought  to  restrict  the  interference  of  the  central  government  with 
the  States,  and  to  allow  the  fullest  play  to  the  sentiment  of  State 
independence,  of  local  independence,  of  personal  independence. 
This  party  took  the  name  of  Republicans  or  Democratic  Repub- 
licans, and  they  are  the  predecessors  of  the  present  Demo- 
crats. Both  parties  were,  of  course,  attached  to  Republican 
government  —  that  is  to  say,  were  alike  hostile  to  a  monarchy. 
But  the  Jeff^rsonians  had  more  faith  in  the  masses  and  in  leaving 
things  alone,  together  with  less  respect  for  authority,  so  that  in 
a  sort  of  general  way  one  may  say  that  while  one  party  claimed 
to  be  the  apostles  of  Liberty,  the  other  represented  the  prin- 
ciple of  Order. 

These  tentlencies  found  occasions  for  combating  one  another, 
not  only  in  foreign  policy  and  in  current  legislation,  but  also 
in  the  construction  and  application  of  the  Constitution.  Like 
all  docun^.ents,  and  especially  documents  which  have  been 
formed  by  a  series  of  compromises  between  opposite  views,  it 
was  and  is  susceptible  of  various  interpretations,  which  the 


cHAP^uii    POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND  THEIR  HISTORY       7 

acutcness  of  both  sets  of  partisans  was  busy  in  discovering  and 
expounding.  While  the  piercing  intellect  of  Hamilton  developed 
all  those  of  its  provisions  which  invested  the  Federal  Congress 
and  President  with  far-reaching  powers,  and  sought  to  build 
up  a  system  of  mstitutions  which  should  give  to  these  provisions 
their  full  effect,  Jefferson  and  his  coadjutors  appealed  to  the 
sentiment  of  individualism,  strong  in  the  masses  of  the  people 
and,  without  venturing  to  propose  alterations  in  the  text  of  the 
Constitution,  protested  against  all  extensions  of  its  letter,  and 
against  all  the  assumptions  of  Federal  authority  which  such  ex- 
tensions coukl  be  made  to  justify.  Thus  two  parties  grew  up 
with  tenets,  leaders,  impulses,  sympathies,  and  hatreds,  hatreds 
which  soon  i)ecaine  so  bitter  as  not  to  spare  the  noble  and  digni- 
fied figure  of  Washington  hims(>lf,  wliom  the  angry  Republicans 
assailed  with  invectives  the  more  unbecoming  because  his  official 
position  forbade  him  to  reply.' 

At  first  the  Federalists  had  the  best  of   it,  for  the  reaction 
against  the  weakness  of  the  old  (/onfetleration  which  the  Union 
had  supersedeil  ilisposed  sensible  men  to  tolerate  a  strong  central 
power.     The  President,  though  not  a  member  of  either  party 
^?^i^*'^  m"'"^^'  °^  ^''■ci"n«tiincc's,  as  well  as  owing  to  the  influence 
of  Hamilton,  practically  with  the  Federalists.     But  during  the 
presidency  of  John  Adams,  who  succeeded  Washington    they 
committed  grave  errors.     When  the  presidential  election  of  1800 
arrived,  it  was  seen  that  the  logical  and  oratorical  force  of  Hamil- 
ton s  appeals  to  the  reason  of  the  nation  told  far  less  than  the  skill 
and  energy  with  which  Jeff(>rson  played  on  their  feelings  and  prej- 
udices.    The  Repubhcans  triumphed  in  the  choice  of  their  chief 
who  retained  power  for  eight  years  (he  was  re-elected  in  1804)  to 
be  peaceably  succeeded  by  his  friend  Madison  for  another  eight 
years  (electeil  in  1808,  re-elected  in  1812),  and  his  disciple  Mon- 
roe for  eight  years  more  (elected  in  1816,  re-elected  in  18?0) 
TLeir  long-continued  tenure  of  office  was  due  not  so  much  to  their 
own  merits,  for  neither  Jefferson  nor  Madison  conducted  foreign 
affairs  with  success,   as  to  the  collapse  of  their  antagonists. 
Ihe  Federalists  never  recovered  from  the  blow  given  in  the 
election  of  1800.     They  lost  Hamilton  by  death  in  1804.     No 
other  leader  of  equal  gifts  appeaieil,  and  the  party,  which  had 
shown  httle  judgment   in  the  critical  years  1810-14,  finally 

»nrl^h  """"''"y  "'  ^^.^  tit'f  Y  *>"''  ''■°"  ^'■"'"  P""'!*''  Kratitude  a  few  years  Im;- 
ore.  he  waa  commonly  caUed  by  them  "Tho  stepfather  of  his  country." 


THK  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAKT    III 


I. 


disappears  from  sight  aftor  the  second   peace  with   England 
in  1815. 

One  cannot  note  the  disappearance  of  this  brilHant  figure, 
to  Europeans  the  most  interesting  in  the  earUer  history  of  the 
Repubhc,  without  the  remark  tliat  his  countrymen  seem  to 
have  never,  either  in  his  hfetime  or  afterwards,  duly  recog- 
nize(l  his  splendid  gifts.  Washington  is,  indeed,  a  far  more 
j)(  rfect  character.  Washington  stands  alone  and  unapproach- 
able, like  a  snow-peak  rising  al)ove  its  fellows  into  the  clear 
air  of  morning,  with  a  dignity,  constancy,  and  purity  which 
have  made  him  the  ideal  tyjx'  of  civic  virtue  to  succeeding  gener- 
ations. No  greater  benefit  could  have  befallen  the  Republic 
than  to  have  such  a  type  set  from  the  first  before  the  eye  and 
mind  of  the  people.  But  Hamilton,  of  a  virtue  not  so  flawless, 
touches  us  jnor(>  nearly,  not  only  by  the  romance  of  his  early  life 
and  his  tragic  deatli,  l)Ut  by  a  certain  ardour  and  impulsiveness, 
and  even  tenderness  of  soul,  joined  to  a  courage  equal  to  that  of 
Washington  himself.  Equally  apt  for  war  and  for  civil  govern- 
ment, with  a  profundity  and  amplitude  of  view  rare  in  practical 
soldiers  or  statesmen,  he  stands  in  the  front  rank  of  a  generation 
never  surpassed  in  history,  a  generation  which  includes  Burke 
and  Fox  and  Pitt  and  Orattan,  Stein  and  Hartleuberg  and  Wil- 
liam von  Humboldt,  Nelson,  Wellington  and  Napoleon.  Talley- 
rand, who  seems  to  have  felt  for  him  something  as  near  affection 
as  that  cold  heart  coidd  feel,  said,  after  knowing  all  the  famous 
men  of  the  time,  that  only  Fo.\  and  Napoleon  were  Hamilton's 
equals,  and  that  he  had  divined  Europe,  having  never  seen  it. 

This  jieriod  (1788  1824)  may  be  said  to  constitute  the  first 
act  in  the  drama  of  American  piiviy  history.  The  people,  accus- 
tomed hitherto  to  care  only  for  their  several  commonwealths, 
learn  to  value  ami  to  work  their  new  national  institutions.  They 
become  familiar  with  the  ('on.stitution  itself,  as  partners  get  to 
know,  when  disputes  arise  among  them,  the  provisions  of  the 
partnership  deed  under  which  their  business  has  to  be  carried  on. 
It  is  found  that  the  existence  of  a  central  Federal  power  does  not 
annihilate  the  States,  so  the  apprehensions  on  that  score  are 
allayed.  It  is  also  discovered  that  there  are  unforeseen  direc- 
tions, ^ucli  for  instance  as  questicms  relating  to  banking  and 
currency  and  internal  comnumications,  through  which  the 
Federal  power  can  strengthen  its  hold  on  the  nation.  Differ- 
ences of  view  and  fe('liii<>;  give  rise  to  parties,  yet  parties  are 


tiivp.  Liii    POLITICAL  PAHTIKS  AND  TIIKIll   IIISTOHY       «» 


formed  by  no  means  solely  on  the  basis  of  general  principles, 
but  owe  much  to  the  influence  of  prominent  personalities,  of 
transient  issues,  of  local  interests  or  prejudices.  The  small 
farmers  and  the  Southern  men  generally  follow  the  Republi- 
can standard  borne  aloft  by  the  Rreat  State  of  Xirginia, 
while  the  strength  of  Ihe  Federalists  lies  in  New  England  and 
the  middle  States,  led  sometimes  by  .>[assachus(>tts,  sometimes 
by  Pennsylvania.  The  commercial  interests  were  with  the 
Federalists,  as  was  als<j  the  staid  solid  Puritanism  of  all  classes, 
headed  by  the  clergy.  Some  one  indeed  has  described  the 
struggle  from  1790  to  1808  as  on(>  between  Jefferson,  w!io 
was  an  avowed  free-thinker,  and  the  \ew  England  ministers; 
and  no  doubt  the  ministers  of  religion  did  in  the  Puritan  States 
exert  a  ix)litical  influence  api)r<)aching  that  of  the  Presbyterian 
clergy  in  Scotland  during  the  seventeenth  century.  Jefferson's 
importance  lies  in  the  fact  that  he  became  the  representative 
not  merely  of  democracy,  but  of  local  d<>mocracy,  of  the  notion 
that  government  is  hardly  wanted  at  all,  that"  the  people  are 
sure  to  go  right  if  they  are  left  alone,  that  he  who  resists  authority 
is  prima  facie  justified  in  doing  so,  because  autliorit\-  is  prima 
facie  tyrannical,  that  a  country  wIktc  each  local  lunly  in  its  own 
local  area  looks  after  the  objects  of  cDinmon  conrern,  raising 
and  administering  any  such  funds  as  are  needed,  and  is  inter- 
fered with  as  little  as  possible  by  any  external  power,  comes 
nearest  to  the  ideal  of  a  truly  free  people.  Sonu>  interventioti 
on  the  part  of  the  State  there  must  be,  for  the  State 
makes  the  law  and  appoints  the  judges  of  appeal  ;  but  the 
l(\ss  one  has  to  flo  with  the  State,  and  a  fortiori  the  less  one 
has  to  do  with  the  still  less  popular  an<l  more  encroaching 
Federal  authority,  so  much  the  better.  Jefferson  impressed  this 
view  on  his  countrymen  with  so  much  force  and  such  personal 
faith  that  he  became  a  sort  of  patron  saint  of  freedom  in  the 
eyes  of  the  next  generation,  who  used  to  name  their  children 
after  him.i  and  to  give  dinners  and  deliver  high-flown  speeches 
on  his  birthday,  a  festival  only  second  in  importance  to  the  im- 
mortal Fourth  of  July.  He  had  borrow(>(l  from  the  Revolution- 
ists of  France  even  their  theatrical  ostentation  of  simplicity. 

>  It  is  related  of  a  Now  Encland  rlorcynian  that  when.  Iu'Iiib  alH)ut  to  hap- 
tize  a  child,  hp  asked  the  father  the  child's  name,  and  the  father  replied;  •'  Thomas 
Jefferson,"  he  answen^d  in  a  loud  voire.  'Xo  sueh  uiirhiistian  name-  ,Iohn 
Adams,  I  baptize  thee,"  with  the  other  .saeramental  v\r)rd.i  of  the  rite. 


10 


THE  PARTY  8Y8TKM 


PART   III 


He  rejoctt'd  the  fcrt'inonial  with  which  Wusiiingtoit  hail  huh- 
taiiied  the  ehief  mu}i;i«truey  of  the  imtiuii,  decluiin}?  that  to  him 
there  was  no  majesty  hut  that  of  the  i)et)i)le. 

As  New  KiiKiand  was,  by  its  system  of  loeai  self-gov«'rnment 
through  the  town  meeting,  as  well  as  by  the  absence  of  slavery, 
in  some  respects  the  must  (h'mocratic  part  of  the  I'nited  States, 
it  may  seem  surprising  that  it  should  have  been  a  stronghold 
of  the  Federalists.  The  reason  is  to  be  found  partly  in  its 
Puritanism,  which  revolted  at  the  deism  or  atheism  of  the  French 
revolutionists,  partly  in  the  interests  of  its  shipowners  and 
merchants,  who  desired  above  all  things  a  central  government 
which,  while  strong  enough  to  make  and  carry  out  treaties  with 
England  and  so  secure  tlu'  development  of  American  commerce, 
should  b(;  able  also  to  reform  t\w  currency  of  the  eountry  and 
institute  a  natioiuil  banking  system.  Industrial  as  well  as  ter- 
ritorial inten^sts  W(>re  already  begiiming  to  influence  politics. 
That  the  m(>rcantile  and  manufacturing  clas.ses,  with  all  the  ad- 
vantages given  them  by  their  wealth,  their  intelligence,  and  their 
hal)its  of  co-(»j)eration,  .should  have  l)een  vantiuished  by  the 
agricultural  masses,  may  be  ascribed  partly  to  the  fact  that  tho 
democrati(  impulse  of  the  War  of  Independence  was  strong  among 
the  citizens  who  had  grown  to  manhood  between  1780  and  1800, 
partly  to  the  tactical  errors  of  tho  Federalist  leaders,  but  largely 
also  to  the  skill  which  JefTerson  showed  in  organizing  the  hitherto 
undisciplined  battalions  of  Republican  voters.  Thus  early  in 
American  history  was  the  secret  revealed,  which  Europe  is 
only  now  discovering,  that  in  free  countries  with  an  extended 
suffrage,  numbers  without  organization  are  helpless  and  with  it 
omnipotent. 

I  have  ventured  to  dwell  on  this  first  period,  because  being  the 
first  it  shows  the  origin  of  tendencies  which  were  to  govern  the 
sub.sequent  course  of  i)arty  strife.  But  as  I  am  not  Avriting  a 
history  of  the  United  States  I  pass  by  the  particular  issues  over 
which  the  two  parties  wrangletl,  most  of  them  long  since  extinct. 
One  remark  is  however  needed  as  to  the  view  which  each  took 
of  the  Constitution.  Although  the  Federalists  were  in  general 
the  advocates  of  a  loose  and  liberal  construction  of  the  funda- 
mental instrument,  becau-e  such  a  constnu'tion  opened  a  \\-idcr 
sphere  to  PVderal  power,  they  were  ready,  whenever  their  local 
interests  stood  in  the  way,  to  resist  Congress  and  the  Executive, 
alleging  that  the  latter  were  overstepping  their  jurisdiction.     In 


CHAP,  tin    POLITICAL   I'ARTIFS  AND  THKIIl  MIHTOUV      11 


1814  several  of  the  \,.w  KiiKlarid  States.  wl,,.re  the  (.pposition 
to  the  war  then  iH-iriK  waRed  wifli  IjirIu.kI  was  stn.UKest  sent 
(leleKutestoaeonventioii  at  Hartford,  whirh,  while  diseiisHiiK  the 
l)e.st  means  for  puttinK  a„  ,.,„i  t,,  tj,,.  war  and  re.strictinK  the 
powers  of  Confrress  in  e(,tiiniercittl  legislation,  was  suspected  of 
inothtatuiK  a  seeessif.n  ot  the  trading  States  from  the  I'nion 
(Jn  the  other  hand,  the  Repuhlieans  di<i  not  hesitate  to  streteh 
to  their  utmost,  when  they  were  theriiselv(>s  in  power,  all  the 
authority  which  the  ("onstitntion  could  l)e  construed  to  allow 
to  the  Kxet'Utive  and  the  Federal  government  g'^nerally  The 
boldest  step  which  a  i)resident  has  ever  taken,  the  jiurchase 
from  Nai)oleon  of  the  vast  territories  of  I'rance  west  of  the 
Mississippi  ft-hich  went  hy  the  name  of  Louisiana,  was  taken 
by  Jefferson  without  the  authority  of  ( 'onKress.  ( 'on>fress  suIh 
sequently  Rave  its  sanction.  Hut  Jederson  and  manv  of  his 
fnends  held  that  under  the  ( '<-  titution  even  ( 'ouKress'^had  not 
the  power  to  acquire  new  t  )ries  to  be  formed  into  States 

They  were  therefore  in  the  diK  una  of  either  violating  the  f  -.- 
atitution  or  losing  a  Rolden  opix.rtimity  of  securing  the  Kei)u, 
against  the  growth  on  its  western  frontier  uf  a  jjowerful  and 
possibly  hostile  foreign  State.  Some  of  them  trJ.'d  to  refute  their 
former  arguments  against  a  lax  construction  of  ilie  (  onstitution, 
but  many  others  avowed  the  dangerous  doctrine  that  if  Louisi- 
ana could  be  brought  in  only  by  bn>aking  down  the  walls  of  the 
Constitution,  broken  they  must  be.' 

The  disappearance  of  th(>  Federal  party  between  1815  and 
1820  left  th(  Kepui'licans  masters  of  the  field.  But  in  the 
United  States  if  old  parties  vanisli,  nature  (luickly  produces  new 
ones.  Sectional  divisions  soon  arose  among  the  men  who  joined 
m  electing  Monroe  in  1820.  and  under  the  influ(-nceof  the  personal 
hostility  of  Henry  day  and  Andnnv  Jackson  (chosen  Presi- 
dent m  1828),  two  great  parties  were  again  formed  (about  1830) 
which  .some  few  years  later  absorbed  the  minor  groups.  One 
of  these  two  parties  carried  on,  under  the  name  of  Democrats 
the  dogmas  and  traditions  of  the  Jeffersonian  Republicans.  It 
was  the  defentler  of  State  rights  and  of  a  restrictive  construc- 

'It  is  now  Koiu-rall.v   held   thnt   tlic  Coiistit.ition  dors   iMTiiiit   the   Fod.Tal 
Kovcrnmont  to  a.',,uin.  tbo  n.-w  trrritory,  -wul  (\,nirrps-,  to  form  States  out  of 

sPoin„  r*'  •  .•        I'f'l;'-"''^*  I'-i"!'!-^  "-armly  opposed  tho  pur.-haso.  but  the  far- 
icmnK  patriotism  of  Hamilton  dcfiiidid  it. 

See  upon  this  suhjoct  the  s,,-,Mlle,l    Insular  Cases.  1900-1001,  1S>  U  S  Re- 
ports, pp.  222,  244.  and  540,  and  ls.i  U.  8.  Rep<.rts.  p    151. 


12 


THK   PAIITV  SVHTKM 


PAKT    III 


\ 


tiuii  of  the  ('i)iiiHtitutioii  ;  it  Iraiit  iiiaiiily  un  the  South  uixl  tho 
farmiiiK  flu«H!'«  m'lHTully,  uml  it  wus  tlicrrfor   incliiUMl  t«)  frw 
traiU'.     riif  otlitT HC'ctiou,  which  culled  itwlf  at  t  -it  the  National 
Ue})ui)lican,  ultimately  the  Whin  party,  represent  -d  many  o!  the 
views  of  the  former  Ketlerulists,  such  as  their  advocacy  of  a 
tariff  for  the  protection  of  munufuctures,  and  of  the  exjx'nditure 
of  j)ul>li('  money  on  internal  improvements.     It  was  willinn  to 
increase  the  army  and  navy,  and  like  the  Fed«ralists  found  its 
chief,  IhouKh  hy  no  means  its  sole,  supimrt  in  the  commercial  and 
manufacturing  parts  of  the  country,  that   is  to  say,  in   New 
Kn^land  and  the  nuddle  States.     Meantin.e  a  new  question 
far  more  exciting,  far  more  menacinR,  had  arisen.     In   1819, 
when  .Missouri  applied  to  l)e  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  State, 
a  sharp  contest  broke  out  in  ConRress  as  to  whether  slavery 
should  l)e  permitted  within  her  limits,  nearly  all  the  Northern 
members  votins  URainst  slavery,  nearly  all  the  Southern  members 
for  it.     The  struRfrle  miRht  have  threatened  the  .stability  of  the 
Union  but  for  the  compromise  adopted  next  year,  which,  whil»f 
admittiuR  slavery  in  Missouri,  forbade  it  for  the  future  north  of 
lat.  30"  30'.     The  danger  seemed  to  have  pas.sed,  but  in  its  very 
suddenness  there  had  been  something  terrible.     Jefferson,  then 
oyer  .seventy,  said  that  it  .startled  him  "like  a  fire-bell  in  the 
night."     .After  1840  things  grew  more  serious,  for  whereas  up 
till   that   time    new  States   had   l)een  admitted   substantially 
in  pairs,  a  slave  State  balancing  a  free  State,  it  began  to  be  clear 
that  this  nmst  shortly  cease,  since  the  remaining  territory  out  of 
which  new  States  could  be  formed  lay  north  of  the  line  36°  30'. 
As  every  State  held  two  seats  in  the  Senate,  the  then  existing 
balance  in  that  chamber  between  slave  States  anil  free  States, 
would  evidently  soon  l)e  t)verset  by  the  admis.sion  of  a  larger 
number  of  the  latter.     The  api)rehension  of  this  event,  with 
its  probable  result  of  legislation  unfriendly  to  slavery,  .stinui- 
lated  the  South  to  the  i  mexation  of  Texas,  and  the  war  with 
Me.dco  which  led  to  further  annexations,  and  made  them  in- 
creasingly sensiti\c  to  the  growth,  slow  as  that  gro^vth  wa.<, 
of  Abolitionist  opinions  at  the  North.     The  question  of  the 
extension  of  slavery  west  of  the  Mis.souri  river  hati  become 
by  18")U  the  vital  and  absorbing  question  for  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  anil  as  in  that  year  California,  having  organized 
lierself  \\'ithout  slavery,  was  knocking  at  the  doors  of  Congress 
for  admission  as  a  State,  it  had  become  an  urgent  question  which 


CHAP.  Liii    POLITICAL  PARTIKH  AND  THKIR  HISTORY      13 


evokwl  thf  huUi'Hi  pussioiiH,  and  tli.-  victors  in  which  would  Iw 
victor«  all  aloiiR  the  line.     Hut  neither  of  the  two  Krcat  fmrtii's 
ventured  to  conunit  itself  either  way.     The  Southern  Democrats 
'le-sitated  to  break  with  those  Democrats  of  the  Northern  States 
.vho  souKht  t.)  restrict  slavery.     The  WImrs  of  the  \(.rth,  feariuK 
to  ahei.ate  their  Southern  allies  l,y  any  (le,i,|e,|  action  against 
the  KrowuiK  pretensions  of  the  slave-holders,  teinpori/ed  and 
8UKKe.st«><l  conipronii.ses  which  practically  served  the  cau.se  of 
slavery.     Anxious  to  save-  at  all  hazards  the  Inioi,  as  i   had  hith- 
erto stoixl,  they  did  not  jMTceive  that  ehannes  of  cir  lunstances 
ami  fcH-liuK  were  niakiuK  this  effort  a  hoiM'l.<ss  one,  and  that  in 
trymR  to  keep  their  party  together  they  were  losing  hold  of  the 
IH'ople,  and  alienatinjj  from  them.-^elvcs  the  nii-n  wh<.  cared  for 
principle  in  politics.     That  this  was  so  i)resentlv  appeared      The 
Democratic  party  ha<l  hy  1k:)2  pa.s.sed  almo.st  ((.mph.tely  mider 
the  control  of  the  slave-holders,  and  was  adojjtiuK  the'doRUia 
that  C'onjjre.ss  enjoyed  under  the  ('on.stitution  no  power  to  pro- 
hibit slavery  in  the  territories.     This  dopma  obviously  over- 
threw as  uncon.stitiitional  the  Ali.ssouri  compromi.se  oV  1820. 
The  Whig  leaders  (li.scredit(>d  themselves  by  Henry  Clay's  com- 
promise .scheme  of  IF.iO,  which,  while  admittiuK" California  as 
a  free  State,  apiM>a.s<>d  the  South  by  the  FuRitix-e  Slave  Law. 
They  received  a  crushinR  defeat  at  the  jm-sidential  election  of 
1852;  and  what  remained  of  their  party  Hnally  broke  in  pieces 
in  1854  over  the  bill  for  orRanizinR  Kansas  as  a  territory  in  which 
the  question  of  .slaves  or  no  slaves  should  be  left  to  the  i)eople, 
a  bill  which  e.\pres.s|y  rej)(>aled  the  Mis.souri  compromise.     Sin- 
gularly enough,  the  two  great  orators  of  the  partv,  Henry  Clay 
and  Daniel  Webster,  both  died  in  1S52.  wearie.!  with  .strife  anil 
disappointed  in  their  aml>ition  of  reaching  the  presidential  chair. 
Together  with  Calhoun,  who  pa.ssed  away  two  vears  earli(>r. 
Ihey  are  the  ornaments  of  their  generation'  not  iii'"le(>d  rising  to 
the  stature  of  Wa.shington  or  Hamilton,  but  m<     >  n-markable 
than  any,  save  one,  among  the  statesmen  who  1  -llowed  them. 
With  them  ends  the  second  period  in  the  annals  of  American 
parties,  which,  extending  from  about  1S2()  to  1S.')C..  includes  the 
ri.se  and  fall  of  the  Whig  party.     ]M(.st  of  the  controversies  which 
filled  it  have  become  matt(>r  for  history  only.     Hut  thre(>  large 
results,  besides  the  general  democratization  of  politics,  stand  out. 
Ono  is  the  detachment  of  the  United  States  from  the  affairs  of 
ihc  Old  World.     Another  i.-^  the  growth  of  a  sense  of  national  life, 


14 


THE  PART.'  SYSTEM 


PABT  III 


f, 
i 


especially  in  the  Northern  and  Western  States,  along  with  the 
growth  at  the  same  time  of  a  secessionist  spirit  among  the 
slave-holders.  And  the  third  is  the  development  of  the  complex 
machinerj'  of  party  organization,  with  the  adoption  of  the 
principle  on  which  that  machinery  so  largely  rests,  that  pubUc 
office  is  to  be  enjoyed  only  by  the  adherents  of  the  President  for 
the  time  being. 

The  Whig  party  having  Utgun  to  fall  to  pieces,  the  Democrats 
seemed  to  be  for  the  moment,  as  they  had  l)een  once  before,  left 
in  possession  of  the  field.  Fiut  this  time  a  new  antagonist  was 
swift  to  appear.  The  growing  boldness  of  the  slave-owners  had 
already  alarmed  the  Northern  people  when  they  were  startled 
by  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  pronounced  early  in  1857  in 
the  case  of  the  slave  Dred  Scott,  which  laid  down  the  doctrine 
that  Congress  had  no  po.ver  to  forbid  slavery  anywhere,  and  that 
a  slave-holder  might  carry  his  slaves  with  him  whither  he  pleased, 
seeing  that  they  were  mere  objects  of  properly,  whose  posses- 
sion the  Constitution  guaranteed.'  This  completed  the  for- 
mation out  of  the  wrecks  of  the  Whigs  and  Know-nothings, 
or  "American  party,"  together  with  tlie  Free  Soilers  and 
"  liberty  "  party,  of  a  new  party,  which  in  18.')6  had  run  Fremont 
as  its  presidential  candidate  and  taken  the  name  of  Republican. 
At  the  .same  time  an  apple  of  discord  was  thrown  among  the 
Democrats.  In  1860  the  latter  could  not  agree  upon  a  candidate 
for  President.  The  Southern  wing  pleilged  themselves  to  one 
man,  the  Northerii  wing  to  another  ;  a  body  of  hesitating  and 
•semi-detached  politicians  put  forward  a  third.  Thus  the  Repub- 
licans through  the  divisions  of  their  opponents  triumphed  in  the 
election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  presently  followed  by  the  secession 
of  eleven  slave  States. 

The  Republican  party,  which  had  started  by  proclaiming  the 
right  of  Congress  to  restrict  slavery  and  had  subseciuently  de- 
nounced the  Dred  Scott  decision,  was  of  course  throughout  the 
Civil  War  tlie  defender  of  the  Union  and  the  assertor  of  Federal 
authority,  stretched,  as  was  unavoidable,  to  lengths  previously 
unheard  of.  When  the  war  was  over,  there  came  the  difficult 
task  of  reconstructing  th"  now  reconquered  slave  States,  and  of 
securing  the  position  in  tlu'tn  of  the  lately  hberalvxl  negroes. 
The  outrages  iH-rpctrated  on  the  iatttr,  and  on  white  settlers  in 

'  This  hroMil  ildi'triiic  was  not  necessary  for  the  (Iccisioti  of  the  case,  but 
di'livcrcd  as  an  ohilcr  dictum  by  the  majority  of  tlic  court. 


^""""l""    POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND  THEIR  HISTORY      15 

some  parts  of  the  So.ith,  roquiml  further  exertions  of  Federal 
authority,  and  made  the  question  of  the  limit  of  that  authority 
.      ^^P';^^*'''^'  »n^'   f«'-    the  old    Democratie  party,  almost 
silenced  durmg  the  war,  had  now  reappeared   in  full  force  as 
the  advocate  of  State  rights,  and  the  watchful  critic  of  any  undue 
stretches  of  I'e.leral  authority.     It  was  deemed   necessary  to 
negative  the  Dred  Scott  d.-cision  and  set  at  rest  all  questions 
relating  to  slavery  and  to  the  political  e(,uality  of  the  races  by 
the  adoption  of  three  important  amendments  to  the  Constitution. 
The  troubles  of  the  South  slowly  settled  down  as  the  South- 
ern whites  regained  possession  of  the  State  governments  and 
the  Aorthern  trooi)s  began  to  be  withdrawn.      In  the  nresi- 
dentml  election  of  1876  th,>  war  question  and  negro  question 
had  become  dead  issues,   for  it   was  plain  that  a  large  and 
increasing  number  of  the  voters  were  no  longer,  despite  the 
appeals  of  the  Kepublican  leaders,  seriously  concerned  about 

This  election  marks  the  close  of  the  third  period,  which  em- 
braces the  rise  and  overxvhelming  predominance  of  the  Republi- 
can party.      Forinivl  to  resist  the  extension  of  slavery,  led  on  to 
destroy  it,  compelled  by  circumstances  to  expand  the  central 
authority  in  a  way  unthought  of  before,  that  partv  had  now 
worked  out  its  programme  and  fulfilled  its  original   mission. 
Itie  old  aims  were  accomplished,  but  new  ones  had  not  vet  been 
substituted,  for  though  new  problems  had  appeared,  the  partv 
was  not  prepared  with   solutions.     Similarlv  the  Democratize 
party  had  discharged  its  mission  in  defending  the  rights  of  the 
reconstructed  States,  and  criticising  excesses  of  executive  power  • 
similarly  it  too  had  refuscnl  to  grapple  either  with  the  fresh  ques- 
tions which  had  begun  to  arise  since  the  war.  or  with  tho.se  older 
questions  which  had  now  reappeared  above  the  subsiding  flood 
of  war  day.s.     The  old  parties  still  stood  as  organizations,  and 
Ptili  claimed  to  Ije  the  exponents  of  principlcvs.     Their  respective 
principles  had,  however,  little  direct  application  to  the  questions 
which  confronted  and  divid(>d  the  nation.     A  new  era  was  open- 
ing which  called  either  for  the  exolution  of  new  parties,  or  for  the 
transformation  of  the  old  ones  by  the  adoption  of  tenets  anrl 
the  advocacy  of  views  suited  to  the  needs  nf  the  time      But  this 
fourth  period,  which  began  with  1876,  has  not  yet  seen  such  a 
transformation,  and  we  shall  therefore  find,  when  we  come  to 
examine  the  existing  state  of  parties,  that  there  is  an  unreality  and 


TllK  PARTY  SYSTKM 


PART  in 


i 


! 


IG 

l^k  of  vital  forco  in  lu.tli  Il.-pul.liruus  :i.ul  Dt'inocruts,  powerful 
'IS  thi'ir  oriiauizat  ions  tiro.  i  •   •   „ 

mJ  foregoing  sketch,  given  only  for  the  sake  of  ^^Pl^"^";^ 
the  present  condition  of  parties,  suggests  some  observations 
on  the  foundations  of  party  m  America. 

I    ve  look  ovcT  Europe,  we  shall  find  that  the  grounds  on  which 
pa    ilLc-  been  built  and  contests  waged  since  the  beginning 
L  governments  have  t>een  in  substance  but  few.     In  the 
U  ,it> Of  ri<-h  and  poor,  or  of  capital  and  labour,  m  the  fears  o 
he  Haves  and  the  desin.  of  the  Have-nots,  we  perceive    le 
,„ost  fn.,uent  grom.d,  though  it  is  often  chsgmsed  as  a  dispute 
Tout  the  (-xtcmsion  of  the  suffrage  or  some  other  civic  riglu. 
Questions  relating  to  the  tenure  of  land  have  played  a  large  part , 
so  have  duestions  of  religion  ;  so  too  have  animosities  or  jealous- 
ies of  race ;  and  of  course  the  form  of  government,  whether  it 
shall  be  a  monarchy  or  a  republic,  has  sometimes  been  mchspute. 
^^.  of  these  grounds  of  ciuarrel  substantially  aflfected  Americ^an 
parties  during  the  three  periods  we  have  been  examming    ^o 
'one  has  ever  advocated  monar.hj^  or  a  restricted  suffrage  or  a 
unified  instead  of  a  Federal  republic,     ^or  down  to  18. b  was 
U.ere  ever  any  partv  which  could  promise  more  to  the  poor  than 
its  opponents.     In  ^1852  the  Know-nothing  party  came  forward 
as  the  organ  of  native  American  opinion  against  recent  immi- 
grants, then  still  chiefly  the  Irish  (though  German  immigration 
hul  begun  to  swell  from  1849  onwards),  and  the  not  unnatural 
tendency  to  resent  the  power  of  foreign-lK)ni  voters  has  some- 
times since  appeared  in  various  parts  of  the  country.    But  as  this 
'  -Vmerican'  party,  for  a  time  powerful  by  the  absorption  of  many 
of  the  Whigs,  failed  to  face  the  problem  of  slavery,  and  roused 
jealousy  by  its  secret  organization,  it  soon  passed  away  though 
it  deserves  to  be  remembered  as  a  force  disintegrating  the  then 
existing  parties.     The  complete  equality  of  all  sects,  with  the 
perfect  n-utrality  of  the  government  in  religious  matters   has 
fortunately  kept  religious  passion  outside  the  sphere  of  politics. 
The  .Milv  exceptions  to  be  noted  are  the  occasionally  recurring 
(thougii' latterly  less  vehement)  outbreaks  of  hostility  to  the 
Roman  Catholic   Church.     Nor  would  these  outbreaks  have 
attained  political  importance  but  for  the  strength  added  to  theni 
bv  the  feeling  of  the  native  against  the  foreigner.     Ihey  have 
been  most  serious  at  times  when  and  in  i)laces  where  there  has 
been  an  influx  of  immigrants  from  Europe  large  enough  to  seem 


(HAr.  Mil     POMTICAL  PARTIKS  AND  THEIIl  HISTORY      17 


to  Ihreatt'ii  the  dominanct'  of  Anu'ricaii  ideas  and  the  permanence 
of  Anieric-au  institutions. 

Have  the  American  parties  then  boon  formed  only  upon  nar- 
row and  local  bases,  have  they  contended  for  transient  objects, 
and  can  no  deeper  historical  meaninj?,  no  longer  historical  con- 
tinuity, bo  claimed  for  them  ? 

Two  permanent  oppositions  may,  I  think,  bo  discerned  running 
through  the  history  of  the  j)arties,  sometimes  openly  recognized, 
.sometimes  concealed  by  th<'  urgency  of  a  transitory  <iuestion. 
One  of  these  is  the  opposition  between  a  centralized  or  unitary 
and  a  federalized  government.  In  every  country  there  are  centrif- 
ugal and  centripetal  forces  at  work,  the  one  or  the  other  of  which 
is  for  the  moment  the  stronger.  There  has  seldom  been  a  coun- 
try in  which  somet'ung  might  not  have  been  gained,  in  the  way 
of  good  a(hninistration  and  defensive  strength,  by  a  greater 
concent  rat  itjn  of  power  in  the  hands  of  the  central  government, 
enabling  it  to  do  things  whi'  )cal  bo(Ues,  or  a  more  restricted 
central  government,  could  iioi  do  equally  cheaply  or  well. 
Against  this  gain  there  is  always  to  be  set  the  danger  that  such 
concentration  may  weaken  the  vitality  of  local  communities 
and  authorities,  anil  may  enable  the  central  power  to  stunt  their 
development.  Sometin  es  needs  of  the  former  kind  are  more 
urgent,  or  the  sentiment  of  the  people  tends  to  magnify  them ; 
sometimes  again  the  centrifugal  forces  obtain  the  upper  hand. 
English  history  shows  several  such  alternations.  But  in  America 
the  Federal  form  of  government  has  made  this  permanent  and 
natural  opposition  specially  consj)icuous.  The  salient  feature 
of  the  Constitution  is  the  effort  it  inakes  to  establish  an  equipoise 
between  the  forc(»  which  would  carrj'  the  jilanot  States  off  into 
space  and  the  force  which  would  draw  them  into  th(^  sun  of  the 
National  government.  There  have  always  therefore  been  minds 
inclined  totakesidosuponthis  fundatnental  (iuestion,and  a  party 
has  always  had  sometliiug  definite  and  weighty  to  appeal  to  when 
it  claims  to  represent  either  the  autonomy  of  comnmnities  on  the 
one  hand,  or  the  majesty  and  ))en(>ficent  activity  of  the  National 
goviTiunont  on  the  other.  The  former  has  been  the  watchword 
of  the  Democratic  party.  The  latter  was  seldom  distinctly 
avowed,  but  was  g(>nerally  in  fact  represented  by  the  Federalists 
of  the  first  period,  the  Whigs  of  the  second,  the  Republicans  of 
the  third. 

The  other  opposition,  though  it  goes  deeper  and  is  more  per- 


18 


THK  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


M 

I 
I 

i 


vasive,  has  boon  loss  cloarly  marked  in  Amorica,  and  less  con- 
sciously admitted  by  tlio  Anx'ricuns  thomselvos.     It  is  the  op- 
position between  the  tendency  which  makes  some  men  prize 
the  freedom  of  the  individual  as  the  first  of  social  goods,  and  that 
which  disposes  others  to  insist  on  chocking  and  regulating  his 
impulses.     The  opi)ositi(>n  of  these  two  tendencies,  the  love  of 
liberty  and  the  lu\  e  of  order,  is  permanent  and  nec(>ssary,  lx>cause 
it  springs  from  diiTerences  in  the  intellect  and  feelings  of  men 
which  one  finds  in  all  countries  and  at  all  epochs.     There  are 
always  persons  who  an^  struck  by  the  weakness  of  mankind, 
by  their  folly,  their  passion,  their  selfit-hnoss  ;  and  these  persons, 
distrusting  the  a(;tioa  of  average  human  beings,  wU  always  wish 
to  see  them  guided  by  wise  hoatls  and  restrainr  '  by  strong  hands. 
Such  guidance  seems  the  best  means  of  progri-<s,  such  restraint 
the  only  means  of  security.     Those  on  the  othc  r  hand  who  think 
better  of  human  nature,  and  have  more  hope  in  tiioir  own  tempers, 
hold  the  impulses  of  the  average  man  to  be  generally  towards 
justice  and  peace.     They  have  faith  in  tlie  power  of  reason  to 
conquer  ignorance,  and  of   generosity  to  overbear  selfishness. 
They  are  therefore  disposed  t'^  leave  the  individual  alone,  and  to 
entrust  the  masses  \vith  power.     Every  sensible  man  feels  in 
himself  the  struggle  between  these  two  tendencies,  and  is  on  his 
guard  not  to  yield  wholly  to  eitlier,  because  the  one  degenerates 
into  tyranny,  tiie  other  into  an  anarchy  out  of  which  tyranny  will 
eventually  spring.     The  wisest  statesman  is  he  who  best  holds 
the  balance  between  them. 

Each  of  these  tendencies  found  among  the  fathers  of  the 
American  Rei)ul)lic  a  brilliant  and  characteristic  representative. 
Hamilton,  who  had  a  low  opinion  of  mankind,  but  a  gift  and  a 
passion  for  large  constructive  statosmanshi]),  went  so  far  in  his 
advocacy  of  a  strong  government  as  to  be  susi)octed  of  wishing 
to  establish  a  monarchy  after  the  Britisli  pattern.  He  has  left 
-n  record  his  opinion  that  the  free  ('('istitution  of  England, 
whi-'h  he  admired  in  spite  of  the  faults  h(>  clearly  saw,  could  not 
be  worked  without  its  corruptions.'  Jeif(>rson  carried  further 
than  any  other  person  set  in  an  ecpially  respon;;ii>K  {lace  has 
ever  done,  his  faith  that  government  is  either  needless  or  an 
evil,  and  that  with  <nough  lil>erty,  everything  will  go  well.  An 
insurrection  every  few  years,  l.e  said,  nmst  be  looked  foi,  and 

1  David  lUinii'  Imd  iiiadf  the  s;imc  r'niark,  natural  ut  u  tinit-  when  the  power 
of  Parliamtnt  was  little  checked  by  responsibility  to  the  people. 


f 


ciiAP.  Liii    POLITK-AL  1»ATITIES  AND  THKIIl   HISTORY      19 

3ven  (losiml,  to  keep  Rovernmcnt  in  order.  The  Jeffersonian 
cc'iidency  lon.o:  mnai.H-d,  liko  a  loavcn,  in  the  Democratic  party 
chough  Hi  applyn.K  Jehersouian  doctrines  the  slave-holders 
stopi)e(l  when  they  came  to  a  black  skin.  Among  the  Federalists 
and  their  successors  the  \\higs,  and  the  more  recent  Republicans' 
tlu  re  has  never  been  wanting  a  full  faith  in  the  ,)ower  of  freedom! 
1  he  Kepubhcans  gave  an  amazing  proof  of  it  when  they  bestowed 
thesuhrageonthenegnK-s.  Xeitherthey  nor  any  American  party 
has  ever  profess.-d  itself  the  chan-pion  of  authority  and  order. 
1  liat  ^youl(l  be  a  damaging  i.rofessi;.n.  Nevertheless,  it  is  rather 
towards  what  I  may  j)erhai)s  ven.ure  to  call  the  Federalist -\Mue- 
Kepubhcan  party  than  towards  the  Democrats  that  those  who 
have  valued  the  i,rinciple  of  authority  have  be(>n  generally 
drawn.  It  ,s  for  that  j.arty  that  the  Puritan  spirit,  once  power- 
ful m  America  felt  the  greater  affinity,  for  this  spirit,  having 
realized  the  smfuln.-ss  of  lanuan  nature,  is  inclined  to  train  and 
control  the  natural  man  by  laws  and  force. 

The  tendency  that  makes  for  a  strong  government  being  akin 

iru      T>       V" .'  '"''''''"  '"'•'■  ''  ''''"^'■«'  government,  the  Federalist- 
^\hIg-Repubhcan  party,  which  has,  through  its  long  history 
and  under  its  varying  forms  and  names,  been  the  advocate  of 

he  national  principle,  fo.md  itself  for  this  reason  also  led,  more 
fre(,uently  than  the  Democrats,  to  (..xalt  the  rights  and  powers  of 
government.     It  might  be  thought  that  the  same  cause  would 
have  ma<le  the  Hepubiican  ,,arty  take  sides  in  that  profound 
opposition  wh.<h  w(>  perceive  to-dny  in  all  civilized  peoples 
between  the  f.ndency  to  (.nlarg,>  the  sphere  of  legislation  and 
State  action,  and  the  doctrine  of  hnssez  Jairc.     So  far,  however 
this  has  not  happene,!.     There  n.ay  seem  t..  be  more  in  the 
charact(T  and  t<>mper  of  the  I?..i,ublicans  than  of  the  Democrats 
that  leans  towards  Stat.>  interfeivnce.     But  when  the  question 
anses^m  a  concrete  instan.-e  n.Mther  party  is  much  more  likelv 

han  the  other  to  oppo.se  such  int.Tf(>ren<-e.  F.'deral  control  has 
been  more  frequently  a.ul  furtluT  extended  through  legislation 
pa.ssed  by  hep.ibhcan Congresses.  H„t  that  has  hai)pened  largr-lv 
iHvause  the  Republicans  have,  since  fheC  nil  AVai  '  .ss,>.<,.dma- 
.jorities  much  more  often  than  have  the  Dem<.<Tats,'s.,  that  when 
the  nee(l  for  legislation  arose,  it  fell  to  the  former  in  p.e.f  t},.,. 
i'<'«-d.  N.Mther  i)arty  has  thought  out  the  subject  in  its  .au.erd 
'"^arings  ;  neither  has  .hown  any  mo.v  dehuitene.ss  of  policv  re- 
garding ,t  than  t  he  Tories  and  t  h<>  Liberals  have  done  in  England 


20 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART    III 


I 


American  students  of  history  may  think  that  I  have  pressed 
the  antithesis  of  liberty  and  authority,  as  well  as  that  of  tciitrif- 
ugal  and  centripetal  tendenci-s,  somewhat  too  far  in  makinR 
one  party  a  representative  of  each  through  the  first  century  of 
the  Republic.  I  do  not  deny  that  at  particular  moments  the 
party  which  was  usually  disposed  towards  a  strong  government 
resisted  and  decried  authority,  while  the  party  which  specially 
professed  itself  the  advocate  of  liberty  sought  to  make  authority 
more  stringent.  Such  deviations  aro  how(>vor  compatible"  witli 
the  general  tendencies  I  have  described.  And  no  one  who  has 
gained  even  a  slight  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  United 
States  will  fall  into  the  error  of  supposing  that  the  words  Order 
and  Authority  mean  there  what  they  have  meant  in  the  mon- 
archies of  Continental  Europe. 


CHAPTER   LTV 

THK    PAHTIKS   OF  TO-I)AV 

r^rflT  ""'n/''''  ^'■•'^^  '""'  ^'■^■<'''^1  ""■"^"'  Partios  in  the 
ImiU'il  >S hit.'s  Ilu.  Kirut  parties  are  the  Hepubheans  and  the 
DeuHMTats.  ^V}K,t  me  their  principles,  their  flistinetive  tenets 
the.r  teiulennes  .'  Which  of  then,  is  f„r  tariff  reform,  for  the 
further  extensio.i  of  ,.ivii  service  n.forn,.  for  a  spirited  foreign 
pohcy  for  the  regniat.on  of  railroads  and  telegraphs  l,v  legis- 
lation, for  changes  w  the  currency,  for  any  other  of  the  twenty 
issues  which  one  hears  .lis.-nssed  in  the  country  as  seriously  in- 
volving its  welfare  ?  ^ 

This  is  what  a  European  is  always  asking  of  intelligent 
Republicans  and  intelligent  Deino<-rats.  He  is  always  asking 
bocause  he  never  gets  an  answer.  The  replies  leave  him  in  deepef 
perplexity      After  some  months  the  truth  begins  to  dawn  Zn 

n.  ^elther  party  has,  as  a  party,  anything  definite  to  ^y 
(1  these  issues  ;  neither  party  has  any  clean-cut  principles,  anv 
d  stinctive  tenets.  Both  have  traditions.  Both  claim  to  have 
emlencHss.  Both  have  certainly  war  c-ric-s.  organizations,  inter- 
ns, enlisted  ,n  the.r  support.  Bu.  those  interests  are  in  the 
mam  th(.  inten^ts  of  getting  or  keeping  the  patronage  of  the 
government  Distinctive  UnvU  and  poUcies,  points  of  politic! 
doctrine  and  points  of  political  i)ractice,  have  all  but  vanished 
1  h(.v  have  not  been  thrown  away,  but  have-  b.-en  stripped  awav 
by  Time  and  the  progress  <,f  ."vents,  fulfilling  som(>  policies,  blot- 
ting out  others.     All  has  been  lost,  _xcept  office  or  the  hope 

The  phenomenon  may  be  illustrated  from  the  case  of  England 
where  party  government  has  existe<l  longer  and  in  a  more  fully 
developed  form  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  Old  World.'     The 

>^^'^^'t^^iz^i^:::^uZp:;zr'r  ''7  '•""  -""^  ^--  ^'^ 

of  Commons   and.i.l  n ,  f  t  t  fontan  ;,„,1  popular  party  in  tlit-  House 

of  ChaZn:  '*"'  '■"*'"'"'  '^'''"'"  '^^  '^^■'"'^^  "nd  Tories  till  the  reign 

21 


22 


THE  PARTY  HYSTKM 


I'AUT    III 


essence  of  the  English  parties  has  lain  in  the  (existence  of  two 
sets  of  views  and  tciuh-ncies  which  divide  the  luition  into  two 
sections,  the  partv,  let  .is  say,  though  these  general  terms  are 
not  very  safe,  and  have  been  less  applicable  in  recent  years  than 
they  were  down  to  lS7i,  of  movement  and  the  party  of  standing 
still  tl"  party  of  lil)erty  unil  the  party  of  order.     Each  section 
believv      n  its  own  views,  and  is  influenced  by  its  pecuUar  ten- 
dencie  ,  recollections,  meiital  associations,  to  deal  in  its  o\vn 
peculiar  way  with  every  new  (juestion  as  it  comes  up.     The 
particular  dogmas  may  change:  doctrines  once  held  by  Uhigs 
alone  may  now  be  held  by  Tories  also ;  doctrines  which  Whiga 
would  have  rejected  seventy  ye-irs  ago  may  now  be  part  of  the 
orthodox  programme  of  the  Liberal  party.     But  the  tendencies 
have  been  permanent  and  have  always  so  worked  upon  the 
various  fresh   (luestions  and  pro])leins  which   have  presented 
themselves  during  the  last  two  centuries,  that  each  party  has 
had  not  only  a  brilliant  concrete  life  in  its  famous  leaders  and 
zealous  members,  but  also  an  intelUn-iual  and  moral  life  in  its 
princii)les.     These  principles  have  meant  something  to  those 
who  held  them,  so  that  when  a  fr(>sh  question  arose  it  wa.s 
usually  possible  to  pre<lict  how  each  party,  how  even  the  aver- 
age members  of  each  party,  wcjuld  regard  and  wish  to  deal  with 
it.     Thus,  even  when  the  leaders  have  l)een  least  worthy  and 
tlieir  cims  least  pure,  an  English  party  lias  felt  itself  ennobled 
and  inspiriteil  by  the  sense  that  it  had  great  objects  to  fight 
for,  a  history  and  traditions  which  imposed  on  it  the  duty  of 
battling  for  Its  distinctive  principles.     It  is  because  issues  have 
never  been  lacking  which  brought  these  respective  principles 
into  operation,  forcing  the  one  party  to  maintain  the  cause  of 
order  and  existing  institutions,  the  other  that  of  freedom  ai'd 
what  was  deemed  progress,  that  the  two  ICnglish  parties  have 
not  degenerated  into  mere  factions.     Tl  eir  struggles  fv)r  oflfice 
have  been  ruder^med  from  selfishness  b:    the  feeling  that  office 
was  a  means  of  giving  pnictical  effect  to  their  doctrines. 

But  suppo.se  that  in  13ritain  all  the  questions  which  divide 
Tories  from  Liberals  were  to  be  suddenly  settled  and  done  with 
Britain  would  be  ir  a  difficulty.  Her  free  government  has  sc 
long  been  worked  bv  the  action  and  reaction  of  the  ministen- 
aHsts  and  the  opposition  that  there  woiild  proliably  continue  to 
be  two  parties.  But  they  would  not  l)e  rc^iiUy,  in  the  true  old 
sense  of  the  terms,  Tories  and  Liberals ;  they  would  be  merely 


THAP.   LIV 


THE  PARTIKS  OF  TO-DAY 


23 


! 


.• 


Ins  and  Outs.     Their  combats  would  l.o  wu^.m!  J.ardly  ..vh,  in 
nunu.  for  pnnc,pl<.s,  but  only  for  plac.     Th(>  RovTmncnt  of 
the  country  with  the  honour,  power,  and  emoluments  attached 
to  It,  would  still  remain  as  a  prize  to  be  contended  for.     The 
foWrs  would  still  rally  to  the  lea.lers;  un.l  friendship  would 
still  biml  the  members  together  into  organized  bocUes  ;  while 
dislike  and  suspicion  would  still  arouse  tluuu  against  their  former 
a<lversarie.s      Thus  not  only  th.-  lea.lers,  who  would  have  somo- 
thiiiK  tangible  to  gam,  but  even  others,  who  had  only  their  feel- 
ings to  gratify,  would  continue  to  form  political  clubs,  register 
voters,  dehver  party  ha.-angu.-s,  contest  elections,  just  as  they 
d(^  now.     The  di  lerence  wouM  be  that  each  faction  would  no 
lo.ii?er  have  broad  principles  - 1  will  not  say  to  invoke,  for  such 
principles  would  probably  cntinue  to  be  invoked  as  hereto- 
tore_-butto  insist  on  ai)plying  as  disthictively  its  principles 
to  the  actual  needs  .,f  the  state.     Hence  quiet  or Ltidious  men 
wouu  no     jom  m  party  ^truggles;  while  those  who  did  join 
would  no  longer  b<.  stimulated  by  the  sense  that  they  were  con- 
temling  lor  .something  ideal.     Loyalty  to  a  leader  ^^nom  it  was 
sought  to  niuke  prime  mini.st,.r  would  be  a  poor  substitute  for 

nient  to  .he  party  would  degen.>rate  either  into  mere  hatred 
o  antagonists  or  into  a  struggle  over  places  and  .salaries.  And 
almost  the  same  phenomena  would  be  sc-en  if,  although  the  old 
issues  had  not  been  really  determined,  both  tlie  parties  should 
Ijave  so  far  abandoiu.d  their  former  positions  that  these  issues 
did  not  divid(>  them,  so  that  each  professed  principles  which 
jyere,  even  if  different  in  formal  statement,  practicably  indis- 
tinguishable m  their  application. 

This  which  con.-^ivably  may  happen  in  England  umler  her 
new  pohtical  conditions,  is  what  has  happened  with  the  American 
parties  The  chief  practical  Issues  which  once  divided  them  have 
een  settled.  Some  others  have  not  b(>en  settled,  but  as  regards 
these,  the  professions  of  the  two  parties  so  far  agree  that  we 
iannot  now  speak  ot  any  conflict  of  principles. 

When  life  leav.s  an  organic  body  it  becomes  useless,  fetid 
l)estiierous  :  it  is  fit  to  be  cast  out  or  buried  from  sight  What 
lite  IS  to  an  organism,  prii.cipi*  s  arc  to  a  partv.  When  they 
which  are  Its  soul  have  vanished,  its  bo.ly  ought  to  dissolve, 
:md  the  elements  that  fr.rmed  it  be  regrouped  in  some  new 
•  Tganism : 


24 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PABT   II. 


•'  The  timcH  havf  bwn  „ 

That  when  the  bruins  wero  <...l  the  man  wouUl  .he. 


Bttt  a  party  does  n<.t  always  thtjs. Ho  Jj, ->;X:::J:::;S 
long  after  its  moral  H^.sex^;n.^^  ^'^'E^;^ror  had  ceased 
in  Italy  for  nearly  two  ^•^;"* ""'"*',  Lr.:,.,^a  the  cities  of  Lom- 
to  threaten  the  Pope,  or  <»»;P"^;\\';^^J  ",  n^enibers  have 
hardy.  Parties  Ro  on  ««  t^"^l'»«  ha'e  contraeted  hatreds  and 
formed  habits  of  ^'"f  -     ";,^^^^^^^  Z\  their  a.lvantage  in 

prejudices,  and  also  In^cause  tl»^  ^^a  ■    ,j^.,.^.     The  Am.-r- 

using  these  habit,  ^nd  playmg  m  Uu  .  pu  u,^^^^  ^^.^^^^^ 

ican  parties  now  ^^^^^'''lZ^,^SrZm>^oninrr^n^, 
The  mill  has  been  construe  el,  an  «  "-^  "  >j «  ^„,  ^.j^^Hy  tl... 
even  when  there  ts  no  gr  t   «  gnnd      ^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^.^^j,,,  ,„a 

reorganized  body  :  -h  a  l«3dy  is  a  Party^  ^^^^^^^^ 

When  an  ordinary  Northern  r)f^'"«^™  ^^  '    ^,,^^^  <,,e 

1880,  to  characterize  the  f-^J^^^'^^^l^l  c.  in- 
Republicans  wore  c<,rrupt  an.l  "  ;^Pf  ^  '  ""^  ^y  or  intinuito 
stances  in  which  ^T  ^^'Z':^Z^t.  frauds  on  tlio  gov- 

local  indopondonco,  -^  ^^f ;;.  ^^^^  ^^ct^  m'  of  State  rights 
you  go  on  to  mctur,.  ^;1  f  ^  *  ^^^^^^  ;  ^  ,,  .a.nit  that,  for  the 
has  on  any  prosc-ntly  '^f^f  ^^  J^r^i^  ';i^t:should  any  issuc>  in- 

party.     If  a  question  -v.|  vin^   h<.  -^    l^^^^^,  ,J, ,, ,., 
theFedoralauthonty  wn     o   m    .  ,d.ui_  ^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^^^^ 


CHAP.    LIV 


TIIK   I'AUTIKS  OK  TO  DAY 


•Mt 


opposite.  SccinR  that  at  no  point  from  th»'  outhri'ak  of  the  war 
down  to  19l3,t'X<cpt  in  the  Fifty-third  ('(mKro.sM(1893-9r>),  has  it 
po»8('sst*d  a  majority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress  as  well  as  the 
President  in  power,  its  d<'votioi\  to  this  prineiple  has  Inn-n  hut 
.slightly  tesied,  and  minht  not  resi.st  the  temptation  of  any 
interest  the  other  way.  H(»wever,  this  is  matter  of  speeulation, 
for  at  present  the  States  fear  no  .serious  infringement  of  their 
rights.  So  eonverseiy  of  the  Uepui)lieans.  Their  traditions 
ought  to  dispo.se  them  to  support  Federal  power  against  tlie 
States,  Imt  their  action  in  a  concrete  vi\>n'  would  prol)al)ly  depend 
on  wln'ther  their  i)arty  was  at  the  time  in  condition  to  u.se  that 
power  for  its  own  purposes.  If  they  were  in  a  minority  in  Con- 
gress, they  would  he  little  inclined  to. strengthen  Congress  against 
the  States.  The  simj)le>t  way  of  proving  or  illustrating  this 
will  he  to  run  quickly  through  the  (picstions  of  pre.sent  practical 
interest. 

One  of  those  which  most  interests  the  people,  though  of  course 
not  all  the  people,  is  the  regulation  or  extinction  of  the  li(|Uor 
traffic.  On  this  neither  partly  has  committed  or  will  conunit 
itself.  The  traditional  dogmas  of  neither  cover  it,  though  the 
Northern  Democrats  have  been  rather  more  disposed  to  leave 
men  to  themselves  than  the  Re})ul)licans,  and  rather  less  ame- 
nable to  the  influence  of  ethical  sentiment.  Practically  for  both 
j)arties  the  [)oint  of  coii.><equence  is  what  they  can  gain  or  lose. 
Each  has  clearly  something  to  lo.'^e.  The  drinking  part  of  the 
population  is  chiefly  foreign.  Now  the  Irish  have  been  mainly 
Democrats,  so  the  Deniocralic  ))arty  in  the  North  has  oft»>n 
feared  to  otTend  them.  The  ( lermans  have  been  mainly  Rejiub- 
lican,  so  the  Pepul)licans  are  in  some  districts  equally  bound 
over  to  caution.'  It  is  true  that  though  the  j)arties,  as  parties, 
have  been,  in  almost  all  Slates,  neutral  or  divided,  Temper- 
ance men  are,  in  the  North  and  AN'est,'  generally  Hepublicans, 
whiskey-men  and  saloon-keejiers  generally  Democrats.  The 
Republicans  therefore  more  freiiuently  attempt  to  conciliate 
the  anti-liquor  party  by  tlatterinji  phrases.     They  suffer  by  the 


'  Itiiro  counts  for  inui'Ii  less  in  politics  tli;iii  it  ilid  in  the  li>st  century. 

-The  .South. Til  ncarocs  li:i\('  usuiilly  voted  for  the  HepuliHcMns,  hut  wcro 
frci|uciitly  oppo.^cii  to  restriction.-:  ..II  the  s:iic  of  li.puir.  On  the  other  h;int), 
the  hettor  chi.ss  <if  .Soutliern  whites,  who  ;iic  of  course  DenioiTiits,  are  liirKcly 
Temperance  men,  ami  many  istalcs  ha\i'  now  cillier  prohil)iti<l  the  sijle  of 
h'lUor  or  have  adopti'il  a  locil  ophou  -xstiin.  nii  1  r  wliich  each  county  ileciilcti 
whether  it  will  be  "  wet"  or  "dr.\  "  (/.( .  perniit  or  forbid  tlio  sah;  of  iutoxicunta). 


THE  PARTY  8Y8TKM 


PAKT  III 


Starting  of  a  Prohibitionist  can;U(lato,«inct'  he  drawH  more  voting 
Btrength  away  from  tlu'in  than  lie  (1<m's  from  the  Dfinocrats. 

Free  Trade  v.  Protottion  was  another  burning  question,  and 
more  or  less  so  ever  since  the  early  days  of  the  Union.     The  old 
controversy  as  to  the  constitutional  right  of  Congress  to  unpose 
a  tariff,  for  any  pun'os«'  but  that  o-'  -aising  reveiuu',  htw  been 
laid  to  rest,  for  whetlier  the  peop.     .n  1788  nu'unt  or  did  not 
mean  to  confer  such  a  power,  it  has  been  exerted  f..r  so  many 
years,  and  on  so  superb  a  scale,  that  no  one  now  dou..ts  its  legaN 
itv      Before  the  war  the  I)einocrats  were  advocates  of  a  tariff 
for  revenue  only,  i.e.  of  Free  Trmle.     A  few  of  theiu  still  hold 
that  doctrine  in  its  fulness,  but  as  the  majority,  though    hey 
have  frequently  declare<l  themselves  to  favour  a  reduction  of  the 
present  system  of  import  duties,  have  not  been  clear  ui>on  the 
general  principle,  the  party  trump«'t   has  given  an  uncertain 
sound.     Moreover,  Pennsylvania  is  Protectionist  on  uc'count  of 
its  iron  Indus'     vs  ;  several  Southern  States  have  leanings  that 
way  for  the  same  reason,  or  because  they  desire  high  import 
duties  on  their  own  products,  on  sugar  for  instance,  or  on  timber. 
Unwilling  to  alienate  the  Democrats  of  :;uch  districts,  the  jmrty 
has  generally  sought  to  remain  un|,:.  .!ge<l.  or,  ac  l.-ast,  in  ^mking 
with  one  eye  to  the  men  of  the  North-west  and  South-east  who 
desired  to  reduce  the  tariff,  it  was  tempted  to  wink  with  the  other 
to  the  iron  men  of  Pittsburg  and  the  sugar  men  of  the  I-  ar  South. 

This  division,  however,  (Ud  not  prevent  the  Democratic  party 
from  passing  in  1913  an  Act  whi.h  largc'ly  reducc.l  protective 
duties  It  did  not,  however,  any  more  than  th(>  Republicans, 
avow  pure  Free  Trade  principles,  and  though  the  Repubhctms 
have  been  heretofore  the  high  tariff  party,  many  among  them 
have  latterly  shown  themselves  (luite  as  desirous  of  s(>eing 
reductions  made  in  the  pres.-nt  rates  as  are  the     revisionist 

section  of  the  D(>mocrats.>  .    ,     ,.  •        t  \    *u  «..r 

Civil  service  reform  long  received  the  lip  service  of  both  par- 
ties, a  Up  service  expressed  by  both  with  (^(lual  warmth,  and  by 
the  average  professional  politicians  of  both  with  eQU'd  msm- 
ceritv  Such  reforms  as  have  b(«en  effected  in  the  mode  of  filhng 
up  plac-^s,  were  either  forced  on  the  parties  by  public  opinion, 
rather  than  carried  throut^U  by  either,  or  <!m'  were  due  to  the 

.  The  ..roto^ti^  o  tariff  has  ^.t^..•k  its  roots  so  .lo..p  an.l  rallied  ^n  many  int.-r- 
o.ts  Jolt^l^i  that  in  th..  ,.r..si,l,.ntia.  ,.|..,;tions  of  ^l^^^^^^^^^^ 
issuo  of  "tariff  for  r.'vciiw  only"  was  not  raisi,!  at  all,  thoUKh  thcro  «<^  *'""' 
ialkamonV  Republicans,  and  fur  more  an,o..«  I)o,u..rrat.,  of  tariff  r.vw.on. 


CHAP.    MV 


THE   RMITIKH  OF  T<VDAY 


27 


rnliKhtencd  views  of  in(livi(ht:il  Presidents.  None  of  th«*  ehiinRi's 
made — and  tl»'y  are  iiinotiK  the  most  beneficial  of  recent 
changes  —  raised  an  issue  Iwtwoen  ih«'  parties.  The  hcHt  men 
in  lK)th  parties  have  supported  tlie  Civil  Service  Commist^ion 
and  wouifl  exteiid  the  s^h,  nie  .■itill  further;  the  worst  men  in 
l)oth  wouhl  KJadly  Kct  riil  of  it. 

The  rejnilation  \>y  Federal  authority  of  railroads  carrying 
on  comnH-rce  between  tlie  States  has  attrn<-ted  great  attention 
for  many  years.  Neither  party  has  had  anythinR  distinctive  to 
say  upon  it  in  the  way  either  of  advocacy  or  of  comlemnati'.n. 
Both  have  asserted  tliat  it  is  the  duty  of  railways  to  serve  the 
people,  and  not  to  tyraiudze  over  or  defraud  them,  .so  the  Inter- 
State  Commerce  Acts  passed  in  and  since  1887  with  this  view 
cannot  be  calle«l  jiarty  measures.  The  discu.ssion  of  the  subject 
continties,  and  while  some  have  urged  that  it  is  impossible 
effectively  to  regulate  inter-state  railroad  traffic  without  rpRU- 
lating  all  railroad  traffic,  a  few  have  gone  so  far  as  to  suggest 
that  the  National  government  <»ught  to  acquire  all  the  railroads 
of  the  country.  Hut  neither  party  is  committed  to  a  particular 
fine  of  policy.  So  also  both  profess  themselves  (>ager  to  restrain 
the  abuse  of  their  powers  by  corporations,  and  to  i)ut  an  end  to 
mono|K>lies. 

Finances  have  on  the  whole  been  well  managed,  and  debt  paid 
off  with  surprising  speed.  Hut  there  have  been,  and  are  still, 
serious  problems  raised  by  the  condition  of  the  currency.  In 
1890  the  great  majority  of  the  Democratic  party  pledged  itself 
to  the  free  coinage  of  silver;  but  a  section  important  by  its 
socialnnd  intellectual  influence  seceded  and  ran  acandidate  of  its 
own.  The  schism  has  been  heali-d  by  the  dropping  of  the  free 
silver  issue,  and  a  Currency  Act  was  passed  in  191  the  working 
of  which  will  be  closely  watched.  The  matter  is  not  now  a 
party  issue. 

As  regards  the  extension  and  government  of  territories  out- 
side the  North  Am(>ri(an  Continent,  the  Democratic  party  did 
not  approve  the  accpiisition  of  th,  Pijil:,  pines,  and  has  an- 
noimced  an  intenti(m  to  withdraw-  the:  '  )m  as  soon  as  con- 
veniently may  be,  Init  there  has  been  no  controversy  between 
it  and  tlie  Hepui)licans  over  the  administrative  pohcy  to  be 
followed  there  and  in  Puerto  Hico. 

It  is  the  same  as  regards  (pie.stions  belonging  to  the  sphere 
of  State  politics,  such  as  woman  suffrage,  or  ballot  reform,  or 


2H 


THK   PAHTV    SYSTEM 


PART  lit 


child  liihour.  or  :iii  ( i^lit-lumr  l:iw,  or  coiivirt  l:il)oiir.  NcitluT 
l)!irty  has  any  (listiii(tiv»>  attitude  on  these  matters;  neither  is 
more  likelv,  or  less  likely,  than  the  other  to  pass  a  measure 
dealiu}";  with  them.  It  is  the  same  with  regard  to  the  si'uera) 
doctrine  of  Inix.^ezfnire  as  opposed  to  governmental  interft^rcnce. 
NeitlKT  Ueimhlicans  nor  Democrats  can  he  said  to  i)o  friends  or 
foes  of  State  interferenc(> :  (tu-lnvill  advocate  it  when  there  seems 
a  ))ractically  useful  ol)j<rt  to  l)e  secured,  or  when  the  popular 
voice  seems  to  call  for  it.  It  is  the  same  with  foreif^n  policy. 
Hoth  i)arties  are  practically  afinH'd  not  only  as  to  the  fieneral 
principles  which  ou^ht  to  rule  the  conduct  of  the  coimtry  hut  as 
iM  the  application  of  these  princi!)les,  and  this  has  been  shown 
even  in  a  matter  which  raised  so  many  difhcult  (luestions  as  the 
condititm  of  Mexico  has  done  since  tiie  fall  of  Pivsident  Diaz. 
The  party  which  o])]>oses  the  President  may  at  any  M:iv<'n  mo- 
ment se(>k  to  dama.s^e  him  hy  dcfcatinjj  s«)me  particular  i)roposal 
he  has  made,  hut  tliis  it  will  do  as  a  |)iece  of  temporary  stratef?y, 
not  in  pursuance  of  any  setth'd  doctrine 

Yet  one  cannot  say  that  there  is  to-day  no  difference  between 
the  two  fireat  partic's.     There  is  a  diiference  of  sjilrit  or  senti- 
ment perceptible  e\en  by  a  strauser  when,  after  having  mixed 
for  s(m;e  time  with  members  of  tiie  one  he  begins  to  mix  with  those 
of  the  other,  and  doubtless  more  i^atent  to  a  native  American. 
It  resembles  (tlumgh  it  is  less  marked  than)  the  (Ufference  of 
tone  and  temper  between  Tt)ries  and  Liberals  in  iMigland.     The 
intellectual  view  of  a  Democrat  of  the  better  sort  has  been  not 
quite  the  same  as  that  of  his  Republican  compeeV.     Each  of 
course  thinks  meanly  of  the  other  ;  but  while  the  Democrat 
has  generallv  deemed  the  Republican  "dangerous"  {i.e.  likely 
to  undermuie  the  Constitution),  tin-  Republican  was  more  ai)t 
to  think  the  Dem(.crat  (at   least   in  the  North)  low  toned  or 
reckless.     So  in  Kngland  your  Liberal  used  to  fasten  (m  stupidity 
as  the  characteristic  fault  of  the  T.)ry,  while  the  Tory  suspected 
the  morals  .and  religion  more  than  lie  despised  the  intelligence 
of  the  Radical.     But  thes(>  st::tements.  generally  true  of  Demo- 
crats  and   Republicans  from     ae  time  of  the  Civil  War  till 
near  the  end  of  the  century,       >e  latterly  been  less  api)licable. 
There  is  still  a  contrast  bet     'cn     '  '  larger  and  more  radical 
wing  of  the  Democratic  party  an-,  ,..e  older  school  of  Republi- 
cans, but  the  conservative  section  of  the  Democrats  differ  very 
little  from  the  conservative  Kei)ul)licans  ;  :  nd  there  are  radical 
Republicans  who.se  views  are  sl:ared  by  plenty  of  Democrats. 


CHaP.  liv 


THE   PARTIES  OF  TO-DAY 


29 

This  approximation  soonis  to  indiratc  that  tho  tinio  for  a  recon- 
•  .>.;r'tu,n  of  partios  is  upproachius  ;  l.^t  party  organizations  are 
stn.i,^  tn.:--gs,  and  oft(>n  int(.rf..re  Anth  the  course  of  natural 

1*  cannot  l..>  Hiarf-cl  on  the  American  jjarties  that  they  have 
,.r.iv.,>  Toa-arc'-    ,ne  another  I,y  forsaking  their  old  prim-iples. 
It  is  time  that  has  changed  th..  .•ircun.stan.'es  of  the  country 
and  made  those  old  principles  inapplicable.     An  eminent  jour- 

Ilwen/TT/r    V:r  '""'^''^'^  thetAvo«reat  parties  were 
Ike  tuo  Ik,  ties.     I,ach  bore  a  label  d..,.oting  the  kind  of  h(,nor 
con  auied   but  ..ich  was  empty.     This  at  any  rate  may  be  said, 
hat  the  parties  may  seem  to  hay.,  erre.l  rathc-r  by  haying  clung 
too   ong  to  out-worn  issues,  and  by  n.-glecting  to"  discover    and 
work  out  new  pnncipl,.s  capable  of  solving  the  problems  which 
now  perp  ex  the  country.     ]„  a  .-ountry  so  full  of  change  and 
movement  as  America  new  c,uestions  are  always  connng  up,  and 
must    be  answeiTd.      X,.w  troubl.N  smround   a  g.nernment 
and  a  way  must  be  fuun.l  to  esc.ape  from  them  ;  new  diseases 
attack  the  nation.  an<l  have  to  be  cured.     I'he  duty  of  a  great 
party  is  to  fa.-e  tlu-se,  to  fin<l  answers  and  remedies,'applying  to 
thefac  sof    he  hour  the  ch.ctrines  it  has  lived  by,  .so  far  as  they 
are  st.ll  applicable,  and  wlu-n  they  hay,-  .-ease,!  to  be  applicable 
thinking  out  new  doctrines  conformable  to  the  main  prim-ipl.-s 
ami  tendencies  which  it  repres,.nts.     This  is  a  work  to  be  accom- 
phs.ucl  by  Its  ruling  minds,  while  the  habit  of  party  h.yalty  to 
he  leaders  powerfully  serves  to  .liffusc  through  th.Muas;  of 
ollowers    he  conclusions  of  th<>  l.-aders  and  the  reasonings  they 
ha\c  employed.  ^ 

"Hut,"  t'he  Europ.-an  reader  may  ask,  "is  it  not  the  inter- 
(  M  as  ^^vll  as  the  duty  of  a  party  thus  to  adapt  itself  to  new  eon- 
<litions.^  I)o,.s  ,t  not.  in  failing  to  do  so,  condemn  itself  to 
."^tcnhty  ami  impotenc,  ultimately,  in.leed,  to  supersession  by 
some  n.;w  party  which  the  needs  of  the  time-  have  created •'"" 

i  his  IS  what   usually  happens  in   Kurope.     I'n.bably  it   will 

uippen  in  the  long  run  in  America  also,  unless  th(>  parties  adapt 

t  hemselvc.s  to  the  new  issues,  j„st  as  the  \\hig  party  fell  in  1852- 

.>7  becau,se  it   failed  to  face  tlx"  problem  of  slavery.     That  it 

happHis  more  slowly  may  be-  ascribe.l  partly  to  the  completeness 

and  strength  ot  the  party  <,rganizati(.ns,  whi.-h  niake  th.' enihu- 
siasm  generated  by  ideas  less  necess.ary,  partly  to  th,.  growing 
Prouuncncc  of  'social '  and  '  labour '  as  well  as  economic  .^^si^ 


!~ 


30 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART    III 


on  which  both  parties  are  equally  eager  to  conciliate  the  masses 
and  equally  unwilling  to  proclaim  detinito  vkws,  part  y  to   he 
Let    hat   several  questions   on  which  tl-  tvv.   grea     par^^^^^^^^^ 
«?;i1  hesitate  to  take  sides  are  not  presently  vital  to  the  wui 
bngo    the  country.     Something  is  al.o  due  to  the  smaller 
influence  in  America  than  in  Europe  of  individual  leaders.     Eng- 
I'arties,  which  hesitate  long  over  secondary  nuestjons  nug^i^ 
hesitate  longer  than  is  now  their  practice  over  vital  ones  also, 
we^e  they  not  accustomed  to  look  for  guidance  to  their  chief 
Tnd  to  defer  to  the  opinM^n  which  the  chiefs  cld.ven     And  i 
only  by  courage  and  the  capacity  for  initiative  that  the  chiets 
themselves  retain  their  position. 


J     .« 


u 


CHAPTER  LV 


COMPOSITION   OF  THE   PARTIES 

The  le.ss  there  is  in  the  tenets  of  the  RepubUcans  and  Demo- 
crats to  make  their  character  intelliKiblo  to  a  European  reader 
so  much  t  je  more  desirable  is  it  to  convey  some  idea  of  what 
may  be  calle.l  tiieir  social  and  local,  their  racial  and  ecclesiasti- 
cal complexions. 

The  Republican  party  vas  formed  between  1854  and  1856 

n  "h/  T.  IV  ■  r'^'^rl  ''""  ^^^"«  P^'^y-  ^'i*h  the  addition 
of  the  Aboht.on.sts  and  Free  Soilers,  who,  disgusted  at  the 
apparent  sul:.erv,ence  to  the  Sc.'    of  the  leading  xXorthem 

H  '  ?'  *^""f  'T'l  "  ^'^^'"  ^^^^'  '^"''^  '^P*  ^o  ^"to  for  Whig  can- 
didates They  had  also  recruits  from  the  Free  Soil  Democrats 
who  had  severed  themselves  frc  7.  the  bulk  of  the  Democratic 
party,  and  some  of  whom  claimed  to  be  true  Jeflfersonians  in 
joming  the  party  which  stood  up  against  the  sjjread  of  slavery  > 
The  Repubhcans  were  ^,erefore  from  the  first  a  Northern  party 
more  distinctly  so  than  the  Federalists  had  been  at  the  close  of 
the  preceding  century,  and  much  more  distinctly  so  than  the 

Th!'  Iv.;       r  "■'  l''"^  '""'^  ^  ^''^^y  '^'"^^  '^^"thern  element. 
Ihe  Whig  element  brought  to  the  new  party  solidity  poli+i- 

7.  IT      ..Jh^^^bohtionist  element  gave  it  force  and  enthu- 
S^r;^'^"         '  invaluable  for  the  crisis  which  came  in  1861 
^th  the  secession  of  all  .-^^.-e  four  of  the  slave-holding  States 
During  he  war,  it  drew  to  itself  nearly  all  the  eamestness^pa tr^ot 
ism    religious  and  moml  fervour,  which   the  North  and  W-^st 

rZ:ZL  'I  "/"''•■'"  ^'""^  "^"'^•^'  *^^  P-*y  -  -hose  rank 
respectable,  steady,  pious,  well-conducted  men  are  to  be  looked 

of  i»^ebrriSt''^!:.X^iZ  ♦•?, ^^--l-^rty  „ot  without  tho  hope 

31 


TT!F,  PARTY   S\  sTEM 


PART  lit 


11  Tory  ;  that  i^  to  ^a\  ,  >  m       .  j     prcsump- 

..US.-S  out  of  four  you  will  I..-  rifiht.     la  -^    \  ^;    ;;     ^      ,  ^-^^^^ 

ti.„  is  w.uk<.r,  though  .v.n  ^-;^;:-;'^  ,^  .  li!;:.!.... 

outoffivo.  <>'-'";'>^='>;  't-vli  nun  the  s.nalUT  perhaps 
,nHnufactun-rs,  ^^-  .  I^;^:^'^,^  \^,  !  ,:,..,...l  to  h.  R<-puhli- 
,von  --•    »-^^.;;^;^;'S^;!,::;.tu-ularly  in  th.  upper  Mis- 

.Uvuled,  but  th.>  nu.r..  -'"' ^''^  J^^  ,  '^^^^s  m  ar.  in.-lm.d 
,,..tain.rs,  an-  ^^J^'^'^Z^Jn^,.,  though  of  course 
to  somhsm.  A  luimiur,  ^un  ,..,,.( .-.ji  Wor  •  and  those 
rapidly  diminishiujr,  are  :;f;;r^^^,^JZ^u.a.,.  one 

naturally  rally  C  the  old  :^^  ".^^.JV;;  ,s  U.-rythie-S  is  .■hauf^e.l. 
roaches  the  iH.r<lers  of  the  ol.^lavc  ^t^^j^'  ^'^  Democrats  that 
In  Baltimore  the  best  p<o,,le  are  so  K^'"  ^f  ^  j  ^^  he  is  n.,t 
.heu  you  nu.t  a  Hc.-blicau  m  socu-ty^ou  ^^^^^  ,,, 

animmisrant  from  Vnn  ^^''^^^^     "  • /J  '   inia  or  the  C'arohnas, 

^^^'"/^Tt^:t^'^m;     of '^^dS       iH-lon,  to  the 
or  the  C.ulf  >tate>,  %(ry  te\N    ncii   j,  ,.„franchised  ne- 

Ropublican  party,  wlach  conM>t>  "   ^  ^^;  ''^^^  ^^.^^n  ^esarded, 

ofacertain.nn^>eron.^ 

-'';V'^^";'";^^',^1-X  .      t      war  ^vere  .nakiuR  a  ^ood  thing  for 
^r W: cldlf*:^;  ^f  a  nund,er  of  Federal  ofH.a.s  (a  uum  ^ 

-^/'-ri-'ii^'inieii^^ 

put  mto  l<ederal  places  t).\  tlu  n         a  ^     ^    ^ 


rHAP.    LV 


rOMPOSITIOX   OF  TFIK    PARTIKS 


33 


lie  slope,  tlic  i)artit's  ;uv  m-arly  Imhmcctl,  and  if  one  n-nanls  Slut* 


r 

2? 

1 

I 

» 

t 

-f 

V 

^ 

t. 

^1 

1 

1 

'if* 

0 

J 

well  as  national  olecti 


tl 


iity  of 


1- 


tions, 
now  this  way  now  that,  as  the  t-irtunistanc-es  of  the  liour,  or  local 
causes,  or  the  merits  of  individual  candidates,  may  affect  the 
popular  mint!.     Pennsvlvania  is  now,  as  slie   has  been  since 
1860,  a    Republican    !  tate,  owing  to    her  interest  in  a  pro- 
tective tariff.     New  York,  whose  legislature  has  been  often  Re- 
publican, is  in  presidential  elections  still  to  l)e  deemed  doubtful. 
In  all  these  States,  the  better  sort  of  ix'ople  have  been  mostly 
Repubhcans.     It  is  in  that  party  you  look  to  find  the  grealcr 
number  of  the  pliilanthropists,  the  men  of  culture,  the  financial 
magnates  ami  other  personsof  substance  who  desire  to  see  things 
go  on  quietly,  with  no  shocks  given  to  business  confidence  by 
rash  legislation.     These  are  great  elements  of  strength.     They 
were  gainetl  for  the  Republican  party  l)y  its  earlier  iiistory,  which 
drew  into  it  in  the  days  of  the  war  those  patriotic  and  earnest 
young  men  who  were  afterwards  the  leading  elderly  men  in  their 
respective  neighbourhoods.     Against  them  there  wa.^  for  a  tinu> 
(1884-96)  to  be  set  the  tendency  of  a  section  of  the  Republican 
party,  a  section  small  in  numbers  but  including  some  men  of 
character  and  intelligence,  to  br^ak  away,  or,  as  it  is  called,  "  bolt" 
from  the  party  platform  and  "ticket."     This  section  explained 
its  conduct  by  declaring  that  the  great  claims  which  th(>  i)arty 
gained  on  the  confidence  of  the  country  l)y  its  resistance  to 
slavery  and  its  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  had  been  for- 
feited by  mal-administration  since  the  war  ended,  and  by  the 
scandals  which  had  gathered   round  some  of  its  conspicuous 
figures.     If  intelligence  and  cultivation  tlisj)ose  their  possessors 
to  desert  at  a  critical  moment,  the  party  would  have  been  stronger 
without  this  element,  for,  as  everybody  knows,  a  good  party 
man  is  he  who  stands  by  his  friends  when  they  are  wrong.     That 
group  was  mostly  reabsorbed  into  the  R(>publican  ranks.     But 
somewhat  later  another  tendency  to  division  appeared  in  the 
disposition  of  some  Republicans,  especially  in  the  North-west, 
to  go  faster  and  further,  especially  in  eccmomic  legislation,  than 
the  moneyed  men  wshed  to  follow.     No  open  .>*chism  has  so  far 
resulted,  but  the  antagonism  of  tendency  is  manifest. 

The  Democratic  party  has  sutfered  in  the  North  and  West 
from  exactly  the  opposite  causes  to  the  Republican.  It  was  long 
discredited  by  its  sympathy  with  the  South,  and  by  the  oppo- 
sition of  a  considerable  section  within  it  (the  so-called  (\)pper- 


i 


If 


34 


TIIK  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


11 

Ml 

I' 

li 
il 

t 
I 

I 


heads)  to  the  prosecution  of  tho  war.     This  shadow  huuR  heavy 
over  it  till  the  complete  pacification  of  the  South  ami  KrowuiR 
prominence  of  new  (luestions  hesan  to  call  men  s  mmds  away 
from  the  war  years.     From  18(19  to  1885  it  profited  from  bemg 
in  opposition.     Saved  from  the  opportunity  of  abusmR  i>atron- 
ace,  or  becoming  entansUnl  in  administration  jobs  it  was  able 
to  criticize  freely  the  blunders  or  vic.'s  of  its  oppoiu>nts      It  may 
however  l>e  doubted  whether  its  party  manag«'rs  wer(>,tak<;  tluii 
all  in  all,  either  vnser  or  purer  than  those  whom  they  criticized 
nor  did  they  seem  to  inspire  any  deeper  trust  m  tl»^  minds  of 
impartial  citizens.     When,  as  several  times  happene.l,  the  D(  m- 
ocrats  obtained  a  majority  in  the  House  of  Rei«-esentatives, 
their  legislation  was  not  higher  in  aim  or  more  jmhcious  m  the 
choice  of  means  than  that  which  Republican  congresses  have  pro- 
duced.     Hence  the  tendency  to  fall  away  from  tl^e  Republican 
ranks  of  1872-9G  enured  to  the  benefit  of  the  Democrats  less 
than  might  have  been  expected.     In  1890  the  emergen.-e  of  the 
Free  Silver  question  as  a  burning  issu(>  produced  a  s(>nous  breach 
in  the  party,  the  consequences  of  which,  though  it  was  to  outward 
appearance  healed  in  the  presidential  nomination  o\  1904  did  not 
for  some  time  disappear.     The  D(>inocrati<-  party  includes  not 
only  nearlv  all  the  talent,  education,  an<l  wealth  ot  the  South, 
together  with  the  great  bulk  of  the  South(>rn  farmer.s  an.l  poorer 
whites,  but  also  a  respectable  minority  of  goml  men  in  the 
Middle  States  and  the   North-west,   and   a  slightly  smaller 
minority  in  the  rural  parts  of  New  England.'  , .  n     • 

In  these  last-mentioned  districts  its  strength  lies  cluefly  m 
the  cities,  a  curious  contrast  to  those  earlier  days  when  .b'tfersoii 
wa«  supporte<l  by  the  farmers  and  Hamilton  by  the  to^nis  oik.- 
But  the  large  cities  have  now  a  population  unlike  anything 
that  existed  in  those  distant  days,  a  vast  isn«>rant  fluctuat- 
ing  mass  of  peopl.',  many .  f  them  n>cently  admitted  tc.  citizen- 
ship, who  have  little  reason  for  bc'longmg  to  one  party  rather 
than  another,  but  are  attracted  .some  by  tlu-  name  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic party,  some  by  the  fact  that  it  is  not  the  party  of  the 

.  In  the  prrsidonti.1  olo.-tion«  of  VMU  a.id  aRai,.  in  1008  two  Southern  Statos 
have  already  too  much,  receive  an  accesaion. 


CHAP.    LV 


CH).MP()SITION  OF  THE  PARTIES 


35 


well-to-do,  some  by  leaders  lu'lougiuj^  to  their  own  races  who  have 
risen  to  influence  in  its  ranks.  Tlu;  adhesion  of  this  mob  gives 
the  party  a  slight  flavour  of  rowdyism,  y  s  its  old  associations  used 
to  give  it,  to  a  Puritan  palate,  a  slig'.t  flavour  of  irreligion. 
iS'ot  so  long  ago,  a  New  England  deacon  —  the  deacon  is  in  Amer- 
ica the  type  of  solid  respectal>ility  —  would  have  found  it  as  hard 
t(»  vote  for  a  Dcmocrutic  candidate  as  an  Englisli  arduleacon  to 
vote  for  a  Yorkshire  Radical.  liut  these;  old  feelings  are  wearing 
away.  A  new  geiuTaticn  of  voters  has  arisen  which  never  saw 
slavery,  and  cares  liltle  about  Jefferson  for  good  or  for  evil. 
This  generation  takes  parties  as  it  finds  them.  Even  among  the 
older  voters  tliere  lias  Ix-eii  a  change  within  recent  years.  Many 
of  the  best  Kepublicaiis,  who  remembered  the  Democrats  as  the 
party  of  which  a  strong  section  sympathized  with  t  he  slaveholders 
before  the  war,  and  disapjmjved  of  the  war  whih;  it  was  being 
waged,  look(!(l  witli  horror  on  the  advent  to  jiower  in  1885  of  a 
Democratic  president.  The  country,  however,  was  not  ruined 
by  Mr.  Cleveland,  either  then  or  in  his  second  term,  but  went 
on  nuich  as  before,  its  elements  of  good  and  evil  mi.xed  and 
contending,  just  as  under  Republican  administrations.  The 
ahum  which  the  moneyed  classes  felt  in  1890  had  nothing  to 
do  with  the  old  controversies,  and  the  association  with  f  lie  Dem- 
ocratic party  of  the  8tat(>s  where  slavery  i)revailed  no  longer 
creates  any  real  prejudice  against  it  in  Northern  minds. 

Race  differen;*  !  have  playeil  a  considerable  part  in  the 
C()m|X)sition  of  the  parties,  but  it  is  a  <Uminishing  part,  be- 
cause in  the  second  and  still  more  inthe  third  generationa  citizen 
is  an  American  first  and  foremost  and  loses  quickly  the  race  con- 
sciousness which  hisfatheror  grandfather  had.  Besides  the  native 
Americans,  there  were  till  about  1800  men  of  five  nationalities 
in  the  Tnitetl  States  —  British,  Irish,  (lermans,  ScancUnavians, 
French  Canadians.'  Of  these,  however,  the  English  and  Scotch 
los(>  their  identity  almost  immediately,  being  absorbed  into  the 
general  mass  of  native  citizens.     Though  very  numerous,  they 

'  Tlicro  havp  oritnrod  sinor  ls<)0  lnruf  niiissoM  ^f  Polos,  Ciprhs,  Italians, 
Russian  Jews.  Slovaks  am!  (jtlicr  Slavs  from  the  Austro-HuiiKurian  nionarrhy, 
Magyars,  J{ouniaiis,  Circcks,  Syrians,  and  Anmuians  (as  to  all  of  whioh  soo 
f'haptcr  X('II);  l)\it  tlionirh  tlu^sf  mucr  I'li'iiu'iits  Iimvi'  i[!(r"'a:<c'l  rapidly  of 
lato  years,  no  oiip  of  thcin  can  ix'  said  to  have  atTcctcd  tho  oomposition  of  the 
parties  over  the  eountry  at  larne.  In  New  Vork  City  the  ,Iews  (of  whom  there 
are  about  KMl.OOO  adult  males)  wire  at  first  Diostly  I)emoerats,  and  the  Italians 
mostly  Heputilicans.  These  new  immigrants  are  most  numerous  in  tho  great 
cities  and  in  the  mining  regions. 


36 


TIIK  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


I! 


have  hitherto  countcMl  for  nothing  poHtically,  becau  ,e  they  have 
cithor  been  iu.litToreut  to  poHtical  struggles  or  have  voted  from 
tlie  same  motives  as  an  average  American.  They  have  to  some 
.liirht  extent  remained  British  suhjeets,  not  carmg  for  the  suf- 
frage, and  thos..  wlu)  have  a.lopted  the  United  States  as  their 
,..,untry  have  seldom  exerted  their  voting  power  as  a  umted 

'"Far  otherwise  with  th.>  Irish.     They  have  retained  their  na- 
tional si)irit  an.l  <lisp..sit  ion  to  act  together  into  the  .second,  rarely 
however  into  the  third,  generation  ;   they  were  a  factor  potent 
in   Fe.l(>ral  and  still  more  potent  in  city  politics.     Now  the 
Irish  wen<  fur  a  good  while  nearly  all  Democrats.     The  cxckU^ 
fn.m  In'land,  which  had  been  considerable  as  far  back  a.s^l84^, 
swelled  in  1847  (the  year  after  the  famine)  to  vast  proportions  ; 
and  was  fr.mi  the  first  a  source  of  lH>lp  to  th.>  Democratic  party, 
probablv  b.-cause  the  latter  was  less  Prot«>stant  in  .sentiment  than 
th.>  Whig  l)artv.  and  was  alrea<ly  dominant  in  the  city  of  ISew 
York    where  t'lu>  Irish  first  became  a  power  in  politics,      llie 
diversion  to  the  negro  which  they  soon  developed,  made  them, 
when  th(>  Republican  party  arose,  its  natural  enemies,  for  the 
R(>nublicans  were,  both  during  and  after  the  war,  the  negro  s  jm- 
trons      Before  the  war  ended  the  Irish  vote  had  come  to  form  a 
large  part  of  the  D(>mocratic  strength,  and  Irishmen  were  promi- 
nent among  the  politicians  of  that  T^arty  :  hence  newcomers 
from  Ireland  usuallv  enlisted  under  its  banner.     Of  late  years 
how(>v.>r,  ther(>  have  been  plenty  of  Irishmen,  and  indeed  of 
Irish  leaders  and  bosses,  among  the  Repubhcans  of  the  great 
(•iti«  s  ;   and  statesmen  of  that  party  often  sought  to  '  placate 
an.l  attract  the  Irish  vote  in  ways  too  familiar  to  need  descrip- 
ti(.n.     It  is  now,  except  in  a  few  cities,  far  less  of  a  sohd  vote, 
Irish  immigration  having  much  decHned. 

The  (^.erman  immigraticHi,  excluding  of  course  the  early  l.er- 
nian  s<-ttlem.>nts  in  Pennysylvania,  began  rather  later  than  the 
Irish  ;  an.l  as  there  was  some  j.-alousy  between  the  two  r.-ice.s 
tlu>  fact  that  the  Irish  were  already  Democrats  when  the  0(«r- 
mans  arriv.vl,  was  one  reason  why  the  latter  were  more  indnied 
to  .Min.I  thems.'lves  as  Republicans,  while  another  was  to  be 
f(>u!i.l  in  th<>  fa.-t  that  German  exiles  of  1849  were  naturally 
h.)stile  to  slaverv.  Th.>  ( Germans  usually  became  farmers  in  the 
Mi.l<ll<>  an.l  W.-st.Tii  Stat.'s,  where,  finding  the  native  farmers 
mainly  R(<publicans.  they  imitate.1  the  politics  of  their  neigh- 
ijours;    That  there  are  many  German  Democrats  in  the  great 


CHAP.   LV 


compos;  nox  of  thk  partiks 


37 


cities  may  1m>  ascrilH'*!  lo  tin"  less  friciully  uttitmlc  of  the  Hcpul)- 
lieans  to  the  liquor  traffic,  for  tlic  (lerinan  colonist  is  faithful  to 
the  beer  of  his  fatherland,  and,  in  the  case  of  the  Hoinaii  Catholic 
Germans,  to  the  tacit  alliance  which  subsisted  in  many  districts 
between  the  Catholic  Church  and  the  Democrats.  The  ( 'icrmans 
are  a  cohesive  race,  keeping  up  national  sentiment  by  festivals, 
gymnastic  societies,  processions,  and  national  songs,  but  as 
they  take  nmch  less  keenly  to  politics,  and  are  not  kept  together 
by  j)rie.sts,  their  cohesion  is  more  short-lived  than  that  of  the 
Irish.  The  American-born  son  of  a  ( ierman  is  already  completely 
an  American  in  feeling  as  well  as  in  practical  ai)titude.  The 
(Jerman  vote  over  the  whole  I'nion  may  be  roughly  estimated  as 
five-ninths  Repubhcan,  four-ninths  Democratic.  Hut  it  is  even 
more  true  of  the  (lermans  than  of  the  Irish  that  in  the  twentieth 
century  they  have  been  ceasing  to  constitute  a  "solid  vote" 
in  the  old(>r  sense  of  the  term,  and  l)efore  lU.'iO  politicians  may 
have  left  olT  thinking  of  either  race  as  a  distinct  voting  entity. 

The  Scandinavians  —  Swed(>s  and  Norwegians,  with  a  few 
Danes  and  a  handful  of  Icelanders  —  form  a  large  element  among 
the  farmers  of  the  Upper  Mississippi  States,  particularly  Wis- 
consin, Minnesota,  and  the  Dakotas.  So  far  as  can  be  judged 
from  the  short  e.x|K>rience  the  country  has  of  them,  for  their  im- 
niigration  did  not  begin  to  swell  till  after  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  they  Americanize  (>ven  more  readily  than 
their  Teutonic  cousins  from  the  southern  side  of  the  Baltic. 
However,  both  Swedes  and  Norwegians  are  still  so  far  clannish 
that  in  these  States  both  parties  find  it  worth  while  to  run  for 
office  now  and  then  a  candidate  of  one  or  other,  or  candidates 
of  both,  of  these  nationaliti(>s,  in  order  to  catch  the  votes  of  his 
or  their  compatriots.'  Nine-tenths  of  tiiem  were  Rei)ul)licans, 
until  the' rise  of  the  so-called  "People's  Party,"  which  for  the 
time  detached  a  good  many  ;  and  some  of  tliest-  hav(>  i)assed  into 
the  Democratic  ranks.  Like  the  CJermans,  they  came  knowing 
nothing  of  American  politics,  but  the  watchful  en(>rgy  of  the 
native  party-workers  enlisted  them  under  a  ])arty  banner  as 
soon  as  they  were  admitted  to  civic  rights.     They  make  perhajjs 

'There  has  l)een  some  slight  jealousy  l)etwcen  >wpc!cs  ami  N'orwedans.  so 
lliat  where  they  are  e'.ually  stronR  it  is  not  safe  to  put  forward  a  caiuhdate  of 
either  race  without  plarinj?  on  the  same  tieket  a  candidate  of  the  other  also. 
But  where  the  population  of  either  rare  is  too  small  to  support  a  church  or  a 
social  institution  of  its  own,  they  fraternize  for  this  purpose.  feelitiK  themselves 
much  nearer  to  one  another  than  they  are  to  any  other  element. 


THK   PARTY  SYSTEM 


HART  in 


I     ■! 


38 

th.'  best  mut(>rial  for  soIht  and  industrious  uRriculturiMts  that 
\merica  recivrs,  Ihm.ir  rvou  mi.li.T  thur.  the  ( i.-rnmns  1o  tace 
hardship,  an.l  num'  .-(mfnt  t(.  (Usiu.ns,.  with  nlcohohc  drinks. 

The  Frouch  Ca-adiuns  iir<«  uuincrous  in  New  KnRland,  and 
in  one  er  two  other  Xorth.-rn  States,  yet  sean-.-ly  numerous 
enough  to  tell  upon  poHti.s.  ,.s,,.rially  as  they  frequently  re- 
main  British  sul>jeets.  Their  rehwion  .hspos.«s  those  who  be- 
come citizens  to  si<le  with  the  Democratic  party,  »'Ut  they 
can  hardly  be  said  to  constitute  what  is  called  '"a  vote,  ami 
occasionallv  "k<>  H(>publi(aii." 

In  the  nortluTU  half  of  tlic  country,  the  neRnx-s  are  not  »tener- 
allvan  important  element,  but  their  vote  in  New  \ork,  Ohio,  and 
Imliana  is  hir^e  enouKli  to  be  worth  haviiiR  whenever  the  ^tate 
i.s  doubtful.     (Iratitude  for  the  favour  shown  to  their  race  lias 
kept  them  mostlv  Republicans.     They  ar(>  seldom  admitted  to  a 
leading  place  in'party  organizations,  but  it  is  found  expedient 
in  presidential  ccmtests  to  organize  a  "coloured  club     to  work 
for  the  candidate  among  the  coloured  population  of  a  town.     In 
States  Hke  Maryland,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri,  where  there  are 
plenty  of  white  Republicans,  tiiey  liave  voted  steadily  Repubh- 
ean,  unless  iiaid  to  al)stain.     In  the  furtlu«r  South,  their  mere 
numbers  would  have  ena!)led  them,  were  tliey  e(iual  to  tlie  whites 
in  intelligence,  wealtli,  and  organization,  not  merely  to  carry 
congressional  seats,  but  even  in  some  Staters  to  determine  a  iiresi- 
dential  election.     But  in  these  three  respe"ts  they  are  unspeak- 
ably inferior.     At  first.   und(>r  the  leadtTship  of  some  white 
adventurers,  mostly  of  th(>  "carp(>t-l)aRger"  cla<s,  they  w<>nt 
almost  solid  ft)r  the  H(>publican  iiarty  ;  and  occasionally,  even 
after    the   withdrawal    of    Feder.il    troops,    tliey    turned    the 
balance   in    its   favour.     Presently,    however,    the    Democrats 
gained  the  upper  hand  ;  and  most  of  the  negroes,  h)sing  faith 
in  their  former  bosses,  and  discouraged  by  finding  themselves 
unfit  to  cope  with  a  superior  race,  eitlu>r  ceased  to  vot(>  or  found 
themselves  prevented  l)y  the  whites  from  iloing  so.      Utterly 
the  seven  Sc'.'-hern  States  have  so  altered  their  constitutions. 
as  to  exclude  nine-tenths  of  the  negroes  from  the  suffrage.' 

Religion  comes  very  little  into  American  party  except  when, 
as  sometimes  has  happened,  the  advance  o?  the  Roman  ("ath<«lio 
Church  and  the  idea  that    slie  exerts  her  influence  to  secure 


>  .See  further  as  to  the  negroes,  Chapters  XCIV  and  XC'V. 


CHAP.    LV 


COMPOSITION    (W  TMK   PAUTiKS 


39 


btmefits  for  luTsclf,  i-auscs  an  outhur.st  of  I'rutcstuat  fcrlinR.' 
lloiium  ('utholu's  urc  usually  Dcrnociats,  hccausc,  except  in 
Muryiaiid,  which  is  Di'inocratic  anyhow,  they  arc  mainly  Irish." 
C'onKroKationali>ts  and  I  nitari.iiis,  ixiiu'  prcsuniahjy  sprung 
frorn  New  EnKlarul,  arc  apt  to  lie  Uci)iil.licaiis.  I'rcshytcrians, 
Methodists,  Baptists,  Kpix-opalians,  iiuvc  no  special  party  affini- 
ties. They  are  mostly  Hepublicaiis  in  the  North,  neinocrats 
in  the  South.  The  Mormons  ti)>;lit  for  their  own  hand,  and  in 
Utah,  Idaho,  and  Anizona  have  hcen  wont  to  cast  their  votes, 
under  the  direction  of  tlieir  hierarchy,  for  the  local  party  which 
promised  to  interfere  least  with  them.  l,ately  in  Idaho  a  party 
found  it  worth  wliile  to  run  a  Mormon  candidate. 

The  di.strihution  of  parties  is  t<»  some  extent  ReoRraphical. 
While  the  South  casts  u  s(»lid  Democratic  vote,  and  the  strength 
of  the  Kepul>licans  has  hiin  in  the  North-ea.st  and  North-west, 
the  intermediate  |)osition  of  the  Middle  States  corresponds 
to  their  divided  political  tendencies.  The  reason  is  that  in 
America  colonization  has  jjone  on  along  parallels  of  latitude. 
The  tendencies  of  New  luinland  reappear  in  Northern  Ohio, 
Northern  Illinois,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  givhig  the 
Hepulilicans  a  general  predominance  in  this  vast  and  .swiftly 
gro\,mg  West(>rn  population,  which  it  takes  the  whoh-  weight 
of  the  solid  South  to  balance.  This  geographical  opj)osition 
docs  not,  hou»ver,  hetoken  a  danger  of  political  .severance. 
The  material  interests  of  the  agriculturists  of  the  North-west  aro 
not  ditlerent  from  tlio.se  of  the  South  :  free  trade,  for  instance, 
or  a  low  tariff  will  make  as  inuch  and  no  more  difference  to  the 
wh<>at-grower  of  Illinois  as  to  the  cotton-grower  of  Texas,  to  the 
iron-workers  of  Tennessee  as  to  the  iron-workers  of  Peimsylvania. 
And  the  existence  of  an  activi'  Democnitic  party  in  the  North 
prevents  the  victory  of  either  geographical  s(>ction  from  being 
felt  as  a  defeat  by  the  other. 

Tliis  is  an  important  security  against  disruption.  And  a 
sunilar  security  against  tli<'  risk  of  civil  strife  or  revolution  is 
to  be  found  in  the  fart  that  the  parties  are  not  base<l  on  or  sensibly 
afTecttHl  by  differences  either  of  wealth  or  of  social  position. 
Their  cleavage  is  not  horizontal  according  to  social  strata,  but 
vertical.     This  would  be  less  true  if  it  wei-e  stattul  either  of  the 

'  As  rcccnUy  iti  th.-  f.irM.ati.,,,  ,,f  tlir  Aiik  ri.:u.  Pn.tcHivr  Association  whirli 
Ix'ciiiiH-  for  a  time  a  political  t'actov  in  parts  ot  the  N'ortli-wist 

'III  l!J()t  aii.l  1!M)S,  how.  v.r,  ,t  vva>  l.c|i,.vc,l  that  the  hulk  of  th.-  Uomari 
Catholics,  at  any  rat.'  in  New  York,  support,  d  th.'  Hcpuhlicau  .'andidatos. 


40 


THK   PARTY  SYSTEM 


FART  III 


NortluTn  vStates  separately,  or  of  the  Southern  States  separately ; 
it  is  true  of  tlie  I'nioii  taken  as  a  whole.  It  might  cease  to  h" 
true  if  one  of  the  new  socialist  or  lalM)ur  parties  were  to  gro'v 
till  it  altsorlxHl  or  supersHied  either  of  the  existing  parties. 
The  same  feature  has  characterize<l  Knglish  politics  as  com- 
pared with  those  of  nmst  European  countries,  and  has  beer  a 
main  cause  of  the  staMlity  of  the  English  government  and  of 
the  ko(mI  feeling  l)etween  (lifTercnt  classes  in  the  community.' 

'  Sinrr  IHSn  thp  vast  iniijority  of  flu-  ricli.  ii  proiHirtion  prohnWy  larger 
tliiiii  at  any  previous  tinii',  has  in  Ktielaml  1m'Ioiiki-<I  •<>  ""•'  <>'  the  two  historic 
purtiea.     Hut  thiii  phciiiiiiu'iiuii  iiiiiy  not  Im-  ptTniaiicnt. 


II 


CHAI^ER    LVI 


FUWnfER   OBSERVATIONS   ON   THK    I'AUTIKS 

Besides  the  two  grout  piirtics  wliich  have  dividi-d  AnuTica 
for  thirty  years,  there  are  two  or  three  h'sser  orgaiii/ations  or 
factioriH  needing  a  word  of  mention.  AlH)ut  1820-30  tiiere  was 
a  period  when  one  of  the  two  great  parties  having  melted  away, 
the  other  had  l)eeoine  spht  up  into  two  minor  sections.'  Parties 
were  numerous  and  unstable,  new  ones  forming,  anrl  after  a  short 
career  uniting  with  some  other,  or  vanishing  altogether  from  the 
scene.  This  was  a  phenomenon  |)eculiar  to  that  time,  and 
ceased  with  the  building  up  about  1882  of  th<'  Whig  party, 
which  lasted  till  shortly  liefore  the  ( 'ivil  U'ar.  But  Toc(iuevillc' 
who  visited  America  in  1^31-32,  took  it  for  th(>  normal  state 
of  a  democratic  "ommunity,  and  founded  upon  it  some  l)old 
generalizations.  A  stranger  who  s(>es  how  few  i)rinciples  now 
exist  to  hold  each  of  the  two  great  niod(>rn  parties  together 
will  be  rather  surprised  thai  they  have  not  shown  more  tendency 
to  split  up  into  minor  groups  and  factions. 

What  constitutes  a  party  ?  In  America  then;  is  a  simple  test. 
Any  .section  of  men  who  nominate  candidates  of  their  own  for  the 
presidency  and  \ice-presidency  of  the  Fnitci  States  are  deem(<d 
a  national  parry.  Adopting  this  test  we  shall  Hnd  that  there 
have  lately  been  two  or  three  national  parties  in  addition  to  the 
Republicans  and  Democrats. 

The  first  minor  party  was  that  of  tlie  Greenbackers,  who  arose 
soon  after  the  end  of  the  Civil  War.  Tliey  demandefl  a  large 
issue  of  greenbacks  (i.e.  paper  money,  so  called  from  the  colour 
of  the  notes  issued  during  the  war),  alleging  that  tliis  mu.st  benefit 
the  poorer  cla.sses,  who  will  ol)viousIy  be  richer  when  th<>re  is 
niore  money  in  the  country.  It  may  se<>m  incredible  that  th(T(> 
sho'old  still  be  masses  of  civilized  men  wh«»  believe  that  money  is 

mv.^''^''r!"--'''"'?T"'""".r"'"""'''''  ''^  ""■  •'■■'•^k-u,,  of  ti„.  \vhi,;s  i,..tw,...„ 

10O.J  and  l8o< ,  and  from  a  like  caust-. 

41 


42 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  in 


I  ' 


K 


I 


value,  and  that  a  liberal  issue  of  stampovl  paper  can  give  the  poor 
more  bread  or  betti-r  clothes.  If  there  were  a  large  class  of  debt 
ors,  and  the  idea  was  to  depreciate  the  currency  and  let  them 
then  pay  their  de!)ts  in  it,  one  could  understand  the  proposal. 
Such  a  depreciation  existetl  during  and  immediate'/  after  the 
Civil  War.  As  wages  and  prices  had  risen  en::.in()usly,  people 
were  receiving  more  money  in  wages,  or  for  goods  s(jld,  than  they 
had  received  previously,  while  they  were  paying  fixed  charges, 
such  as  interest  on  -nortgage  debts,  in  a  depreciateil  paper  cur- 
rency. Thus  the  small  farmers  were  on  the  whole  gainers,  while 
creditors  and  persons  with  fixed  incomes  were  losers.  It  is  true? 
that  both  farmers  and  working  men  were  also  paying  more  for 
whatever  they  needed,  food,  clothes,  and  lodging ;  still  they 
seemed  to  have  felt  more  benefit  in  receiving  larger  sums  than 
they  felt  hartlship  in  paying  out  larger  sums.  Those  who  called 
for  a  great  incretise  of  paper  money  did  not  profess  to  wish  to 
depreciate  the  currency :  nor  were  they  to  any  great  extent 
supported  by  a  del)tor  class  to  whicli  a  depreciated  currency 
would  be  welcome,  as  a  debased  coinage  serv(!d  the  momentary 
occasions  of  mediieval  kings.  But  the  recollections  of  the  war 
time  with  its  abundant  employment  and  high  wag«!s  clung  to 
many  people,  anil  were  coupled  with  a  confused  notion  that  the 
more  money  there  is  in  circulation  so  much  tlu;  more  of  it  will 
everyboily  have,  so  much  the  b(!tter  off  mil  he  be,  so  nmch  the 
more  employment  will  capital  find  for  labour,  ami  so  much  the 
more  copious  will  be  the  fertilizing  stream  of  wages  diffused 
among  the  poor.' 

The  Gre(>nback  party,  which  at  first  called  itself  Indepen- 
dent, held  a  national  Nominating  Convention  in  i87(),  at  which 
nineteen  States  were  repres(>nted.  and  nominate<l  candidates 
for  president  and  vice-president,  issuing  an  emphatic  but  un- 
grammatical  denunciation  of  the  financial  policy  of  the  Re- 
publican and  Democratic  parti<!s.  They  again  put  forwanl 
candidates  in  1880  and  1884,  but  made  a  poor  show  in  the  vot- 
ing and  presently  melted  away,  some  of  tliose  who  had  supported 
it  presently  going  to  recruit  the  Populist  party. 

The  various  Labour  or  Socialist  i)arties  are  composed,  not  of 

'  The  matter  ia  furthor  complirutod  by  tlic  fact  that  the  national  bank-notes 
issued  by  the  iiaticnial  bunks  arc  niiaranteeil  bv  novcruMieiit  ixtiuls  deposited 
with  the  r.  S.  treasur.v,  lioiids  on  wliicli  the  ii:i!ii.ii;il  (;i)V(rnniiiit  i)a.vs  intere-it. 
The  Groenliaekers  desired  to  substitute  creenbaeks,  or  so-called  "tiat  money," 
for  these  bank-notex  as  a  cinul.itinn  mediuni. 


CHAP.  Lvi        FURTHER  OBSERVATIONS  ON   PARTIES  43 

agriculturists   like  the  ( ireenbackors,   hut   chiefly   of  working 
men  in   cities   and  ..lining  districts,  including   many   of  the 
recent  immigrants.      It  is   not   easy    to  describe    the   precise 
tenets  of  a    Lalx)ur    party,    for   it  includes    persons  of   very 
various  views,  some  who    would    be   called   in    Europe    pro- 
nounced Collcctivists,  otiiers  who  wish  to  restrain  the  action 
of  railway  and  telegraph  companies  and  other  .so-called  "mo- 
nopolists," and  of  course  many  who,   while  dissati-sfied  with 
existing  economic  conditions,  and  desiring  to  see  the  working 
classes  receive  a  larger  share  of  tiie  good  tilings  of  the  world, 
are  not  preparetl  to  say  in  what  way  these  conditions  can  be 
mende<l  and  this  result  attained.     Speaking  generallj-,  the  re- 
forms advocated  by  the  leaders  of  the  Labour  party  have  in- 
cluded the  "nationalization  of  the  land,"  the  imposition  of  a 
progressive  income  tax,'  the  taking  over  of  railroads  and  tele- 
graphs by  the  National  government,  the  prevention  of  the  im- 
migration of  Chinese  and  of  any  other  foreign  labourers  who  may 
come  under  contract,  the  restriction  of  all  so-called  monopolies, 
the  forfeiture  of  railroad  land  grants,  the  increase  of  the  currency,' 
the  free  issue  of  incouv(>rtibie  paper  and, .  bove  all,  the  statutory 
restnction  of  hours  of  lal)our.     But  it  must  not  K>e  supposed  that 
all  the  leaders,  much  less  all  the  followers,  adopt  all  these  tenets  ; 
nor  luus  it  been  always  easy  to  say  who  are  to  be  deemed  its 
leaders.     It  shows  a  tendency  to  split  up  into  factions.     Its 
strength  has  lain  in  the  trade  unions  of  the  operative  class,  and 
for  a  tmie  in  the  enormous  organization  or  league  of  trade  unions 
that  was  kriomi  as  the  Knights  of  Labour :  and  it  is  therefore 
warmly  interested  in  the  administration  of  the  various  State  laws 
whicli  affect,  strikes  and  th(<  practice  of  boycotting  by  which 
strikes  often  sc(>k  to  prevail.     It  has  much  support  from  the 
recent  immigrants  who  fill  the  great  cities,  especially  the  social- 
istically  inclined  sections  of  the  (Jermans,  Jews,  Poles,  Czechs 
and  other  Austro-Hungarian  Slavs. 

The  Lai)our  party  did  not  run  a  presidential  candidate  till 
1888,  and  was  then  divided,  so  that  its  strength  could  not  be 
well  estimati'd.     But  it  has  be(>n  nont  to  put  forward  candidates 

of  I'lIllT^i?''""!":'  '-u*',":  f  =  "'"'''="'<  "=»ti'>"='l  .'..nvnti,..,  i„  it.s  platforn.H 
Jrl  Jf  ISM.  M...  Uy  ihy  K.n.K.,>'  .\!!l.,ur  in  IsnO;  i,u(  l...  liK.n  „n«ht  ho 
expert od  has  ..-en  h.-urd  of  u  m  Auwrinx.  Its  adoption  in  the  Canton  of  Vaud 
!,'I  Pni  K  fT  •?;""'',  """"'.^  ','"■  «''^'>H»'''- i'll'-tl'itMnts  to  ,,„it  th.-.anton.  and 
further  risr  would  hi  d.K^t.rious.  mo  tlie  increuae  stoppe<l. 


:\ 


44 


THK   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


iu  State  and  city  olcctioas  when  it  saw  a  chance.  It  ran  Mr. 
Henry  CJeorge  for  Mayor  of  New  York  City  in  1886,  and  obtained 
the  unexpected  success  of  polling  67,000  votes  against  90,000 
given  to  the  regular  Democratic,  and  60,000  to  the  regular  Repub- 
lican candidate  ; '  but  this  success  was  not  sustained  in  the  con- 
test for  the  Secretaryshii  ?f  the  State  of  New  York  in  1887, 
when  a  vote  of  only  37,000  was  cast  by  the  Labour  party  in  the 
city.  In  1892  one  section,  calling  itself  the  Socialist  Lalx)ur 
Party,  ran  a  presidential  candidate,  but  obtained  only  21,164 
votes,  17,956  of  which  came  from  New  York,  the  rest  from  Penn- 
sylvania, New  Jersey,  Massachusetts,  and  Connecticut.  In  1900 
the  party  which  has  since  called  itself  Socialist  was  foundetl. 
Both  these  parties  sometimes  put  forward  candidates  in  State 
or  city  elections.  The  Socialists  are  a  somewhat  incalculable 
force  in  State  and  city  politics,  seklom  strong  enough  to  carry 
their  own  candidates,  but  sometimes  able  to  defeat  one  of  the 
regular  parties  by  drawing  away  a  part  of  its  voters,  or  to  extort 
a  share  of  the  offices  for  some  of  their  nominees.  It  is  only  in 
some  States,  chiefly  Northern  States,  that  candidates  of  this 
complexion  ai)pear  at  all. 

The  Prohibitionists,  or  opponents  of  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
liquors,  have  since  1872  regularly  held  a  national  convention 
for  the  nomination  of  a  presidential  candidate,  and  put  out  a 
ticket,  i.e.  nominated  candidates  for  president  and  vice-president. 
The  action  of  this  party  has  been  most  frequent  in  the  State 
legislatures,  because  the  whole  question  of  permitting,  restrict- 
ing, or  abolishing  the  sale  of  intoxicants  is  a  matter  for  the  States 
and  not  for  Congress.  However,  the  Feileral  government  raises 
a  large  revenue  by  its  high  import  duty  on  wines,  spirits,  and 
malt  liquors,  and  also  levies  an  internal  excise.  As  this  revenue 
was  for  some  years  before  1890  no  longer  needed  for  the  expenses 
of  the  National  government,  it  was  proposed  to  distribute  it 
among  the  States,  or  apply  it  to  some  new  and  useful  purpose, 
or  to  reduce  both  customs  duties  and  the  excise.  The  fear  of  the 
first  or  second  of  these  courses,  which  would  give  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  intoxicants  a  new  lea.se  of  life,  or  of  the  third,  which 
would  greatly  increase  their  consumption,  was  among  the  causes 
which  induced  the  Prohibitionists  to  enter  the  arena  of  national 
politics  ;  and  they  further  justified  their  conduct  in  doing  so  by 

'  In  1874  wlipii  a  Liil«>vir  onndidiite  was  first  run  for  tlic  New  York  mayoralty 
hu  obtaiued  oulj'  Ixtwueu  3000  and  4000  votus. 


CHAP.  Lvi       FURTHER  OBSERVATIONS  ON  PARTIES  45 

proposing  to  amend  the  Federal  Constitution  for  tbn  purposes 
of  prohibition,  and  to  stop  the  sale  of  intoxicants  in  the  Terri'- 
t^ries  and  in  the  District  of  (Columbia,  whicii   arc  under  the 
direct  control  of  Congress.'     Their  running  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency  has  been  more  a  demonstration  than  anythinR  else  as 
they  ca«t  a  comparatively  weak  vote,  many  even  of  those  ^ho 
sympathize  with  them  preferring  to  support  one  or  other  of  the 
great  parties  rather  than  throw  away  a  vote  hi  the  abstract 
as.sertion  of  a  principle.     One  ought  indeed  to  distinguish  between 
the  Prohibitionists  proper,  who  wish  to  stop  th,>  sale  of  intoxicants 
altogether,  and  the  Temperance  nu-n,  who  are   very  numerous 
among  Republicans  in  the  North  and  Democrats  in  the  South 
and  who    while  ready  to  vote  for  Local  Option  and  a   High 
Licence  Law,  disapprove  tW- attempt  to  impose  abs(»hite  prohibi- 
tion by  general  legi.slation.^-    The  number  of  persons  who  are  lx)th 
thorough-gomg  ProhiF,itionists  and  pure  Prohibitionists,  that  is 
to  say,  who  are  not  also  Republicans  or  Democrats,   is  small" 
far  too  small,  even  when  reinforced  by  a  section  of  the  "Tem- 
perance men,"  and  by  discontentcnl  Republicans  or  Democrats 

coJtiiitd^j'iSt';::::™,!'^''-  '--'^  ••>• »"-  -tio„ai  ™„vo„tion. 

-'Tho  liquor  traffic  is  a  foe  to  <ivili^ati«n.  tl„.  ar.l.  .......nv  of  popular  cowrti 

nu-nt.  and  a  publ.c  nu.sanoo.     It  is  t\u-  .ita.l.l  of  ,1„.  f„r,-,.s  "hat  n    ru   t  n  li  i.  1 
promote  poverty  and  ..rin.e.  d.-^rade  the  nations  honu-  life     h^^     12  ,^ 

^itn^^  ^T=;^''^we'rKr  tnhe:nr 

manufacture    sale,   importation,   exportation.   an<l   tra        .,TZ  Vl.h 

quon,  a.,  a  iK-veraRe  by  Federal  and  State  le^isLHtion,  an.l  tC  u     pi  wer    of 
he  Bovernn.ent  should  Ik-  exerted  to  secure  this  nsult."      In  1!K)S  their  eon v-n 

«e    -ral  .States  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  prohil.itinK  the  n.anufaeture 
"«"•""•  •''"'"^*''*'""-  -  f'"-..'-!:.!!.,,,  of  aleoholie  li'.uors  f/.r  "ev^raS 

One  might  have  ."xp  efe,l  the  Prohil.itionists  to  M-ivoeat.^  the  rep,..,|  „f  the 
proteetive  tariff  on  manufaetur..d  Koods  so  as  to  ne.k..  it   .„  ■  .  Vr 
tain  customs  dutie.,  and  an  excise  on  intoxican      f       th.    p       o^^'of  I'h  " v!" 
t.on.il  government.     But  this  would  in.pl v  that  th,..,.  I.U.  i3s  mi^  t      111  . 
.■onsumed.  which  is  just  what  the  more  anient  spt    i       he  t^  ,,  "ran./       r  v 
refuse  to  contemplate.     In  is-.l'  they  said  ■    •'Taiiff  sh    dd  Iw   lev  >  i  ' 

ii^Z:^  ''Tl  '^-•ornments  which  .ay^t^nS  tTor'iJ^:;^  :::^Zu 
ucts  from  their  markets,  revenue  Immiik  in.i.lent.d  "  ' 

th-.t  "f ho  K^"-''  '.''«'-'^'f  ",^'*  I'I'v  •■  placate,!-  ,ho  Temperance  men  l.v  enacting 
that     the  hygienics  of  alcohol  and  its  action  upon  the  human  hodv''  Jha       c 
a  regiUar  subject  of  instruction  in  the  publi..  .schools      Wh    her  th  s  i,,.tr,.    i   . 
d^mon.  go.Kl  ..r  hann  isa  ..ontroveA..d  point,  as  ,0  wll^. We    L  r    "n  ^ 
IS'JO  of  the  L.  is.  Couinussioncr  of  Lducalion. 


I      1' 


THE   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


46 

who  ma^ike  the  "regular"  candidates  of  .their  Party  to  ^vc 

SPSS  "?£!==■  K.=?: 

of  the  opposite  party,     l^atterly  inc  party 

*  te  t*i.a.  importan,...,  thourf,  tomporan,.  ta  advanced 
both  in  the  d,fru.iun  of  its  prin.-.ples  and  m  P™'*'""-  , 

A  ipirit  of  disrontcnt  with  111.-  "Id  parties,  and  vague  wish 
to  betTr  !„•  Mi»lati,m  the  condition  of  t  e  a.neul  jmst^. 
eansrd  the  uroivth  of  what  was  callinl  at  hrst  *  "'^  ^  ■"™<^'^, 
/Stoee  Party,  and  thereafter  the  People's  Party,  or  'Popuhs^ 
r,  iSo  ami  18!»  it  rose  suddenly  to  importanee  m  the  \\  '.t 
t^ZZ  and  seeure..  some  seats  fron,  «-»-««-  nrto 
Fiftv-scpond  and  suocoechns  Consresses.  It>  plattorm  agrtt  i 
in  sev  ml  points  with  thos.  of  the  Greenl. ackers  and  Labour  men 

ntTn'tead  of  seeking  to  '•  nati.maUze"  tlu-  Itmd,  it  .lesired  to 
relcTthe  tltion  on  real  estate  and  to  seeure  ramon^  ote 
benefits)  loans  from  the  puhlie  tn^asury  to  fanners  at  low  rat^^ 
of  iXrest.  It  ran  a  ean.lidate  at  the  pn-sidentud  eleetion  o 
1892  (carrying  four  States  and  ol.taining  one  eh.'toral  v..te  in 
r  IrZ  ^hers),  hut  has  sin.- tljen  --;^;-^;,:^^ 

^ricu  tur  1  lif..  in  America  are  likely  from  time  to  time  tx,  pn)- 
Esi^iar  outbreaks  of  dissatisfaction,  with  impatient  cries 


CHAP.  Lvi        FURTHER  OBSERVATIONS  ON  PARTIES 


47 


for  unpractical  remedies,  the  tendency  has  of  recent  years  been 
towards  the  formation  of  parties  professing  views  of  a  more  or 
less  CoUectivist  type.  In  1900,  1904,  1908,  and  1912  a  party 
calling  itself  Socialist  and  another  calling  itself  Soci'^list  Labour 
ran  candidates  for  the  presidency ;  and  in  1908  there  also  ap- 
peared an  "Independence  Party,"  which  denounced  the  Re- 
publican and  Democratic  parties  ahke.  Of  these  minor  new 
parties  the  largest  vote  w  as  in  1912  cast  l)y  the  Socialist,  901 ,873. 
In  1904  its  vote  had  been  402,321 .  In  1912  the  new  Progressive 
party  ran  its  candidates. 

The  advocat(>s  of  Woman  Suffrage  cannot  be  reckoned  a 
national  party,  because  the  question  is  one  for  the  States,  and 
because  women  have  no  vote  in  presidential  elections  (save  in 
ten  States).  In  1884  a  woman  was  nominated,  but  did  not  go 
to  the  poll.' 

Though  the  group  which  went  l)y  the  name  of  Mugwumps  has 
disappeared,  it  had  a  temjwrary  significance  which  entitles  it  to 
the  meed  of  a  meloilious  t(>ar.-  At  the  presidential  election  of 
1884  a  section  of  the  Republican  party,  more  important  by  the 
intelligence  and  social  position  of  the  men  who  composed  it 
than  by  its  voting  power,  "bolted"  (to  use  the  technical  term) 
from  their  party,  and  refused  to  support  Mr.  Blaine.  Some 
simply  abstained,  some,  obejing  the  impulse  to  vote  which  is 
strong  in  gooil  citizens  in  America,  voted  for  Mr.  St.  John,  the 
Prohibitionist  candidate,  though  well  aware  that  this  was  prac- 
tically the  sam(>  thing  as  abstention.  The  majority,  however, 
voted  against  their  party  for  Mr.  Cleveland,  the  Democratic 
candidate ;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  the  transference  of  their 
vote  which  turned  the  balance  in  New  York  State,  and  thereby 
determined  the  issue  of  the  whole  election  in  Mr.  Cleveland's 
favour.  They  were  tV<rrefore  tiot  to  be  reckoned  as  a  national 
party,  according  to  the  American  use  of  the  term,  because  they 
did  not  run  a  ticket  of  their  own,  but  supported  a  candidate 
started  by  one  of  the  regular  parties.  The  only  organization 
they  formed  consisted  of  committe(\s  which  held  meetings  and 
distributed  literatare  du.'    t  the  election,  but  cHssolved  when 

*  See  further  as  to  woman  suffrage,  Ciiapter  XCIX. 

'The  nar.ie  i=  said  to  !x-  form*-.!  froiu  ;tii  Imlitm  word  deuotinK  a  rhirf  or 
ajted  wise  man.  and  was  applied  l)y  the  "  straiRlit-out "  Repulilieans  to  their 
holtinn  brethren  as  a  term  of  ridieule.  It  was  thi  n  taken  up  by  the  latter  as  a 
term  of  compliment;  though  thc>  deseription  th<,y  usid  formally  in  1S84  was  that 
of  "  IndepcQdeut  RepublicauB." 


•hi 


THE  PARTY  aVSTEM 


PART  III 


:!  i 


I 


48  ^ 

U   waT^'^Thev   maintained   no  permanent   P^^y  ma- 

the   purposes  of  ;f;^^^\-;/tin?e  S^^  (especially 

in  the  South  Democrats.     There  did  not  in 

in  the  Democratic  party,  either  m  North  "'^  f*^^:^' .       „  ^j 

important  judicial  office,  .howcd  that  the  W^°JP    ^  ^h- 
or  t.-ndeney  was  to  l>c  reokomnl  with,  at   east  m  We  is 
eastern  Stat™,  l.y  both  parties  a  ike,  "■«>'""««  ^^/oemo- 
remarke,!)  many  of  *e  rielwr  ami  more  mfluenUal^^^^^^ 
rrats  "l)olti4"  the  party  tieket  and    an  a  presmeni 

"'  ThtrSr  must  be  reminded  of  one  capital  difference  tetween 
tJ^:;;ia„andDem..rat.,.rties»^^^^^ 

'eXt'  S  r  S':    Th:;:^It™  every  state,  and  in 

sr:tirtits-.ita^t^^^^^^ 


CHAP.  Lvi       FURTHER  OBSERVATIONS  ON   PARTIES 


49 


to  maintain  ur^anizatiunH  all  over  the  Union.'  The  Populists, 
though  for  the  moment  strong  in  the  West,  had  no  imixirtance 
in  the  Atlantic  States.  Where  these  minor  parties  are  strong, 
or  where  some  question  has  arisen  which  keenly  interests 
them,  they  may  run  their  man  for  State  governor  or  city  mayor, 
or  may  put  out  a  ticket  for  State  senators  or  Assembly  men : 
or  they  may  take  the  often  more  profitable  course  of  fusing  for 
the  nonce  \vith  one  of  the  regular  parties,  giving  it  their  vote  in 
return  for  having  the  party  nominations  to  one  or  more  of  the 
elective  offices  assigned  to  their  own  nominee.'^  This  helps  to 
keep  a  minor  party  going,  antl  gives  to  its  vote  a  practical  result 
otherwise  unattainable. 

Is  there  not,  then,  some  European  may  ask,  a  Free  Trade 
party  ?  Not  in  the  American  sense  of  the  word  "  party."  The 
Democratic  party  used  to  stand  for  a  "tariff  for  revenue  only," 
and  there  are  still  mor(>  advocates  of  a  low  rate  of  tluties  in  that 
party  than  among  their  opponents.  But  there  is  no  political 
organization  which  devotes  itself  to  the  advocacy  of  free  trade 
by  the  \xsual  party  methods,  much  less  does  any  one  think  of 
starting  candidates  either  for  the  presidency  or  for  Congress 
upon  a  pure  anti-protectionist  platform. 

Why,  considering  the  reluctant  hesitancy  which  the  old  parties 
have  been  apt  to  show  in  taking  up  a  clear  and  distinctive  at- 
titude upon  new  questions,  and  formulating  definite  proposals 
regarding  them,  and  considering  also  that  in  the  immense  area 
of  the  United  States,  with  its  endless  variety  of  economic  in- 
terests and  social  conditions,  we  might  expect  local  diversities  of 
aim  and  view  which  would  here  and  there  crystallize,  and  so  give 
rise  to  many  local  parties  —  why  are  not  the  parties  far  more 
numerous  ?  Why,  too,  are  the  parties  so  persistent  ?  In  this 
changeful  country  one  would  look  for  frequent  changes  in  tenets 
and  methods. 

One  reason  is,  that  there  is  at  present  a  strong  feeling  in 
America  against  any  sentiment  or  organization  which  relies  on 
or  appeals  to  one  particular  region  of  the  country.  Such  local- 
ism or  sectionalism  is  hateful,  because,  recalling  the  disunionist 

'  In  1912  the  Socialist  party  was  the  only  minor  party  for  which  votes  were 
cast  in  every  State.  The  Prohibitionists  obtained  votes  in  40  States,  and  the 
Socialist  Labour  in  20. 

'  The  Labour  men  and  latterly  the  Socialists  did  this  pretty  frequently, 
the  Prohil>ittonists  scarcely  ever.  As  to  the  Progressive  party  in  the  presi- 
dential election  of  1912,  see  p.  184,  post. 


so 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


I 


i  f 


A 


11  i 


spirit  of  the  South  which  led  to  the  war,  it  seems  anti-nationa 
and  unpatriotic.  By  the  mere  fact  of  its  sprinRmg  from  a  loca 
root,  and  urging  a  local  interest,  a  party  would  set  the  rest  of 
the  country  against  it.  As  a  separately  organizec  faction  seek- 
ing to  capture  the  Fetleral  government,  it  could  not  succeed 
against  the  national  parties,  because  the  Union  as  a  whole  is  so 
vast  that  it  would  be  outvoted  by  one  or  other  of  them  But 
is  content  to  remain  a  mere  opinion  or  demand,  not  attacking 


•* 


either  national  party,  but  willing  to  bestow  the  vo  es  it  can 
control  on  whichever  will  meet  its  wishes,  it  is  powerful,  because 
the  two  great  parties  wll  bid  against  one  another  for  its  support 
by  flatteries  and  concessions.     For  instance,  the  question  which 
has  interested  the  masses  on  the  Pacific  coast  is  that  of  excluding 
Chinese  immigrants,  and  latterly  Japanese  also,  because  they 
compete  for  work  with  the  whites  and  bring  down  wages.     Now 
if  the  "anti-Mongolians"  of  California,  Washington,  and  Ore- 
gon were  to  create  a  national  party,  based  on  this  particular 
issue,  they  would  be  insignificant,  for  they  would  have  little 
suppljrt  over  five-sixths  of  the  Union.     But  by  showmg  that  the 
attitude  of  the  two  great  parties  on  this  issue  will  ;»«temime 
their  own  attitude  towards  these  i^arties,  they  control  both  for 
as  each  desires  to  secure  the  vote  of  California,  Washington, 
and  Oregon,  each  vies  with  the  other  in  promising  and  voting 
for  anti-Asiatic  legislation.     The  position  of  the  Irish  extremists 
was  similar,  except  of  course  that  they  were  a  racial  and  not  a 
geographical  "section."    Their   power,  which  Congress  some- 
times  used  to  recognize  in  a  way  scarcely  ^omP'^t''' ^  ^      /.^^ 
dignity  or  with  international  courtesy,  lay  in  the  fact  that  as  the 
Republicans  and  Democrats  were  nearly  balanced,  the  congres- 
sional leaders  of  both  desired  to  "  placate  "  this  faction,  for  which 
neither  had  a  sincere  affection.     An  Irish  paity,  or  a  German 
party,  or  a  Roman  (^atlu.lic  party,  which  should  run  its  candi- 
dates on  a  sectional  platform,  would  stand  self-condemned  in 
American  eves  a.s  not  being  genuinely  American.     But  so  long 
as  it  is  content  to  seek  control  over  parties  and  candidates,  it 
might  exert  an  influemce  out  of  proportion  to  its  numbers,  and 
checked  onlv  bv  the  fear  that  if  it  demanded  too  much,  native 
Americans  might  rebel,  as  tht^  did  in  the  famous  Know-nothing 
or  "American"  party  of  185.3-58.     The  same  fate  would  befall 
a  party  based  upon  some  trade  interest,  such  as  protection  to 
a  particular  sort  of  manufactures,  or  the  stimulation  of  cattle- 


CHAP.  Lvi        FUIITHER  OBSERVATIONS  ON  PARTIES 


51 


breeding  an  against  sheep.  Such  a  party  might  succeed  for  a 
time  in  a  State,  and  might  dictate  its  terms  to  one  or  both  of  the 
national  parties ;  but  wlien  it  attemptetl  to  be  a  national  party 
it  would  become  ridiculous  and  fall. 

A  second  cause  of  the  phenomenon  which  I  am  endeavouring 
to  explain  may  be  found  in  the  enormous  trouble  and  expense 
required  to  found  a  new  national  party.  To  influence  the  votes, 
even  to  reiuh  the  ears,  of  nearly  one  hundred  millions  of 
people,  is  an  undertaking  to  Ix;  entered  on  only  when  some 
really  great  cause  fires  the  national  imagination,  disjwses  the 
p<!ople  to  listen,  persuades  the  wealthy  to  spend  freely  of  their 
substance.  It  took  six  y<'urs  of  intense  work  to  builil  up  the 
Repul)lican  party,  which  might  not  even  then  have  triumphetl 
in  the  election  of  180(),  but  for  the  sjjlit  in  the  ranks  of  its  op- 
ponents. The  attempt  made  in  1872  to  form  a  new  independent 
party  out  of  the  discontents  I  Rei)ublicans  and  the  Democrats 
failed  lamental)ly.  The  Ind<>pendent  Republicans  of  1884  did 
not  v(!nture  to  start  a  progranmie  or  candidate  of  their  own, 
but  were  prudently  satisfied  with  helping  the  Democratic  can- 
didate, whom  they  deemed  more  likely  than  the  Republican 
nominee  to  give  effect  to  the  doctrine  of  civil  service  reform 
which  they  were  advocating. 

The  case  of  these  Indejiendents,  or  Mugwumps,  is  an  illustra- 
tive one.  For  nniny  years  i)a.st  there  had  been  complaints  that 
the  two  okl  parties  were  failing  to  (l(>al  with  issues  that  had 
grown  to  be  of  capital  importance,  such  as  the  tariff,  the  cur- 
rency, the  improvement  of  methods  of  business  in  Congress,  the 
purification  of  the  civil  service  and  extinction  of  the  so-called 
Spoils  system.  These  complaints,  however,  came  not  from  the 
men  prominiMit  as  practical  statesmen  or  politicians  in  the  par- 
ties, but  from  outsiders,  and  largely  from  tlie  men  of  intellectual 
cultivation  and  comparatively  high  social  standing.  Very  few 
of  such  men  took  an  active  part  in  "politics,"  however  in- 
terested they  might  be  in  public  affairs.  They  were  amateurs 
as  regards  the  practical  work  of  "running"  ward  meetings  and 
('(mventions,  of  framing  "tickets."  and  bringing  up  voters  to 
the  poll,  in  fact  of  working  as  well  as  organizing  that  vast  and 
cumpliiated  inadiinery  whicii  an  American  party  needs.  Be- 
siiles,  it  is  a  costly  machinery,  and  tiiey  did  not  see  where  to 
find  the  money.  Hence  tliey  recoiled  from  the  effort,  and  aime<l 
at  creating  a  sentiment  which  might  take  concrete  form  in  a  vote, 


I! 


52 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAHT    Itl 


I 

ill' 


Hi 


given  for  whichever  of  the  parties  seemed  at  any  particular  time 
most  likely  to  adopt,  even  if  insincerely,  the  principles,  and 
push  forward,  even  if  reluctantly,  the  measures  which  the  In- 
depentlcnts  advocate. 

Why,  however,  does  it  so  seldom  happen  that  the  profes- 
sional politicians,  who  "know  the  ropes,"  and  know  where  to 
get  the  necessary  funds,  seek  to  wreck  a  party  in  order  to  found 
u  new  one  more  to  their  mind?  Because  they  are  pretty  well 
satisfifvl  with  the  sphere  which  existing  parties  give  them,  and 
comprehend  from  their  practical  experience  how  hazardous 
such  an  experiment  would  he. 

These  coasideralions  may  help  to  explain  the  reinarkahlc 
cohesion  of  parties  in  America,  and  the  strength  of  party  loyalty, 
a  phenomenon  more  natural  in  Europe,  where  momentous  issues 
inflame  men's  passions,  and  where  the  hulk  of  the  adherents 
are  ignorant  men,  caught  l)y  watchwords  and  readily  attracted 
to  a  leader,  than  in  a  republic  where  no  party  has  any  Ixmefit 
to  promise  to  the  people  which  it  may  not  as  well  get  from  the 
other,  ami  wiiere  the  native  voter  is  a  keen-witte<l  man,  with 
little  reverence  for  the  authority  of  any  individual.  There  is 
however  another  reason  flowing  from  the  character  of  the 
American  jjcople.  Tliey  are  extremely  fcmd  of  a.ssociating 
themselves,  and  prone  to  cling  to  any  organization  they  have 
once  joined.  They  are  sensitive  to  any  charge  of  disloyalty. 
They  are  gregarious,  each  man  more  dispos(>(l  to  go  with  the 
multitude  and  do  as  they  do  than  to  take  a  line  of  his  own,' 
ami  they  enjoy  "campaigning"  for  its  own  sake.  These  arc 
characteristics  whicli  themselves  nHjuire  to  he  accountcnl  for, 
hut  the  (liscus.si()i)  of  them  belongs  to  hit(>r  chapters.  A  Eu- 
ropean is  surprised  to  see  prominent  jK)liticiuns  supporting, 
sometimes  effusively,  a  candidate  of  their  own  party  whom 
th(\v  are  known  to  dislike,  merely  l»ecaus(>  he  is  the  |)arty  can- 
didate. There  is  a  sort  of  military  discipline  about  jiarty 
life  which  has  its  good  as  well  as  its  bad  side,  for  if  it  souk;- 
times  chcM'ks  the  expression  of  hon(>st  disapproval,  it  also  re- 
strains jealousy,  abashes  self-seeking,  prevents  recrimination. 

Each  of  the  American  parties  has  usually  been  less  under  the 
control  of  one  or  two  conspicuous  leaders  than  are  British 


'  That  ia  to  siiy.  they  resport  the  authority  of  tho  niiiss,  to  wliich  they  thoni- 
Kclvrs  lii'loiiK,  thoutch  sclilom  that  of  inilividuul  leaders.  See  ixjul.  Chapter 
LXXXV..  The  Fatalism  <.(  the  Multitude. 


UAF.  Lvi        KUIITHKR  OBHKHVATIOXS  ON   PARTIES  M 


parties.     So  far  as  this  is  due  to  the  absence  of  men  whose  iM)wer 
over  the  pi^ople  rests  on  tlie  |K)ssession  of  brilliant  oratorical  or 
administrative  Rifts,  it  is  a  part  of  the  cpiestion  why  there  are 
not  more  such  men  in  American  public  life,  why  there  are  fewer 
HtrikinR  figures  than  in  the  days  of  Jefferson  and  Hamilton,  of 
Webster  and  Calhoun.     It  is  howevj-r  also  due  to  the  p«>.ul- 
iarities  of  the  Constitution.     The   want   of  concentration  of 
IK)wer  in  the  IcRul  Kovernment  is  reflects  1  in  the  structure  of 
the  party  system.     The  separation  of  the  IcRislative  from  the 
executive  department  lowers  the  importance  of  leadership  in 
parties,  as  it  weakens  both  these  dephrtments.     The  President, 
who  is  presumal)ly  amonp  the  leading  men,  dews  not  always  find 
it  possible  to  direct  the  policy  of  his  party,  still  less  speak  for  it 
in  public,  because  he  represents  the  whole  nation.     His  ministers 
cannot  speak  to  the  people  through  Ccmgress.     In  neither  House 
of  Congi-ess  is  there  necessarily  any  person  recognized  as  the 
leader  on  either  side.     As  neither  Houso  has  the  [lower  over 
legislation  and  administration  iwssessiHl  by  such  an  assembly 
as  the  French  or  Italian  diamber,  or  the  English  House  of 
Commons,  speeches  delivennl  or  strategy  displayed  in  it  do  not 
tell  upon  the  country  with  equal  force  and  directness.    There 
remains  the  stump,  and  it  is  more  by  the  stump  than  in  any 
other  way  that  an  American  statesman  speaks  to  the  people. 
But  what  distances  to  be  traverse<l,  what  fatigues  to  be  encoun- 
tered, before  he  can  b«>  a  living  and  attractive  personality  to  the 
electing  mas.ses !    An  English  statesman  leaves  London  at  two 
o'clock,  and  speaks  in  Hirmingham.  or  Letnls,  or  Manchester,  the 
same  evening.     In  a  few  years,  every  great  town  knows  him  like 
its  own  mayor,  while  the  active  local  politicians  who  freejuently 
run  up  from  their  homes  to  Dindon  hear  him  from  the  galleries 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  wait  on  him  in  deputations,  arc  in- 
vited to  the  receptions  which  his  wife  gives  during  the  season. 
Even  railways  and  telegraphs  cannot  make  America  a  compact 
country  in  the  same  sense  that  Britain  is. 

From  the  Civil  War  till  the  end  of  last  century,  neither  Re- 
publicans nor  Democrats  leaned  on  and  foUowetf  any  one  man 
as  Mr.  Cdadston"  and  Lord  Beaconsfield,  as  before  them  Lords 
Derby,  John  Russell,  and  Pahiu-rston,  as  still  earlier  Sir  Robert 
Peel  and  Lord  Melbourne,  were  followed  in  England.  No  one 
since  Mr.  Seward  exercised  even  so  much  authority  as  Mr. 
Bright  did  when  out  of  office,  or  as  Gambetta  did  in  France,  or 


,1 1 
1 


M 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART    111 


n 


Mr.  ParncU  in  In>lan»l,  over  tlut  srctionH  of  opinion  which  cucli 
of  these  eminent  men  represented. 

How  then  are  the  parties  UhI  ui  Congress  and  tiie  country? 
Who  directs  their  ixiliey?  W'lio  seh-ets  theit  car-'lidates  for 
the  most  imfiortant  ptwts  ?  These  are  (juestioiis  which  cannot 
be  adequately  answered  till  the  nature  of  the  party  machinery 
has  been  described.  For  the  moment  I  iimst  1m'  content  to  sug- 
gest the  following  as  provisional  answers  :  -  - 

The  chief  thing  is  the  selection  of  canditlates.  This  is  done 
in  party  meetings  called  conventions.  When  a  party  has  a 
policy,  it  is  settled  in  a  convention  ami  declared  in  a  <locu- 
ment  called  a  platform.  When  it  has  no  policy,  tiie  platform 
is  issued  none  the  less.  Party  tactics  in  Congress  are  tlecidinl 
on  by  meetings  of  the  party  in  each  House  of  ( 'ongress  called 
caucases.  Leaders  have  of  course  much  to  do  with  all  three 
processes.  But  they  often  efface  themselves  out  of  respect  to 
the  sentiment  of  equality,  and  because  i)ower  concealetl  excites 
less  envy. 

How  do  the  parties  affect  .social  life?  At  present  not  very 
much,  at  least  in  the  Northern  and  Middle  States,  because  it  i.i 
a  comparatively  slack  time  in  politics.  Your  dining  acquaint- 
ances, even  your  intimate  friends,  are  not  necessarily  of  the 
same  way  of  voting  as  yourself,  and  though  of  course  political 
views  tend  to  become  hereditary,  there  is  nothing  to  surprise 
any  one  in  finding  sons  belonKinj;  to  different  parties  from  their 
fathers.  Social  boycotting  on  political  grounds,  such  as  largely 
prevails  in  rural  England,  is  unknown.  In  the  Sotith,  where 
the  recollections  of  the  great  struggle  were  kept  alive  by  the 
presence  of  a  negro  voting  power  which  had  to  be  controlled, 
things  have  been  different :  and  they  were  different  in  the 
North  till  the  passions  of  civil  strife  had  abate<l. 

So  far,  I  have  spoken  of  the  parties  only  as  national  organiza- 
tions, struggling  for  and  acting  on  or  throuRh  the  Federal  gov- 
ernment. Rut  it  has  already  heeu  observenl  (Chap.  XLVI.) 
that  they  exist  also  as  State  and  city  organizations,  cont Hid- 
ing for  the  places  which  States  and  cities  have  to  give,  seeking 
to  control  State  legislatures  and  municipal  councils.  Every 
circumscription  of  State  and  local  government,  Irom  the  State 
of  New  York  with  its  nine  millions  of  inhabitants  down  to 
the  "city"  that  has  just  sprung  up  round  a  railway  junction 
in  the  West,  has  a  regular  Repul)lican  party  organization,  cor 


CHAP,  tvi        FURTHER  OlWKRVATIONS  OM   PARTIES 


froutwl  by  u  >.iiular  l)(!m()cnitic  orRunization,  oacJi  runninn  itH 
own  ticket  (/.<•.  list  of  camlidutt's)  at  every  election,  for  any 
office  pcrtainiii)";  to  its  own  lircum.-icriijlion,  and  each  feileratwl, 
HO  to  ispeak,  to  the  larger  or^^anizations  above  it,  representeil  in 
tlieni  and  working  for  them  in  (IrillinR  and  "energizinj;"  the 
party  within  the  area  which  is  the  sphere  of  its  action. 

What  have  the  tenets  of  such  natit)nal  parties  as  the  Hepub- 
licaiis  and  Democrats  to  do  with  the  jMtlitics  of  i-?tates  and 
cities?  Very  little  witli  those  of  States,  because  a  matter  for 
Federal  legislation  is  sel-'am  also  a  matter  for  State  legislation. 
Still  less  with  those  of  cities  or  counties.  Cities  and  counties 
have  not  strictly  speakim;  any  political  questions  to  deal  with ; 
their  business  is  to  pave  and  light,  to  keep  the  streets  clean, 
maintain  an  efficient  police  and  well-barred  prisons,  administer 
the  i)oor  law  and  charitable  institJitions  with  integrity,  judg- 
ment, and  economy.  The  laws  regulating  these  matters  have 
be«?n  alremly  made  by  the  State,  and  the  city  or  county  authority 
has  nothing  to  do  but  administer  them.  Hence  at  city  and 
county  elections  the  main  objt-cts  ought  to  hv  to  choose  honest 
and  careful  men  of  business.  It  need  maki'  no  difference  to  the 
action  of  a  mayor  or  school  trustee  in  any  concrete  (juestion 
whether  he  holds  Democratic  or  Re|)ublican  views. 

However,  the  habit  of  party  warfare  has  l)(>en  so  strong  as 
to  draw  all  elections  into  its  Nortex  ;  nor  would  either  party 
feel  sitfe  if  it  neglected  the  means  of  rallying  and  drilling  its 
supporters,  which  State  and  local  contests  supplj.  There  is 
this  advantage  in  the  sy.st(>m,  tliat  it  stimulates  the  political 
interest  of  the  people,  which  is  kept  alive  by  this  perpetual 
agitation.  But  the  muhi})licity  of  contests  has  the  effect  of 
making  |K)litics  too  absorbing  an  occupation  for  the  ordinary 
citizen  who  has  his  profession  or  business  to  attend  to  ;  while 
the  result  claimed  by  tlios(>  who  in  England  defend  the  practice 
of  fighting  municipal  elections  on  party  lines,  viz.  that  good 
men  are  induced  to  stand  for  local  office  for  the  sake  of  their 
party,  is  thi'  last  residt  desired  by  the  [loliticians,  or  expecteii 
by  any  one.  It  is  this  constant  lal)our  which  the  business  of 
politics  involves,  tliis  rai.  'cation  of  party  into  all  the  nooks 
and  corners  of  local  goveiument,  that  lias  produced  the  class 
of  professional  politicians,  of  wliom  it  is  now  time  to  speak. 


Hi  I 


i 


1.1 


i    I 


CHAPTER  LVII 

THE  POLITICIANS 

Institutions  are  said  to  form  men,  but  it  is  no  less  true  that 
men  give  to  institutions  their  colour  and  tendency.  It  profits 
little  to  know  the  legal  rules  and  methods  and  observances  of 
government,  unless  one  also  knows  something  of  the  human 
beings  who  tend  and  direct  this  machinery,  and  who,  by  the 
spirit  in  which  they  work  it,  may  render  it  the  potent  instrument 
of  good  or  evil  to  the  people.    These  men  are  the  politicians.' 

What  is  one  to  include  under  this  term?  iu  England  it 
usually  denotes  those  who  are  actively  occu^i  i  m  adminis- 
tering or  legislating,  or  discussing  administration  antl  legisla- 
tion. That  is  to  say,  it  includes  ministers  of  the  Crown,  mem- 
bers of  Parliament  (though  some  in  the  House  of  Commons 
and  the  majority  in  the  House  of  Lords  care  little  about  politics), 
a  few  leatling  journalists,  and  a  small  number  of  miscellaneous 
persons,  writers,  lecturers,  organizers,  agitators,  who  occupy 
themselves  with  trying  to  influence  the  public.  Sometimes 
tlie  term  is  given  a  wider  sweep,  being  taken  to  include  all 
who  lal)our  for  their  political  party  in  the  constituencies,  as 
e.g.  the  chairmen  and  secretaries  of  local  party  associations, 
and  the  more  active  committee  men  of  the  same  iMxiies.  The 
former,  whom  we  may  call  the  Inner  Circle  men,  are  profes- 
sional politicians  in  this  sense,  and  in  this  sense  only,  that 
jwhtics  is  the  main  though  seldom  the  sole  business  of  their 
lives.  But  at  present  extremely  few  of  them  make  anything 
by  It  m  the  way  of  money.  A  handful  hope  to  get  some  post ; 
a  somewhat  larger  numlier  conceive  that  a  seat  in  Parliament 
niay  enable  them  to  push  their  financial  undertakings  or  make 
them  at  least  more  conspicuous  in  the  commercial  world.  But 
the  gaining  of  a  livelihood  does  not  come  into  tbe  view  of  the 

.'  >"  .•>•"•■[':;' '^ '"'"''':' ;'«  well  H«  fh«-  (T„it,<d  States)  ,,r„plo  do  not  s.-iv  "r).)!!- 
tirmn-  hut  Iho  ,...liti.ian8."  lK.<ai.«-  the  word  indi(ut<«  a  dasa  with"  cL-rtaiD 
(IrHiicd  I'liaractiTistics. 

56 


CHAP.    LVII 


THE  POLITICIANS 


0/ 


groat  majonty  at  all.  The  other  dasn,  who  may  be  caUe<l 
the  Outer  Circle,  are  not  profes.sional.s  in  any  .sense,  being  pri- 
umnly  occupied  with  their  .,wn  avocation.s  ;  and  none  of  them 
oxcept  m  each  constituency  an  organizing  .sc'cretary,  or  reeis^ 
tration  agent,  and  here  and  there  a  paid  lecturer,  makes  any 
profi  out  of  the  work.'  The  phenomena  of  France  anc'ltaly 
ami  (.ermany  are  generally  similar,  that  is  to  say,  those  who 
<hjvote  their  whole  tinu-  to  polities  are  a  very  smau'ela^  those 
uho  make  a  living  I,y  it  an  even  .smaller  one.=  Of  all  the  countries 
ot  Kurope,  (.reece  is  that  in  which  persons  who  spend  their  life 
m  politics  seem  to  bear  the  largest  proportion  to  the  Mhole  pop- 

it^iTt'^rpj/""" '''  ^"^^"^*  "^  '^'''-  '^^  --"y  "- 

To  see  ^vhy  tilings  are  different  In  the  United  States,  why 
the  Inner  (  .rde  is  much  larger,  both  absolutely  and  relatively 

Isk  wh.t  ;r'''  '''?•'"  ^"'■'^^' '  '^'*  "-^  S«  »'^^k  a  little  and 

a.sk  what  ar(>  the  conditions  which  develop  a  political  class 
ihe  ,v.mt  has  so  imp.,rtant  a  bc-aring  on  the  characteri.stic8  of 
American  politicians  that  I  do  not  fear  to  dwell  .somewhat  fully 

In  self-governing  communities  of  the  simpler  kind  -  for  one 
•nay  lc>ave  ab.solute  monarchies  and  feudal  monarchies  on  one 
side -the  common  affairs  are  everybody's  business  and  no- 
body s  special  bu..ne.ss.  Some  few  men  by  their  personal  quali- 
tie.s  get  a  larger  share  of  authority,  and  are  repeate<Uy  chosen 
to  l,e  archons,  or  g.-nerals,  or  consuls,  or  burgoma.sters,  or  lan- 
dammans,  but  ev(.n  these  rarely  give  tlu>ir  whole  time  to  the 
State  and  muk.-  little  or  nothing  in  money  out  of  it  This 
wa.s  the  condition  of  the  (Wvvk  republics,  of  early  Rome,3  of 

Sviiffr  "Vu"       '"''  Cormaiiy  an.l   Italy,  of  the  cantons  of 
Switzerland  till  very  recent  times. 

-^^  1  l.r  |.n.„.,|.al   h,!.si,„.ss  in  |if..  .,f  (•i„,i,„n.t.,s  uas  to  (ill   Lis  r„.|.U    ..,..1  .. 


I 


as 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PaRT  III 


;  ! 

■I    i    ■ 
,!    ' 

f    I 

il 


When  in  a  large  country  public  affairs  be<'onio  more  engross- 
ing to  those  who  are  occupied  in  them,  when  the  sphere  of  gov- 
ernment widens,  when  administration  is  more  complex  and  more 
closely  interlaced  with  the  industrial  interests  of  the  community 
and  of  the  world  at  largf,  so  that  there  is  more  to  be  known  and 
to  be  consideretl,  the  busine-ss  of  a  nation  falls  into  the  hands  of 
the  men  eminent  by  rank,  wealth,  and  ability,  wh.o  form  a  sort 
of  governing  class,  largely  hereditary.  Tiie  higher  civil  admin- 
istration of  the  state  is  in  their  hands  ;  they  fill  the  chief  council 
or  legislative  chamber  and  conduct  its  debates.  They  have  resi- 
dences in  the  capital,  and  though  they  receive  salaries  when 
actually  filling  an  office,  and  have  opportunities  for  enriching 
themselves,  the  majority  possess  independent  means,  and  pur- 
sue politics  for  the  sake  of  fame,  power,  or  excitement.  Those 
few  who  have  not  independent  means  can  follow  their  business 
or  profession  in  the  capital,  or  can  frequently  visit  the  place 
where  their  business  is  carried  on.  This  was  the  condition  of 
Rome  under  the  later  rej)ublic,'  and  of  England  and  France  till 
quite  lately  —  Indeed  it  is  largely  the  case  in  England  still  — 
as  well  as  of  F^russia  and  Swedc'n.^ 

Let  us  see  what  are  the  conditions  of  the  United  States. 

There  is  a  relati\ely  small  leisured  class  of  persons  engaged 
in  no  occupation  and  of  wealth  sufficient  to  leave  them  free  for 
public  affairs.  So  far  as  such  r)ersons  are  to  be  found  in  the 
country,  for  some  are  to  be  sought  abroad,  they  are  to  be  found 
in  a  few  great  cities. 

There  is  no  class  with  a  sort  of  hereditary  prescriptive  right 
to  pubUc  office,  no  great  families  whose  names  are  known  to 
the  people,  and  who,  bound  together  by  class  sympathy  and  ties 
of  relationship,  help  one  another  by  keeping  offices  in  the  hands 
of  their  own  memliers. 

The  country  is  a  very  large  one,  and  has  its  ijolitical  capital 
in  a  city  without  trade,  without  manufactures,  without  profes- 
sional careers.     Even  the  seats  of  State  governments  are  often 


'Rome  in  th<'  lat.T  -iuys  (,f  tlio  rcpuMu-  liiul  prarticully  hccomo  a  country, 
that  is  to  say,  tlir  niiiKc  of  lur  mithority  and  tlic  niu.ss  of  Iut  puMic  hiisincss 
were  much  great. t  than  in  any  of  the  (Ircck  citii's,  even  in  Athens  in  the;  days 
of  Pprich-«.  Tlic  <liMii.(s  of  niakinpr  ilhcit  Eains  wi-i,'  rnornioiis,  l)ut  confined 
to  a  Btiiait  iiuiiiJMT  iif  persons. 

'Norway,  the  most  denioeratie  of  the  monareliieal  countries  of  Kurope,  in 
the  one  which  has  prohaMy  the  smallest  class  of  persons  eontinuously  occupied 
with  polities. 


CHAP.    LVII 


THE  POLITICIANS 


59 


placed  in  compariitively  small  towns.i  Hence  a  man  cannot 
carry  on  his  gainiul  occupation  at  the  same  time  that  he  attends 
to  "Inner  Circle"  politics. 

MemberH  of  ("ongross  and  of  State  lesislatures  are  invariably 
chosen  from  the  places  wliere  they  res-Je.  Hence  a  person 
belonguiK  to  the  leisured  class  of  a  Rreat  city  cannot  get  into 
the  House  of  Kepresentatives  or  the  legislature  of  his  State 
except  as  meml)er  for  a  district  of  his  own  city. 

The  shortness  of  terms  of  office,  and  the  large  number  of 
offices  filled  by  election,  make  elections  very  frequent  All 
these  elections,  with  trifling  exceptions,  are  fought  on  party 
lines,  and  the  result  of  a  minor  one  for  some  petty  local  office, 
such  as  county  treasurer,  aflects  one  for  a  more  important  post' 
e.g.  that  of  member  of  Congress.  Hence  constant  vigilance 
constant  (>xertions  on  the  spot,  are  needed.  The  list  of  voters 
must  be  in;-essantly  looketl  after,  newly-admitted  or  newly- 
settled  citizens  enrolled,  the  active  local  men  frequently  con- 
sulted and  kept  in  good  humour,  meetings  arranged  for,  tickets 
{i.e.  lists  of  candidates)  for  all  vacant  oflSces  agreed  upon.  One 
election  is  no  sooner  over  than  another  approaches  and  has  to 
be  provided  for,  as  the  English  sjwrting  man  reckons  his  year 
by  "events,"  and  thinks  of  Newmarket  after  Ascot,  and  of 
Goodwood  after  Newmarket. 

Now  what  do  these  conditions  amount  to  ?  To  this  —  A  great 
deal  of  hard  and  dull  election  and  other  local  political  work  to 
be  done.  Few  men  of  leisure  to  do  it.  and  still  fewer  men  of 
leisure  likely  to  car(>  for  it.  Noi)ody  a!)le  to  tlo  it  in  addition 
to  his  regular  business  or  prof(>ssion.  Little  motive  for  anybody, 
whether  leisured  or  not.  to  .lo  tiie  humbler  and  local  parts  of  it 
(i.e.  so  much  as  concerns  th(<  minor  elections),  the  parts  which 
bring  neither  fame  nor  power. 

If  the  work  is  to  be  done  at  all,  some  inducement,  other  than 
fame  or  power,  must  clearly  b..  found.  Why  not,  some  one  will 
say,  the  sens(>  of  pul)lic  duty?  I  will  speak  of  pubHc  duty 
presently  :  meantime  let  it  suffice  to  remark  that  to  rely  on 
pubhc  duty  as  the  main  motive  power  in  politics  is  to  assume 
a  commonwealth  of  angels.     Mem  such  as  we  know  them  must 

t  '/(J^  T!"',  *'"•'/  "^  Kovornmcnt  for  Mnr.vlari<l  is  Annapolis,  „„t  Baltimore; 
for  Ohio,  (  oluinl.Ms,  not  Cinrinnuti ;  for  Illinois,  Sprinnli.-I.l.  not  Chicago;  for 
tuliforniii  .>^u.■l•ilnl.■nto,  n,.t  Si.n  FrMn.isco;  for  WiishinBton,  Olvmpia,  not 
hwttle  or  laoonui;    f<,r  I^misiana,  Baton  Roubc  not  New  Orleans.' 


m 


I  i 


tiO 


THK   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  in 


have  soino  othor  imluccineut.     Even  iix  the  Christian  Church 
there  are  other  than  spiritual  motives  to  leail  its  pastors  to 
spiritual  work ;    nor  do  all  poets  write  l)ecause  they  seek  to 
express  the  passion  of  their  souls.     In  America  we  discover 
a  palpable  in  lUcement  to  undertake  th(>  dull  and  toilsome  work 
of  election  politics.     It  is  the  inducement  of  places  in  the  public 
service.     To  mak«>  them  attractive  they  mu -t  be  paid.     They 
are  pai<l,  nearly  all  of  them,  meml)erships  of  Congress  •  and 
other  Fetleral  places,  State  places  (including  meinl)erships  of 
State  legislatures),  city  and  county  places.     Here  then  —  and 
to  some  extent  even  in  humbler  forms,  such  as  the  getting  of 
small  contracts  or  ev(  a  employment  as  lai)ourers  —  is  the  in- 
duceMcnt,   'he  remuneration  for  political  work  performed  in 
the  way  ot  organizing  and  electioneering.     Now  add  that  besides 
the  paid  administrative  and  legislative  jilaces  which  a  democ- 
racy bestows  by  election,  judicial  places  are  also  in  most  of  the 
States  elective,  and  held  for  terms  of  years  only  ;    and  add 
further,   that  the  holders  of  nearly  all   tho.se  administrative 
places,  Federal,  State,  ami  municipal,  which  are  not  held  for  a 
fixed  term,  were,  till  recent  years,  lial)le  to  l)e  dismis.sed,  as  in- 
deed many  still  are  .so  liable  and  are  in  practic(!  dismissed, 
whenever  power  changes  from  one  party  to  another,-  .so  that 
those  who  belowg  to  the  party  out  of  office  have  a  direct  chance 
of  office  when  their  party  comes  in.     The  inducement  to  under- 
take political  work  we  have  been  searching  for  is  at  once  seen 
to  be  adequate,  and  only  too  adt^quate.     The  m(>n  lUHnled  for  the 
work  are  certain  to  appear  because  remuneration  is  provided. 
Politics  has  now  become  a  gainful  profession,  like  advocacy,  stock- 
broking,  thv   dry  goods  trade,  or  the  getting  up  of  companies. 
People  go  into  it  to  live  by  it.  i)rimarily  for  the  sake  of  the 
salaries  attached  to  tiie  places  they  "ount  on  getting,  second- 
arily in  view  of  the   opportunities   it  affords  of  making   inci- 
dental and  sometimes  iliegitimate  gains.     Every  person  in  a 
high  administrative  jjost,  whether  Federal.  State)  or  municipal, 
and,  above  all.  every  member  of  Congress,  has  opj^ort unities  of 

'  ThoURh,  iis  .il.s<'rv<  (1  in  a  previous  chapter,  the  piiynent  of  iiienilxTs  of 
CotiKress  ilcM'M  iiot  seem  to  liave  any  marked  efToet  in  lowering  the  type  of 
ini-mijins.  It  i.s  tii.  ..ffinn  lallier  iban  legislative  posts  that  sustain  the  pro- 
fessional class. 

'  The  proRress  of  the  eivil  service  reform  movement  lias  (jreatiy  reduetnl  the 
Huniher  of  Federal  officers  dismissed  on  a  elianui'  of  administration:  and  a 
similar  reduction  is  KoinR  on  in  some  States  and  cities. 


CHAP.    LVII 


THE  POLITICIANS 


i 


_^ 61 

rendering  services  to  wealthy  individuals  and  companuT  for 
oS     SeTtt"'""^  to  pay  secretly  in  moneyrirmoLy' 
worth     The  better  officials  and  legislators  -  they  are  theereat 
majority,  except  in  large  cities  -  resist  the  temptation      Th! 
worst  succuni ,  to  it ;  and  the  prospect  of  thc^  Mt  profi  s 

prluW  ac.ir'"'"';  ''^''  '"  •^"ll""^"  ^"  *''^  ^'""'''tions  exist  for 

i;e  done  in  .....nation  .ii^':;yZt:Z^       S  r^:? 
whether  prof(.s.sional  or  commercial      Fvnn   if  fV  i  ' 

uiihes  wealth  and  leisure  to  ^■;:^^^Z  t  1^  :^ 
u  frequent  hgure  in  America,  he  would  not  take  tHhrwork" 
he  would  rather  be  a  philanthropist  or  cultivate  arts  and  leers' 
I  IS  work  which,  steadily  pursu^l  by  an  active  man  offers  a-i 
income  Hence  a  large  number  of  persons  are  ("ra"^  into  tt 
and  mak(.  it  the  business  of  th,>ir  life-  and  the  ST.  ?  I.  ' 
are  there  as  professionals  has  tended\Vk:;^  a tt  ^ut t'  '1?' 
There  are.  howev<T.  two  qualifications  which  mus  l"e  add  id 
o   his  statement  of  the  facts,  and  which  it  is  best  to  add  at  o  c  . 

Vr  nvn       .        »"'"■'  '•'"''"''"  "^  f^^tics  counts  for  something 
Many  people  in  America  as  well  as  in  England  umlertake   v^n  t^w! 

X'of'fm?;  ""V  '''"''  ^•^"^"•^^'"■'^  -"'  organizing    o7 
sake  of  a  little  excitement,  a  littl..  of  the  agreeable  s-nse  of  so  f 

un,K>rtance,  or  from  that  fon<h.ess  for  doing  somethinTin. 
-ation  with  oth..rs  which  makes  a  manSZ^'^^^Z': 
c;r..-ket  club  or  treasurer  of  a  fun.l  raise<l  by  sub'ipt  o^^ 
s<..ne  purrxise   h,.   may   not   really  care   for      And   t  .o  T 

|.;ud^c.ation  is  that  pe.iniary  .■.^ives'o;::;.;'::^!,;^:;^ 
"I  ruM    districts  than  m  cities,  becaus,.  in  the  fomu-r  the  in 
«'o.ne  obtainable  by  publie  office    is  to,>  small  to        luc     n    n 
to  work  long  m  th.<  hope  of  g,.ttiiur  it      \  ,t    f   t        / 
.understood  that  what  is  laid  i.Uh^  Ihapter^cl^  ^I^^Z  " 
e.  les^  an.l  c^course  also  to  persons  aiming  ^U^'^^vX^ 

..    If.     ;'  "^T;  '"'   ^'"^  ^  ''"  ""^  ""-'^  to  d,.ny  fhit  ti le  e  Ss 
l>hnty„f  work  ,lone  by  amateurs  as  wc-ll  as  by  professjona  < 

sic^KSi^i  ;::;"w ''''''  ^^t  '-'  "^'^"^  ''''^^^  ^o<iuc:7Ses. 

H)nal  rwhtinans  W(.  may  return  to  inquire  how  large  this  class 

s,  mmparcl  with  the  <-orrespouding  elass  in  the  fr^e  countrt! 

of  Europe,  whom  we  have  called  the  Inner  Circle         '^""^'"•^ 


'I  I 


\'', 


■{ 


i 
f 

^  I 

It 


f  i 


!ii 


[1 ',  i 


I 

^    t 


62 


THE  PARTY  8Y8TKM 


PART  III 


In  America  the  Inner  Circle,  tlmt  is  to  say,  the  persons  who 
make  political  work  the  chief  business  of  life,  for  the  time  being, 

includes :  — 

First.     All  members  of  l)oth  Houses  of  Congress. 

Secondly.  All  Federal  office-holders  except  the  judges,  who 
are  irremovable,  and  the  "classifie<l  civil  service." 

Thirdly.  A  large  part  of  th(>  inernl)ers  of  State  legislatures. 
How  large  a  part,  it  is  impossible  to  determine,  for  it  varies 
greatly  from  State  to  State.  I  should  guess  that  in  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  California,  Maryland,  and  Louisi- 
ana, half  (or  more)  the  members  were  proftn^sional  iwliticians ; 
in  Connecticut,  Ohio,  Virginia,  Illinois,  Texas,  pt^rhaps  less  than 
half ;  in  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  Oregon,  not  more 
than  one-third;  in  Massachusetts,  Vermont,  and  some  other 
States,  perhaps  even  less.  But  the  line  between  a  professional 
and  non-professionai  ixjlitician  is  too  indefinite  to  make  any 
satisfactory  estimate  possible. 

Fourthly.  Nearly  all  State  office-holders,  exclu<ling  all  judges 
in  a  very  few  States,  and  many  of  the  judges  in  the  rest. 

Fifthly.  Nearly  all  holders  of  paid  offices  in  the  greater  and 
in  many  of  the  smaller  cities,  anil  many  holders  of  paid  offices 
in  the  counties.  There  are,  however,  great  differences  in  this 
respect  between  tlifferent  States,  the  New  England  States  and 
the  newer  States  of  the  North-west,  as  well  as  some  Southern 
States,  choosing  many  of  their  county  officials  from  men  who 
are  not  regularly  employwl  on  politics,  although  members  of  the 
dominant  party. 

Sixthly.  A  large  number  of  people  wlio  hold  no  office  but  waiit 
to  get  one,  or  perhaps  even  who  desire  work  under  a  munici- 
pality. This  category  ificludes,  of  course,  many  of  tlie  "workers" 
of  the  party  which  iloes  not  command  the  majority  for  the  time 
being,  in  State  and  municipal  affairs,  and  which  has  not,  through 
the  President,  the  patronage  of  Federal  posts.  It  alsc)  includes 
many  expectants  belonging  to  the  jiarty  for  the  time  being  domi- 
nant, who  are  earning  their  future  places  by  s(>rving  the  party  in 
the  meantime." 

AU  the  al»ove  may  fairly  be  called  professional  or  Inner 
Circle  politicians,  but  of  their  number  I  can  form  no  estimate, 
save  that  it  must  be  counted  by  hundreds  of  thousands,  inasmuch 

<  But,  as  alroady  ohsrrvcd,  there  are  tilso  in  the  niral  distriets  and  Bmallrr 
towns  many  workers  aud  expectants  who  do  not  look  for  places. 


CHAP^  Lvii  THE  POLITICIANS  63 

as  it  practically  includes  nearly  all  State  and  local  and  most 
Federal  office-holders  as  well  us  most  expectants  of  public  office  '■ 
It  must  be  remembered  that  the  "work"  of  ])oliticK  means  in 
Amenca  the  busmess  of  winning  nominations  (of  wliich  more 
anon)  and  elections,  and  that  this  work  is  incomparal)iy  heavier 
and  more  complex  than  in  England,  because  :  — 

/oJU.^^*"  ^''*'''*^  ^""^  "  '*''«•'''  I»"P"'-t»on  of  the  population, 
(2)  The  governinont  is  more  complex  (Federal,  State,  and  local) 
and  the  places  filU>d  by  election  are  therefore  far  more  numer- 
ous ;  (3)  Elections  come  at  shorter  intervals ;  (4)  The  ma- 
chmery  of  nomi.iating  candidates  is  far  more  complete  and 
intricate;  (5)  The  methods  of  fighting  elections  require  more 
techmcal  knowledge  aiul  skill ;  (6)  Ordinary  private  citizens  do 
ess  election  work,  seeing  that  they  are  busier  than  in  fJng- 
land,  and  the  professionals  exist  to  do  it  for  them 

I  have  observeil  that  there  are  also  plentv  of  men  engaged  in 
some  trade  or  profession  who  interest  themselv(>s  in  politics  and 
work  for  their  party  without  any  definite  hope  of  office  or  other 
pecumary  aim.  They  correspond  to  what  we  have  caUed  the 
Outer  Circle  politicians  of  Europe.  It  is  hard  to  draw  a  line 
between  the  two  classes,  because  th(>y  shade  off  into  one  another, 

>  The  Inner  Circle  may  in  England  1k^  roughly  taken  to  in.lude:  — 

Members  of  the  IToiis-  of  Lords,  siy  an 

McmlxTsof  the  House  of  (",mii..„„«         .     .     .     .               '  670 

Editors,  and  chief  writers  on  icu<liiiK  newspapers,  say      '      "  300 

Exp.'ctant  candidates  for  House  of  ('oniinoiis   say                 '  450 
Persons  who  in  each  constituency  d.^votc  most  of  their  time 
to    politics,    r.a.    s<-cretari(S   of    political    as.sociation8 

registration  agents,  itc,  say .,^jqq 

40fK) 

Comparatively  few  newspapers  are  primarily  |H,litieaI,  and  Jn  many  con- 
etituenc.es  (,.„  Irish  and  Highland  counties)  tli.Te  are  very  few  p<.r3i^occu* 
P.ed  in  polmcal  work.     1  .lo  not,  therefore,  think  this  estimate  too  I.T 

m  the  Lnit<-d  .states  there  are  now  out  of  the  whr.le  numln-r  of  Fwleml 
office.  alx,ut  mj()(H.  which  may  be  said  to  .attract  aspirants  To  endeavour^ 
gain  them  by  po!m,.al  work.  Allowing  one  expectant  for  each  officv  (Isma^ 
allow.we)  an,l  assuming  the  State  an,l  local  offices  Ix-stowed  asthe  rewar 
for  pohtieal  .services  to  be  one  and  a  half  times  as  numerous  as  the  above  fX.1 
tf  ach^  uT   "t"  ^"T;, ■!'-'■   ""■"'■■•..u.^).   and  allowing    one  e.pTtT' 

500.000,  a  httle  less  than  one-third  of  the  tot.d  numlK^r  emplove<l  in  railway 
work.  Deducting  from  this  total  those  who.  though  they  work  for  office  do 
not    make    such    work    their    main    business,    and    those    who  work  with  no 

aw'^TjL?'""^""  tf'^  ■^'"'  •'""■''  '■'■''■  l-ge  total,  doubtkssov" 
-MO.OOO  of  penoiu  whoBe  chief  occupation  and  UvcUhood  hen  in  politics. 


04 


THE  PARTY  SYSTRM 


PART  U, 


,       I 


there  hciuK  iHan.V  furmcrs  or  lawyers  or  saIoon-ke(>i>ers,  for  in- 
stance, wlio,  while  pursuing  their  regular  callinR,  bear  a  hand 
in  politics,  and  look  to  be  some  time  or  other  rewarded  for  doing 
so.  When  thus  expectation  becomes  a  considerable  part  of  the 
motive  for  exertion,  such  an  one  may  fairly  be  called  a  profes- 
sional, at  least  for  the  time  being,  for  although  he  has  other 
means  of  livelihood,  he  is  apt  to  be  impregnated  with  the  habits 
and  sentiments  of  the  professional  class. 

The  proportion  l)etween  Outer  Circle  and  Inner  Circle  men 
is  in  the  United  States  a  sort  of  ozonometer  by  which  the  purity 
anil  healthiness  of  the  political  atmosphere  may  be  tested. 
Looking  at  the  North  only,  for  it  is  hard  to  obtain  trustworthy 
data  as  to  the  South,  and  excluding  congressmen,  the  proportion 
of  men  who  exert  themselves  in  politics  without  pecuniary 
motive  is  largest  in  New  England,  in  the  country  parts  of  New 
York,  in  Northern  (^hio,  and  the  North-western  States,  while 
the  professional  politicians  most  abound  in  the  great  cities  — 
New  York,  Philadelphia,  Brooklyn,  Boston,  Baltimore,  Buf- 
falo, Cincinnati,  I»uisville,  Chicago,  St.  Louis,  New  Orleans, 
San  Francisco.  This  is  because  these  cities  have  the  largest 
masses  of  ignorant  voters,  and  also  because  their  municipal 
governments,  handling  vast  revenues,  offer  the  largest  facilities 
for  illicit  gains. 

I  shall  presently  return  to  the  Outer  Circle  men.  Meantime 
let  us  examine  the  professiv')nals  somtvvhat  more  closely;  and 
begin  with  those  of  the  humliler  type,  whose  eye  is  fixed  on 
a  municipal  or  other  local  office,  and  seldom  ranges  so  high  as 
a  seat  m  Congress. 

As  there  are  weeds  hat  follow  human  dwellings,  so  this 
species  thrives  l)est  in  cities,  and  even  in  the  most  crowded 
parts  of  cities.  It  is  known  to  the  Americans  as  the  "ward 
politician,"  because  the  city  ward  is  the  chief  sphere  of  its 
activity,  and  the  ward  meeting  the  first  scene  of  its  exploits. 
A  •  ..dtesman  of  this  type  usually  begins  as  a  saloon  or  bar- 
keeper, an  occupation  which  enables  him  to  form  a  large  circle 
of  acquaintances,  especially  among  the  "loafer"  class  who  have 
votes  but  no  reason  for  using  them  one  way  more  than  another, 
and  whose  interest  in  political  issues  is  therefore  as  limited  as 
their  stock  of  political  knowledge.  But  he  may  have  started 
as  a  lawyer  of  the  lowest  kind,  or  lodging-hou.se  keeper,  or  have 
taken  to  politics  after  failure  in  store-keeping.     The  education 


¥ 


CMAP.    LVII 


THE    "OLITU'IANS 


66 

Ih.'ii-  ni,>tlu„|s  JUKI  thrir  triumphs  must  |„.  ,;s..,v,.,l  f..r  .. 

In  the  smaller  cities,  anil  in  the  country  generallv  the  n.i-Ar 

respectable   than   tliese   last-mentioned   street   vultures     The 
bar-keepmg  clement  is  represente<l  a.nong  them  "ut  the  hX 
are  petty  lawyers  officials,  F.leral  as  well  as  Sta  e  and    ounU 
and  people  who  for  want  of  a  bettor  oecupation  have  turm.! 
offiee-seekers,  ^vlth  a  fair  sprinkling  of  store-keepe^    fale^' 

avocarnTtUThe  "^'^  T^*  '""^'''''^  have'omo  rS 
avocation,  so  that  they  are  by  no  mt'ans  wholly  professionals 

Law  .s  of  course  the  business  which  best  fits  in  S  Ses 

They  are  only  a  little  below  the  level  of  the  elas^t^  vwS  thev 

belong,  wluch  is  what  would  be  called  in  Engaul "he  lo^J 


m 


it* 
3f 


66 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  ♦!■ 


if: 


1   i' 


1 


i 


'f  ': 


Pi 

hi  '  ' 


II: 


1  ■ 


middle,  or  in  France  the  j)etite  bmirgenisie,  and  they  often  suppose 
themselves  to  Ih«  fighting  for  Republican  or  Democratic  princi- 
ples, even  though  in  fact  concermni  chiefly  witli  place  hunting. 
It  is  not  so  much  jiositive  moral  defects  that  are  to  1h'  charged  on 
them  as  a  sonlid  an<l  s«'lfish  view  of  |)olitic8  and  a  laxity,  some- 
times amounting  to  fraud,  in  the  use  of  electionwring  inethods. 

These  two  classei*  do  the  local  work  and  dirty  work  of  politics. 
They  are  the  rank  and  filr\  AI)ove  th(-m  stand  the  officers  in 
the  political  army,  the  party  managers,  including  the  memlwrs 
of  Congress  and  chief  men  in  the  State  legislatures,  and  the 
editors  of  influential  newspapers.  Some  of  these  have  pushed 
their  way  up  from  the  humbler  ranks.  Others  are  men  of  su- 
perior ability  and  education,  often  college  graduates,  lawyers 
who  have  had  practice,  less  frequently  merchants  or  manufac- 
turers who  have  slipped  into  jwHtics  from  business.  There  are 
ail  sorts  amonK  them,  creatures  clean  and  unclean,  as  in  the 
sheet  of  St.  Peter's  vision,  but  that  one  may  say  of  ixjliticiaiis 
in  all  countries.  What  characterizes  them  as  compared  with 
the  corresponding  class  in  Eun)pe  is  that  tiu^ir  whole  time  is 
more  frequently  given  to  political  work,  tliat  most  of  them  draw 
an  income  from  politics  and  the  rest  hope  to  do  so,  that  they 
come  more  largely  from  the  ptwrer  and  less  cultivated  than 
from  the  higher  ranks  of  society,  ami  that  tl\(>y  include  Init  few 
men  who  have  pursued  any  of  those  economical,  social,  or  con- 
stitutional studies  which  form  the  })asis  of  politics  and  legisla- 
tion, although  many  are  proficients  in  t\w  arts  of  iK)pular  oratory, 
of  electioneering,  and  of  party  management. 

They  s!iow  a  high  average  level  of  pr.'ictical  cleverness  and 
versatility,  and  often  some  legal  knowledge.  They  are  usually 
correct  in  life,  for  intoxication  as  well  as  sexual  immorality 
is  condemned  by  American  more  severely  than  i>y  European 
opinion,  but  are  often  charge*!  with  a  low  tone,  with  laxity  in 
pecuniary  matters,  with  a  propensity  to  commit  or  to  excuse 
jobs,  with  a  deficient  sense  of  the  dignity  which  public  office 
confers  and  the  resp<msibility  it  implies.  I  shall  elsewhere  discuss 
the  validity  of  these  charges,  and  need  only  observe  here  that  even 
if  the  years  since  the  Civil  War  have  furnished  some  grounds 
for  accusing  the  class  as  a  whole,  there  are  many  brilliant  excep- 
tions, many  leading  {>oliticians  whose  honour  is  as  stainless  and 
patriotism  as  pure  as  that  of  the  best  European  statesmen. 
In  this  general  description  I  am  simply  repeating  what  non- 


CHAP.   LVII 


THE  POLIT[C!AN8 


67 


po  itical  Amrnoaiis  tl.ciPselves  say.   It  is  jwHsible  that  with  their 
half-huinorous  tciidoiuy  to  cxasrRpratc  thf>y  dw.-U  too  much  on 
the  darkor  si.lc  of  their  pul-hc  hIV.     My  own  l«li.>f  in  that  thinirs 
are  healthier  than  the  ueusi)apers  and  common  talk  lead  a  trav- 
eller to  l,.l  ovo,  and  that  the  hlaekness  of  the  worst  men  in  the 
large  eitie^  l.a.s  heeii  uI1o«(hI  to  darken  tlie  wlioh-  elass  of  politi 
eians  as  the  smoke  from  a  fe'.v  factories  uill  ,|arken  the  «kv  over 
a  whole  town,     n.nvcv.-r.  the  sentiment  I  have-  d,  scribed  is  no 
doubt  the  general  sc.tinient.     "  Politician  "  is  a  term  of  reproach 
no   merely  amonR  the  "superfine  philosoph.Ts"  of  New  England 
colMes,  but  amonn  the  hetter  s..rt  of  citiz«>ns  ov<-r  the  whole 
Union.     "How  di,|  such  a  job  come  to  l>e  perpetrated?"     I 
remember  once  asking  a  casual  acquaintance  who  had  been  point- 
ing out  some  scandalous  wast(>  of  public  money.     "Why   what 
can  you  expect  from  the  politician^  ?"  was  the  .surprised  answer 
Assuming  these  faults  to  exist,  to  what  causes  are  they  to  be 
ascribed?    (Jraiitnl  that  politics  has  to  bec-une  a  gainful  pro- 
fession, may  it  not  still  be  practised  with  as  much  integrity  as 
other  professions?     Do  not  the  higfu  r  qualities  of  intellect 
the  ripe  fruits  of  experien.-e  aiul  stu.ly,  win  f(,r  a  man  ascendancy 
here  as  m  Europe?     Does  not  the  susr.icu.n  of  dishonour  blight 
his  influence  ^\^th  a  public  which  is  it.self  as  morallv  exacting 
as  that  of  any  European  countr>  ?     Tlu>s<.  aiv  (,uestions  which 
can  be  better  answered  when  the  methods  of  partv  management 
have  been  described,  the  (,ualities  they  evoke  appreciated,  their 
reaction  on  men's  character  understood. 

It  remains  to  speak  of  tlie  non-profe>sional  o-  Outer  Circle 
pohticiansv  those  who  wurk  for  their  ,)arty  v.iti.out  desiring 
oftice  lhe.se  men  were  numerous  and  z<-alous  shortly  l)efore 
an,l  during  the  Civil  War.  wh.n  the  great  .,„esiions  of  the  exclu- 
sion of  .slavery  from  the  Territori.'s  ami  th-  preservation  of  the 
Umon  kindled  the  enthusiasm  of  the  no!)h->i  .spirits  of  the  North 
women  as  well  a.s  n^n.  Xo  countrv  <.ver  produced  bftier 
types  of  dauntless  courage  and  uncoinpromisino-  devotion  to 
prmciple  than  William  Lloyd  Garrison  an.l  hi<  fellow-workers 
in  the  Abolitionist  cause.  Office  came  to  Abraham  Lincoln^ 
but  he  would  have  served  his  party  just  as  earnestlv  if  there 
had  been  no  office  to  reward  him.'     Xor  was  there  any  want  of 

•  Lincoln   was  never  a  |.r.>f>ssi..tial   politi.iaii.   for  ho  poiitiniiifl  t^  nrnn»i-» 
a.  a  ■awy.T  till  ho  Leoan,,.  ProsLlon. ;    .„.,  ho  wa.s  so  us^       rht/p,rty    h  t 

or  .on,o  yours  hoforo  lS.iO  ho  ha. o,.  ohli«o,l  to  s,.n,.,l  Rroa    pa      o^hV,  Uml 

m  p„lu.cal  wurk,  aud  probably  ^,un-  would  have  cLllod  Lu  a'^p  ofoLioLi 


i 


68 


THK  PARTY  8YSTKM 


PART  III 


high-Houled  putriotisin  in  the  South.  Tho  jXHjple  gave  theii 
bl<KMl  frct'ly.and  uiituiiK  the  leaders  thore  wrrc  many  who  offered 
up  Hne  charttcterH  iUi  well  as  l>rilliant  talents  on  an  altar  which  all 
hut  themselves  dcetned  unhallowcHt.  When  thesi!  great  isHues  were 
finally  settle.  ,  and  the  ^'''"''■"tion  whose  manhood  'hey  filled 
Ix'gun  to  pass  away,  ther«'  was  less  motive  for  ordinary  citizens 
to  troui)le  themselves  ahout  puhlii;  affairs.  Hence  the  pro- 
fessional politicians  had  the  field  left  free  ;  and  an  they  were 
ready  to  take  the  troul>h'some  work  of  organizing,  the  ordinary 
citizen  was  contenteilto  he  su|H'rseded,  and  thought  hedid enough 
when  he  went  to  the  im)11  for  his  i)arty.  Still  there  are  districts 
where  a  good  deal  of  un|)aid  and  disinti'restjil  political  work  is 
done.  In  some  parts  of  New  England,  New  York,  and  Ohio, 
for  instance',  citizens  of  jKjsition  hestir  themselves  to  rescue  the 
control  of  local  elections  from  the  ward  politicians.  In  the  main, 
however,  the  action  of  the  Outer  Circle  consi.sts  in  voting,  and 
this  the  ordinary  native  citizen  dm-s  more  steadily  and  intelli- 
gently than  anywhere  in  Europe,  unless  perhaps  in  Switzerland. 
Doui)tless  much  of  the  work  wliich  Outer  Circle  politicians  do 
in  Europe  is  in  America  done  l>y  professionals.  Rut  that  lively 
interest  in  politics  whicli  *he  English  ( )uter  Circle  feels,  and  which 
is  not  felt,  save  at  exceptional  moments,  by  the  English  public 
generally,  is  in  .Vmerica  felt  by  the  bulk  of  the  nation,  that  is  to 
.^ay,  by  the  large  majority  of  native  white  Americans,  and  even 
by  the  better  sort  of  inunigrants,  or,  in  other  words,  the  Ameri- 
can Outer  Circle  comes  nearer  to  indudingthe  whole  nation  than 
does  the  Outer  Circle  of  England.  Thus  the  influence  which 
counterworks  that  of  professionals  is  the  influence  of  public 
opinion  expressing  itself  constanily  through  its  countless  voices 
in  the  press,  and  more  distinctly  at  frec|Uent  intervals  by  the 
ballot-box.  I  say  "counterworks,"  lu'cause,  while  in  Europe; 
the  leaders  and  still  more  the  average  legislators  share*  and  help 
to  make  public  opinion,  in  the  Tnited  States  the  politician  stands 
rather  out.side,  ami  regards  public  opinion  as  a  factor  to  be 
reckoned  with,  mu<'li  as  the  sailor  regards  the  >viads  and  currents 
that  affect  his  course.  His  primary  aim,  unless  he  be  exception- 
ally disinterested,  is  place  and  income :  and  it  is  in  this  .sen.se 
that  he  may  be  dcotribuJ  0;$  a  member  of  a  definite  profession. 


; 


*  iFAPTKIl    LVIII 


WHY  1i 


T  (iO    INTO    POMTUH 


imv 


"Bit,"  - 

c'iiin.s,  "yii, 
why  tfic  1    ■ 
seekers,  not    •   .■• 
I)e  allowed  to  l.iv 
Ji  free  countrv,  ;ii, 


VV  'm 


ought  to  be  pat  riot  ii 


has  read  the  reasons  just 
i  'I  "I  •!  -lass  of  professional  politi- 
•  A  .  •  mil. he  spirit.  It  is  easy  to  show 
•'■  i't:M  1  •  -loiild  i>re(>d  a  swarm  of  offiee- 
'  .1  I  I'll  .  why  the  office-seekers  should 
•  .i  'iM  '.,'■  public  life  in  a  vast  country, 
I".  :;t  idiMitry,  all  to  themselves.  There 
/.i  u.>  ready  to  plunjj;*'  into  the  stream  and 
save  the  boat  from  drifting  towards  the  rapids.  They  would 
surely  have  the  support  of  the  mass  of  the  p«>ople  wlio  must 
desire  honest  and  economical  administration.  If  such  citizens 
stand  aloof,  there  are  but  two  ex|)lanations  possible.  Either 
public  life  nmst  be  so  foul  that  good  men  camiot  enter  it,  or  gootl 
men  must  be  sadly  wanting  in  patriotism." 

This  kind  of  observation  is  .so  conunon  in  European  mouths 
as  to  newl  an  exi)licit  answer.     The  answer  is  two-fold. 

In  the  first  place,  the  arena  is  not  wholly  le.*'t  to  the  i)rofes- 
sionak  Both  the  Federal  and  the  State  iegisiatures  contain 
a  fair  proportion  of  upright  and  disin  --ested  iaen,  who  enter 
chiefly,  or  largely,  from  a  sense  of  pubi ,  ihity,  and  wnose  pres- 
ence keeps  the  mere  professionals  in  wrder.  So  does  public 
opinion,  deterring  even  the  bad  men  from  the  tricks  to  which 
they  ar(>  prone,  and  often  driving  them,  when  detected  in  a  .seri- 
ous ofience,  from  place  and  power. 

However,  this  fir.st  answer  is  Jiot  a  complete  answer,  for  it 
must  be  a<lmitted  that  tiie  proportion  of  men  of  intellectual 
and  .social  eminence  who  enter  jiulii..'  life  was  during  the  nine- 
teenth century  smaller  in  .Vuuric:!  (haii  it  wiis  in  each  of  the  free 
countries  of  Eu/ope.  Does  this  fact  indicate  a  want  jf  public 
spirit  ? 

It  is  much  to  be  wislunl  Ami  in  every  country  pul)lic  spirit 
were  the  chief  motive  {)ropelling  men  into  public  lue.     But  is 

69 


If 


70 


THE   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


ill 


nil' 


?! 


If' 


II       "I  i 


!  t 


it  so  anywhere  now  ?  Has  it  been  so  at  any  time  in  a  nation's 
history/  Let  any  one  in  England,  dropping  for  the  moment 
that  selt'-righteou-  at+itiKU  of  which  Englishmen  are  commonly 
accused  by  forei.;^ners,  ask  hiii-self  how  many  of  those  whom  he 
knows  as  mixing  in  the  public  liie  of  his  own  country  have  entered 
it  from  motives  priuuirily  patriotic,  how  many  have  be(>n  actuated 
by  the  love  of  fame  or  power,  the  hope  of  advancing  their  social 
pretensions  or  their  business  relations.  There  is  nothing  neces- 
sarily wrong  in  such  forms  of  ambition  ;  but  if  we  find  that  they 
count  for  much  in  the  i)ul)lic  life  oi  one  country,  and  for  compara- 
tively little  in  the  |)ublic  life  of  another,  we  nuist  expect  to  find 
the  latter  able  to  reckon  among  its  statesmen  fewer  persons  of 
em'  lent  intelligence  and  «'nerg>'. 

Now  there  are  several  conditions  present  in  the  United  States, 
conditions  both  constitutional  and  social,  conditions  in(lej)endent 
either  of  iwlitical  morality  or  of  patriotisin,  which  make  the 
ablest  citizens  less  disjwse  I  to  (>ntt>r  political  life  thati  they  would 
otherwise  hv,  or  than  persons  of  the  same  class  are  in  Europe. 
I  have  already  referred  to  some  of  th(>se,  but  recapitulate  them 
shortly  here  because  they  are  specially  important  in  this  connec- 
tion. 

The  want  of  a  social  and  commercial  capital  is  «uch  a  cause. 
To  be  a  Federal  politician  you  imist  live  in  Washington,  that 
is,  abandon  your  eircl(>  of  home  friends,  your  profession  or  busi- 
ness, your  local  pul)lic  iluties.  Hut  to  live  in  Paris  or  London 
is  of  itself  an  attraction  to  many  Englishmen  and  Frenchmen. 

There  is  no  class  in  America  to  which  public  political  life  romes 
naturally,  scarcely  any  famili(>s  with  a  sort  of  heretiitary  right 
to  serve  tlu'  State.  Nobody  can  get  an  early  and  easy  start  on 
the  .strength  of  his  name  and  connections,  ks  still  hapix-ns  in 
several  European  countries. 

In  Hritain  or  France  u  man  seekiim  to  enter  the  higher  walks 
of  public  life  has  more  than  five  hundreil  s<-ats  for  which  he  may 
stand.  If  liis  own  town  or  county  is  impossible  he  goes  elsewhere. 
In  the  United  States  he  cannot.  If  Lis  own  (hstrict  is  already 
filled  by  a  nn'mlx-r  of  his  own  p;irty. there  is  nothing  to  be  done, 
unless  he  will  condescend  to  undermiiK  and  supplant  at  the  next 
nominating  convention  the  sitting  member.  If  he  has  been 
elected  and  hapixiis  to  lose  his  own  r<-nomination  or  re-electi(m, 
he  cannot  re-enter  (  ong.-e.ss  by  any  oilier  door.  The  fact  that 
a  man  has  served  gives  him  no  claim  to  be  allowed  to  go  on  serv- 


CHAP.  Lviii    BKST  MEN  DO  NOT  QO  INTO  POLITICS 


71 


ing.  Ill  the  Wt«t,  rotation  has  bwn  th(«  ruh  No  wonder  that, 
when  u  pohticul  career  is  so  precarious,  men  of  worth  and 
capacity  hesitate  to  embrace  it.  Tliey  cannot  aflbrd  to  be 
thrown  out  of  their  hfe's  course  by  a  njen^  accident.' 

PoHtics  have  been  since?  tlu-  Civil  War  less  interesiing  or  at 
any  rate  less  t-xcilins,  than  tiiey  iuive  in  Europe  during  the  same 
period.  The  two  kinds  of  (juestions  wiiicii  nu»st  attrac^t  eager  or 
ambitious  minds,  (juestions  of  foreign  policy  and  of  domestic 
constitutional  chuiiK<',  were  generally  absent,  happily  jl)sent. 
Currency  and  tarilT  (juestions  and  financial  affairs  generally, 
internal  improvements,  the  regulation  of  railways  and  so  forth, 
are  imjHjrtant,  no  doubt,  l)ut  to  some  minds  not  ''a.scinating. 
How  few  peoi)h'  in  the  Knjilisii  or  Kreiicli  legi.datures  have  mas- 
tered them,  or  would  relish  political  life  if  it  dealt  with  little 
else  !  Tlu're  are  no  class  privileges  or  nliKJous  inc(]uaUties  to  be 
abolisluMl.  Heligion,  so  j)owerful  a  jxlitical  force  in  Europe,  is 
outside  politics  altogether. 

In  most  European  countries  there  has  licen  for  many  years 
past  an  upward  pressure  of  the  poon  r  or  the  unprivilege<l  masses, 
a  pr(>ssure  which  has  seemed  to  threaten  the  wealthier  and  more 
particularly  the  landowning  class.  Hence  members  of  the  latter 
class  have  had  a  stnjiig  motive  for  kee|)ing  tight  hold  of  the  hehn  of 
state.  They  have  felt  a  direct  personal  interest  in  sitting  in  the 
legislature  ami  controlling  tlie  administration  of  their  country. 
This  has  not  been  so  in  America.  Its  great  political  is.sues  have 
not  hitherto  been  cla-ss  issues.  ( )>i  tiie  contrary  there  has  been,  till 
within  the  last  few  years,  so  great  and  general  a  sense  of  economic 
WM'urity,  whether  well  or  ill  founded  I  do  not  now  iiuiuire,  that  the 
wealthy  and  e<lucated  have  been  content  to  leave  the  active  work 
of  |K)litics  alone. 

The  division  of  legislative  authority  between  the  Federal 
Congress  and  the  legislatures  of  the  States  further  le.s.sens  the 
interest  and  tiiirrows  the  o|)p<»rtiinities  of  a  jMiIitical  career.  Some 
of  the  most  useful  memlurs  of  the  lOnglish  Parliament  have  been 
htl  to  enter  it  by  their  zeal  fur  pliilaiithntpic  schemes  antl  social 
reforms.     Others  enter  because  they  are  interested  in  foreign 

'  The  tcmlciicv  in  Swil/iil.iii'I  tn  r.-i  Int  tin-  s:inii'  tniri  to  the  IpRisIatum 
nml  to  piililic  oflicp  |i;is  (liml)tlrss  worked  :i>  mm  li  for  itood  in  politics  tticrr  M 
tlir  opixiwitr  tciiilciicv  Works  for  i\il  iti  tin-  Iriili'il  St:itis.  .Mi-ii  who  liuvn 
Mlpportid  nii'iiMin  s  wliiili  tlnir  iiin^lihiiiicv  i|i»  ipprovcs  arc  oft<-ii  re-elected 
Iwciiuw  tliev  ari'  lliouiiht  hon.-t  mikI  cMpaMe.  The  exi^itencc  of  the  rrfrrrn- 
4ii'n  fuL'UitatcN  thi.s. 


if 


I! 


72 


THE   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


politics  or  in  ninimercitU  (]Up.stio!is.  In  tlio  United  States  foreign 
politics  and  coninuTciul  (|U"stions  iwdons  to  Congress,  so  no  one 
will  he  led  by  them  to  enter  the  legislature  of  his  Stati'.  Social 
reforms  and  philanthropic  enterprises  l)elong  to  the  State  legisla^ 
tures,  so  no  one  will  l)e  led  by  them  to  enter  ( \>ngress.  The  lim- 
ited sphere  of  each  body  deprives  it  of  the  services  of  many  active 
spirits  who  would  have  been  attracted  by  it  had  it  dealt  with  Ixrth 
thes(>  sets  of  matt(>rs,  or  with  the  particular  set  of  matters  in  which 
their  own  particular  interest  hap|)ens  to  lie. 

In  America  there  are  mon-  (visy  and  attractive  ojM'nings  into 
other  careers  than  in  most  European  countries.  The  d(>veIo|)- 
ment  of  the  great  West,  tlie  making  and  financing  of  railways,  the 
starting  of  industrial  or  commerciiil  enterprises  in  the  newer 
States,  offer  a  tempting  fid!  to  ainbiticm,  ingenuitj',  and  self- 
confidence.  A  T.uin  without  capital  or  friends  has  a  better  chance 
than  in  Euro]  - ,  and  as  the  scale  of  undertakings  is  vast;'r, 
the  prizes  are  more  s(>du((ive.  Iltnce  much  of  the  practical 
ability  which  in  the  Old  W'orl  I  goes  to  Parliamentary  ix)litics  or 
to  the  civil  administration  of  the  state.  go(>s  in  America  into  busi- 
ness, e.sj)ecially  into  rail.vays  and  finance.  Xo  class  strikes  one 
more  l)y  its  -olendid  pra<-tical  cai)acity  than  the  class  of  railroml 
men.  It  incluilcs  administrative  rulers,  gencraK,  diplomatists, 
financiers,  of  the  finest  gifts.  .\nd  in  point  of  fact  (as  will  be  more 
fully  slh.wn  l.-tcr)  the  railroad  kings  have  of  late  years  swaye<l  the 
fortunes  of  American  ci^'  ens  more  than  the  |K)liticians. 

The  fascination  which  i>olitics  luive  for  many  iHH)ple  in  England 
is  largely  a  social  fuscinatinii.  Those  who  belong  by  birth  to  the 
upper  classes  like  h)  sui)port  their  |K)sition  in  county  society  by 
belonging  to  the  House  of  ('(»innions,  dp  by  procuring  either  a  seat 
in  the  House  of  l^mls,  or  Ili<-  lord-lieutenancy  of  their  county,  or 
perhaps  a  im)s1  in  tiie  roy.d  household.  Tiie  easiest  path  to  these 
latter  dignities  lie>  idrough  the  Common.s.  Those  who  spring 
from  the  middle  class  expect  to  iind  by  means  of  politics  an  en- 
trance into  a  more  ra-lii<.Mablc  society  than  they  have  hitherto 
freipKul.  ■!.  Tlieir  wives  will  ;!t  least  be  invited  to  the  party  re- 
cei)ti()ns,  or  t!iey  may  entertain  a  party  elii(>ftain  when  he  comes  to 
add!v<s  a  meeting  in  (heir  town.  Sui-li  inducements  scarcely 
exist   in   America.     A  congressman,  a  city  niiiyor,  even  a  State 


g<ivefnor,  gains  nothin,"; 

s(ici 

ally  by  his  jxisition.     There 

is  in- 
reallv 

de<M|,    cxce)»t    in    a    leu 

larm 

■   cities    with    exclusive   sets, 

nothing  in  the  naiiire  <■ 

a 

ocia.l  prize  set   before  social 

ambi- 

J 

CHAP.   LViii     BEST  MEN    DO   NOT  HO   INTO   POLITICS  73 

tion,  while  tlio  career  of  political  ambition  is  even  in  those  cities 
wholly  disjoined  from  social  success.  Tiie  only  exception  to  this 
rule  occurs  in  Wiwhinj^on,  where  a  senator  or  cabinet  minister 
enjoys  ex  officii}  a  certain  social  rank.* 

Xone  of  these  causes  is  (liscredital)le  to  .America,  yet,  taken 
together,  they  go  far  to  a<-c()unt  for  the  larj^e  development  of 
the  professional  ele;nent  ainons  i)o!iticians.  Putting;  the  thing 
i)roadly,  one  may  say  tliat  in  .America,  while  jjolitics  are  relatively 
less  hiterestinR  tlian  in  Europe  and  Iciul  to  less,  other  careers  arc 
relatively  more  interestins  and  lead  to  more.- 

It  may  howev(>r  !)<>  allcRcd  that  I  have  omitted  one  significant 
ground  for  the  dista.ste  of  "  th(>  best  jx'oph"  "  for  pul'lic  fife,  viz. 
the  bad  company  they  wouM  have  to  k(>ep,  the  general  vulgarity 
of  tone  in  politics,  tlie  exposure  to  invective  or  ril)aldry  by  hostile 
speakers  and  a  recldess  jjress. 

I  omit  this  ground  because  it  seems  insignificant.  In  every 
country  a  ixjUtician  has  to  associate  with  men  whom  he  despises 
and  distrusts,  and  those  whom  he  most  despises  and  distrusts 
are  .sometimes  those  wh()s(>  .so-cal^.d  social  rank  is  highest  - - 
th(>  sons  or  bn)thers  of  great  noi)les.  In  «'very  coi-ntry  he  is 
exiKJsed  to  misrepresentation  and  abuse,  and  the  most  galling 
misrepresentations  an;  not  t!ie  coarse  and  incre<lible  ones,  but 
those  which  have  a  se:nblance  of  pntbability.  which  th'licatcly 
discolour  his  motives  and  ingeniously  pervert  his  words.  .\ 
statesman  nuist  soon  learn,  even  in  d(>corous  Kngland  or  punc- 
tilious France  or  polishe  1  It.aly,  to  disregard  all  this,  and  rely 
U|K)n  liis  coiLscience  for  his  p(>ace  of  mind,  arwl  upon  his  conduct 
for  the  res|)ect  of  his  countrymen.  If  ii(>  can  do  so  in  Kngland 
or  PVance  or  Italy,  ho  may  do  so  in  .America  also.  \o  more  there 
than  in  Europe  has  ;m\  upri;j;n1  in.aii  been  written  down,  for 
though  the  .American  pre-s  is  uns|)aring,  the  .Vnieric.an  people  are 

'  It  i.1  thr  rtaiiir  ill  som.'.  Ihoiitrli  l.y  „■>  m.  :iin  in  all.  ,.f  tin-  raiitoiis  of  .SwjJzir- 
liiii.l.  OfH.y  rarrics  litth-  ,,r  im  -<orlMl  .  .in^il.iatioii  with  it.  In  s„nic  (■Miit..i,s 
Un-  iild  fiiniilii'S  I:  ivc  su  i-i.ni|.Ii|.  |y  witlnlniwn  ..r  Ihi-ciihc  s-i  ((.inplrtilv  shut 
out  from  piil.ii,'  oin.T.  fr,li'nil  or  .•,iiit,.u:il.  tli.it  it  would  I...  a.-suim-.i  that  a 
politician  was  n.'icssarily  a  |.li'l,riaii.  I  riiii,inl..T  to  liavr  liccii  told  in  linn 
of  a  foroiRU  diplomatist  who.  ^trollin';  uitli  on.'  of  tlir  old  patri.ians  of  t|„.  ,it\ 
8topp.Ml  at  thr  door  of  thr  ( ;o\ .  i  nni.nt  ofR.-.w  '  \VhiT.>  irr  you  eoirnt  •' 
a^<k.•(|  till'  patrician.      'T..  h,c  ,,n<'  ol  y,,.,i  ministers  on  l.usin.ss.-      ■   \,,n  (!,.i,t 

mean  that  you  arc  v.iinL'  to  s,„.ak  to  ,,i f  that  ,voi.oV/.  .' "    wa.s  thr  reply.      The 

minister  was.   as  Swi-   st,.|tesr.ien   i.,t,,  nill.v    ,in-.   a   perfeetK    n'speetahle   man 
l>iit  to  a  Hcrncse  .liiiik.  i   liis  l„  mc.'  a  iniiii-iei   «.is  eiiouuli  >■>  disparace  liim. 

■-'Tlii.s  is  (rue  even  ol  I'lMin.  ri.  ■    in  I,  ii,  :   .,,1,       \   -i.    .<   uriler  ur  elo.|Ueni 

pieaeh.r  IS  more  I n,.\  .u..!   v   ihe    1   ,i,    \r..    ii   :i  tliin   i,,    ).n;.;land. 


Jt\l 


IIM! 


74 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


FART   in 


I 


ill] 

nl 


>i 


shrewd,  and  isoinetimes  Ix'Ueve  too  little  rather  tlian  too  much  evil 
of  a  man  whom  the  press  assails.  Although  therefore  one  hears 
the  pseudo-European  Ameriean  complain  of  newspaper  violence, 
and  allege  that  it  keeps  him  and  his  friends  from  doing  their  duty 
by  their  country,  and  although  it  sometimes  hap[)en8  that  the  fear 
of  newspaper  attacks  deters  a  good  citizen  from  exiwsing  some 
job  or  jobljer,  still  I  coulil  not  learn  the  name  of  any  able  and 
high-minded  man  of  whom  it  could  b(>  truly  said  that  through 
this  cause  his  gifts  and  virtues  had  been  reserved  for  private 
life.  The  roughness  of  {wUtics  has,  no  doubt,  some  influence 
on  the  view  which  wealthy  Americans  take  of  a  i)ul)lic  career, 
but  these  ar(»  just  tlie  Americans  who  think  that  European  politics 
are  worked,  to  use  the  common  phrase,  "  with  kid  gloves,"  and 
they  are  not  the  class  most  inclined  anyhow  to  conje  to  the  front 
for  the  .service  of  ':he  nation.  Without  denyhig  that  there  is 
recklessness  in  the  American  pr(>s.-;,  and  a  notable  want  of  refine- 
ment in  politics  generally,  I  doubt  whether  these  phenomena  have 
anything  like  the  importance  whicli  European  vi-sitors  are  taught, 
and  willingly  learn,  to  attribute  to  them.  Far  more  weight  is  to 
be  laid  upon  the  (Ufficulties  which  the  organization  of  the  party 
system,  to  be  described  in  the  following  chapters,  throws  in  the 
way  of  men  who  seek  to  enter  public  life.  There  is,  as  we  shall 
see,  much  that  is  di.sagreeable,  nmch  that  is  even  humiliating,  in 
the  initial  stages  of  a  i)olitical  career,  and  doubtless  many  a  pil- 
grim turns  back  after  a  short  experience  of  this  Slougli  of  Despond. 
To  explain  the  causes  which  keep  so  much  of  the  finest  intel- 
lect of  the  country  away  from  national  l)usiness  is  one  thing, 
to  deny  the  unfortunate  results  would  be  (luite  another.  I'nfor- 
tunate  thi-y  certainly  are.  Hut  the  ilownward  tendency  olwerv- 
ul)l('  .since  the  end  of  tlie  Civil  War  seems  to  liave  been  ar- 
rested. When  the  war  was  over,  the  I'nion  saved,  and  tlie  curse 
of  slavery  gone  for  ever,  there  eaine  a  season  of  contentment  and 
of  lassitude.  A  nation  \vtii<'li  had  sunnouuted  sucli  dangers 
seenuMl  to  have  nothing  inon-  to  I'ear.  Those  who  had  fought 
with  tongue  and  pe:i  and  rifle,  iniglit  now  rest  on  their  laurels. 
After  long-contini"'(l  strain  and  effort,  tin-  wearied  nerve  and 
miisele  sought  re|)()se.  It  was  repose  from  political  warfare  only. 
For  the  end  of  the  war  coincided  with  the  opening  of  a  time  of 
swift  material  growth  and  alMnnidinir  material  prosperity,  in 
wliidi  iii(histrv  and  the  developnuiit  of  the  West  absorl<ed  more 
and  1  »)re  of  the  energy  of  tlu'  peojjlc.     Ilenee  a  neglect  of  the  dt;- 


•wm. 


CHAP.  Lvin    BEST  MEN  DO  NOT  OO  INTO  POLITICS 


75 


tails  of  politics  by  tlic  better  class  of  voters  such  a^  liacl  never  l)eon 
seen  l)efore.  Later  years  have  brouglit  a  revival  of  interest  in 
public  affairs,  and  especially  in  the  niaiiuKement  of  cities.  There 
i.s  more  speakitijj;  aiul  writing  and  thinking,  practical  and  definite 
thinking,  uiHjn  th(>  principles  of  government  than  at  any  pre- 
vious epoch,  (lood  citizens  are  Ix'ginning  ti  put  their  hands 
to  the  machinery  <tf  government :  and  thos«>  wiui  do  so  are,  more 
largely  than  formerly,  young  iiic:i.  who  liave  not  -ontractcd  the 
bjul  habits  which  the  pi  act  ice  of  politics  engendered  among  many 
of  their  elders,  jvnd  who  will  in  a  few  years  have  become  an  even 
more  potent  force  than  tliey  are  now.'  If  tlie  path  to  Congress 
and  the  State  legislatures  and  the  higher  municipal  offices  were 
oleannl  of  tlu'  stumbling-I  locks  and  dirt  lieaps  which  now  en- 
euml)er  it,  cunningly  placed  there  by  t!ie  professional  politicians, 
a  change  would  soon  pa.'<s  upon  the  com;M)sition  of  legislative 
Ixxlies,  and  a  new  spirit  be  felt  in  the  manag" ment  of  State  and 
municipal  as  well  as  of  national  affairs. 

'  This  seems  to  he  even  more  fruc  in  IMll  than  It  was  when  lirst  written  in 
1894. 


*U 


il 


^W^iT^ 


;  i  I 


IJ 


CHAPTER   LIX 


PARTY  ORC.ANIZATIONS 


11 


w 


\  i 


The  Americana  aro,  to  uso  their  fiivourito  expression,  a  highly 
executive  jMHtple,  with  a  greater  iiijjeimity  in  inventing  means, 
and  a  greater  |)r(>niptituile  in  adapting  means  to  an  end,  than 
any  Euro|K'an  rac«'.  Xo\vher(>  are  large  undertakings  organized 
so  skilfully;  nowhere  is  there  so  much  order  with  so  much  com- 
plexity; nowhere  sucli  (luickness  in  correcting  a  suddenly  dis- 
covered defect,  in  supplying  a  suddenly  arist'n  tlemand. 

(lovernment  l)y  jxipular  vote,  lK)tii  local  and  national,  is  older 
in  America  than  in  contineixtal  Europe.  It  is  far  more  complete 
than  even  in  England.  It  deals  with  larger  masses  of  men. 
Its  methods  have  eiigagtHl  a  greater  .share  of,  attention,  and  en- 
listed more  inventive  skill  in  tlieir  service,  than  anywhere  else  in 
the  world.  They  have  theri'fore  Iw'come  more  elal)orate  and,  so 
far  as  mere  mechanism  goes,  more  jK-rfect  than  elsewhere. 

The  greatest  di.scovery  ever  made  in  the  art  of  war  was  when 
men  began  to  perceive  that  organization  and  discipline  count  for 
more  than  numbers.  Tliis  discovery  gave  the  Spartan  infantry 
a  long  career  of  victory  in  (Ireece,  and  the  Swiss  infantry  a  not 
le.ss  brilliant  renown  in  the  lat(>r  Middle  Ages.  The  Americans 
made  a  similar  discovery  in  i)oHtics  between  1S2()  and  1840.  By 
degrees,  for  even  iu  .Vrncrica  great  trutlis  do  not  l)urst  full-grown 
U|)ou  the  world,  it  ".v;is  pcrceiveil  that  the  victories  of  the  l)allot- 
box,  no  less  th;iii  of  t!ie  sword,  must  be  won  by  the  cohesion  and 
disciplined  dncility  of  the  tr(K)ps,  and  that  these  merits  can  oidy 
l)e  secure  I  by  skilful  organization  an<l  long-continued  training 
lioth  parties  (lung  themselves  into  the  t:isk.  and  the  result  has  been 
an  extremely  ciHuplicatel  systi'in  of  party  machinery,  firm  yet 
fiexil)le,  d(>licate  yet  quickly  set  up  and  fapal)le  of  working  well  in 
tlu'  roughest  einiuiUMities.'  Strong  neeessity.  long  practice,  and 
the  fierce  competition  of  tlie  two  great  parties,  have  enatih^i  this 

'  Since  tlii'  I'urlicr  cilitioiis  i,f  this  liook  ;i|>i)(:irfii.  u  careful  anii  in.xtnictive 
stuiiy  iif  V.  i>.  ixilifical  i.arty  inaehitiery  h:i.-.  fiecn  [luiilistiecl  by  .\1.  ( )Mtr()K<>ritki 
ill  :i  WorK  entitled  Drnnirriii  i/  iinil  tin   Orfjnin-iitinii  iif  f'ltliliriil  I'lirliis. 

70 


CHAP.   MX 


PARTY  ORGANIZATIONS 


77 


I 

J 


executive  people  to  surpass  itself  in  the  sphere  of  electioneering 
politics.  Yet  the  principles  are  so  simple  that  it  will  be  the 
narrator's  fault  if  they  are  not  understood. 

One  preliu)inary  word  upon  the  object  of  a  party  organiza- 
tion. To  a  Euro|)ean  ix>Iitician,  by  which  I  mean  one  who 
knows  jiohtics  but  d(M's  not  know  .Vmericu,  the  aims  of  a  party 
organization,  l)e  it  local  or  K»'i"'ral,  s(H'm  to  hv  four  in  numlier  — 

Union  —  to  keep  the  party  toKcther  and  prevent  it  from  wast- 
ing its  strength  by  dissensions  and  schisms. 

Recruiting  —  to  bring  in  tiew  voters,  e.g.  immigrants  when 
they  obtain  citizenship,  young  men  as  they  reach  the  age 
of  suffrage,  new-comers,  or  residents  hitherto  indifferent  or 
hostile. 

Enthusiasm  —  to  excite  the  voters  by  the  sympathy  of  num- 
Ikts  and  the  sens(»  of  a  common  jiurfKjse,  rousing  them  by 
speeches  or  literature. 

Instruction  —  to  give  tlie  voters  some  knowledge  of  the  political 
issues  they  have  to  deci(h',  to  iiifonn  them  of  the  virtues  of  their 
leaders,  and  the  crimes  of  their  opiX)nents. 

These  aims,  or  at  least  the  first  three  of  riiem,  are  pursued 
l)y  the  party  organizations  <tf  .Vmerica  with  eminent  success. 
But  they  are  less  important  than  a  fifth  object  which  has  been 
little  regarded  in  KurojM',  thougli  in  .\merica  it  is  the  main- 
spring of  th<'  whole  mechanism.  This  is  the  selccticm  of  party 
candidates  ;  and  it  is  im|iortaiit  not  oidy  because  the  elective 
places  are  far  more  numerous  than  in  any  Europ<'an  country, 
but  iKM-ause  they  are  ten:il)le  for  short  terms,  so  that  eh'ctions 
fre<|uently  recur.  Since  the  parties,  having  of  late  had  few 
really  distinctive  principles,  and  therefore  no  well-deHiKnl  aims 
in  the  direction  of  lettislMlion  or  administration,  exist  practi- 
cally for  the  sake  of  tilling  certain  offices,  and  carrying  on  the 
inachintTy  of  g(»veriiineiit,  the  choice  of  those  members  of  the 
party  wIkmu  the  party  is  to  rewnnl,  and  who  an  to  strengthen 
it  by  the  wimiing  of  the  offic(>s,  Ix-conies  a  main  end  of  its  being. 

There  are  three  ways  by  which  in  self-governinc  countries 
candidates  may  l)e  broiitlit  before  electors.  One  is  for  the 
candisiate  to  offer  himself,  appe.-iliiiir  to  his  fellow-citizens  on 
tlv>  '^reiiKth  of  his  |)ersonal  merit-,  or  family  coiitiections,  or 
weairh,  or  local  influence.  This  was  th(>  practice  in  tnost 
British  constituencies  till  our  own  time;    and  nrms  to  be  the 


78 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


:   i 


m 


II 

i  ! 


practice  over  parliamentary  Europe  still.  It  was  not  uncom- 
mon in  the  Southern  States  before  tiu'  Civil  War.  Another  is 
for  a  group  or  junto  of  influential  men  to  put  a  candidate 
forwani,  intriguiiiK  secretly  for  him  or  openly  recommending 
him  to  the  electors.  This  iiLso  largely  |)re vailed  in  England, 
where,  in  counties,  four  or  five  of  tlie  chief  landowners  us(h1  to 
agree  as  to  the  on(^  of  themselves  who  shoul<l  stand  for  the 
county,  or  tM'rhups  chose  the  eldest  sou  of  a  duke  or  tnaniuis  a.s 
the  person  whom  rank  tlesigniited.'  So  in  Scotch  burghs  u  knot 
of  active  bailies  and  other  citizens  combined  to  l)ring  out  a 
candidate,  but  generally  kept  their  action  secret,  for  "the 
clique"  was  always  a  term  of  reproach.  The  practice  is  com- 
mon in  France  now,  where  tlic  conunittees  of  each  party  recom- 
mend a  candidate. 

The  third  system  is  that  in  wliich  the  candidate  Ls  chosen 
neither  by  himself  nor  by  the  self-elected  local  grouf),  but  by 
the  people  tiiemselves,  i.e.  by  tlic  mentbers  of  si  party,  whether 
assembled  in  mass  or  acting  through  r('|)ri'sentiitives  chosen  for 
the  purpose.  This  plan  offers  several  iwlvautages.  It  promises 
to  secure  a  good  ciUKhdatc,  because  presumably  the  peoples  will 
choose  a  suital)h'  man.  It  encourages  the  candidate,  by  giving 
him  the  weight  of  party  sup|K)rt,  and  thereff)re  tends  to  induce 
good  men  to  come  forward.  It  secures  the  union  of  the  party, 
because  a  previous  vote  has  determiruMl  that  the  candidate  i.s 
the  man  whom  the  tnajority  prefer,  atid  the  minority  are  there- 
fore likely,  having  iiad  th<ir  say  and  l)e(>n  fairly  outvoted,  to 
fall  into  line  and  support  liim.  Tiii-i  is  the  system  which  now 
prevails  frotn  .Maine  to  California,  and  is  indeecl  th(^  keystcme 
of  trans-atlantic  iK)litics.  But  there  is  a  further  reason  for  it 
than  those  1  have  ineiitioned. 

That  no  .\m<'rican  ilreams  of  offeririg  himself  for  a  post  un- 
less he  ha'^  been  chosen  l)y  his  |)arty,  or  some  section  thereof, 
is  due  not  to  tlie  fact  that  few  persons  have  the  local  pre-emi- 
nence whieli  tlie  social  eondititiiis  of  Kuro|)e  bestow  on  the 
leading  landowners  of  a  neighbourhood,  or  (»n  some  great  mer- 
chants or  einf)lovers  in  a  town,  nor  again  to  the  modesty  which 
used  to  make  .11  iMiglislmmn  hesitate  to  appear   as  a   candi- 

'  Thus  ill  Mr.  I;;  nuli's  iinvcl  i>f  Tiinrrfl  the  coimty  niciiilirr.  a  nit'ti  of 
BdimI  tiirth  mikI  l:irL'.'  i-':if. -.  nti.rs  to  ntirc  in  urilr  to  m;iki'  rijoni  fur  thi' 
pMc«t  .-i»ii  of  tin-  Mnl.  •  w'l  11  ln'  coiin'K  of  Mi;<'.  Tiii'*  wi.iiM  not  im|>|H-ii  iio»- 
udiiys,  unless  of   i-ntu^     tlii'    'ul^  ■  wi  !,■  a  p.irty  li'udcr,  iiinl  tln'  i-ouiity  imiiibcl 


CHAP.    LIX 


PAHTY   OIUIANIZATIONH 


79 


(lute  for  ParlianMmt  until  ho  ha^l  got  up  a  requisition  to  him- 
self to  stand,  but  to  the  notion  that  the  ))opular  mind  and 
will  are  and  must  he  Al  in  all,  that  the  people  must  not  only 
create  the  office-hearer  by  their  votes,  hut  even  designate  the 
persons  for  whom  votes  may  he  given.  For  a  man  to  put 
him.self  before  the  voters  is  >leemed  presumptuous,  because  an 
encrouehment  on  their  right  to  say  whom  they  will  even  so 
much  as  consider.  The  theory  of  popular  sovereignty  requires 
that  the  ruling  majority  nmst  name  its  own  standard-bearers 
and  servants,  the  catididates,  must  define  its  own  platform, 
mu.st  in  every  way  express  its  own  mind  and  will,  ^^'ere  it  to 
leave  these  matters  to  the  initiative  of  candidates  offering 
themselves,  or  candidates  put  for^vard  by  an  unauthorized 
cli(iue,  it  would  .subject  itself  to  tliem,  would  be  passive  in.stead 
of  active,  would  cease  to  be  worshipped  as  the  source  of  power. 
A  system  for  selecting  candidates  is  therefore  not  a  mere 
contrivance  for  preventing  i>arty  dis.-cnsions,  but  an  es.sential 
feature  of  mature* I  democracy. 

It  was  not  however  till  democracy  came  to  maturity  that  the 
.system  was  perfected!.  .\s  far  l)ack  as  the  middle  of  the 
eighte<'nt!i  century  it  was  the  custom  in  Ma.ssachusetts,  and 
probably  in  other  colonies,  for  a  coterie  of  leading  citizens  to 
put  fonvard  candidates  for  the  offices  of  the  town  or  colony,  and 
their  nominations,  although  clothed  with  no  autliority  but  that 
of  the  individuals  making  tliein,  were  generally  accepted.  This 
last«Kl  tm  after  the  Revolution,  for  th(>  structure  of  society  still 
retaint><l  a  certain  aristocratic  ([uality.  ("lubs  sprang  up  which, 
especially  in  New  York  State,  became  the  organs  of  groups  and 
parties,  brought  out  caiulidates,  and  conducted  election  cam- 
paigns ;  while  in  Xew  Kngland  the  clcTgy  an<l  the  men  of  sub- 
stance continued  to  act  as  leaders.  Presently,  as  the  demo- 
cratic spirit  grew,  and  peo|)le  would  no  longer  acquiesce  in 
self-appointed  ciiiefs,  tlic  Ic^iislatures  b(>^;m  to  1m'  recognized 
as  the  bodies  to  make  noiuinntions  for  the  higher  Federal  and 
8tate  offices.  Facli  party  in  ("ongress  nominated  the  candidate 
to  be  nm  for  llie  presideiicv.  ejich  party  in  a  State  legislature 
the  candidate  for  governor,  and  often  for  other  ix)sts  also.  This 
lasted  during  the  first  two  or  three  <lecades  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  till  the  «'l"<torMl  sutVrauc  lu'gan  to  be  generally  lowered, 
and  a  generatiim  which  h:id  inil>il»e<l  .h-iTersonian  principles 
had  come  to  maniioo<i,  a  generation  so  filie<l  with  the  spirit  of 


m 


THE  PARTY  S  VST  KM 


PART   III 


(ieinocrutic  iH|(iulit.v  tliat  it  w«)ul«J  n^ct^nize  iicttlicr  the  natural 
Icutlem  whom  swiul  iNmitiun  uiitl  siifM'iior  intclliKunce  imli- 
cutud,  nor  thf  officiul  lotwIiTship  of  lenislativc  ImmIics.  An  party 
8trugglcH  grew  more  bitter,  a  party  organization  lH>came  neces- 
sary, which  iMtter  Hutinfietl  tlie  claims  of  petty  local  leaders, 
which  knit  the  voters  in  each  district  together  and  concentrate(l 
their  efforts,  while  it  e.\presse<l  the  absolute  e<]uality  of  all 
voters,  and  the  right  of  each  to  share  in  detomiining  his  candi- 
date and  his  party  platform.  The  building  up  of  this  new 
organization  was  completcil  for  the  nenuMratic  fiarty  alKiut  the 
year  1835,  for  the  Whig  party  not  till  some  years  later.  When 
the  Republican  fmrty  arose  ainrnt  1854,  it  reproilucwl  so  closely, 
or  developed  on  lines  so  similar,  the  meth(Kls  which  experience 
hati  approved,  that  the  differences  iH'twwn  the  systems  of  the 
two  great  parties  are  now  unimportant,  and  may  be  disregarded 
in  the  sketch  I  have  t<>  give.  It  is  not  so  much  these  differ- 
ences as  the  variations  lK>twei>n  the  arrangements  in  cities  and 
those  in  rural  districts,  as  well  as  between  the  arrangements  in 
different  "Sections"  of  the  country,  that  make  it  hard  to  pre- 
sent a  perfectly  accurate  and  yet  concise  description. 

The  essential  feature  of  the  system  is  that  it  is  from  liottom 
to  top  strictly  representative.  This  is  because  it  has  power, 
and  power  can  flow  only  from  the  people.  An  organization 
which  exists,  like  the  pt)litical  as.sociatioas  of  Britain,  abnost 
entirely  for  the  sake  of  canvassing,  eonduc^ting  regi.stration, 
diffusing  literature,  getting  up  courses  of  lectures,  holding 
meetings  and  passing  resolutions,  may  have  little  or  no  power. 
Its  object  is  to  excite,  or  to  |M>rsuade,  or  to  manage  such  busi- 
ne.ss  as  the  defective  r(«gistration  system  of  the  country  leaves 
to  lie  discharged  by  voluntary  agencies.  So  too  in  America  the 
committees  or  k'agues  which  uiwh^rtake  to  create  or  stimulate 
opinion  have  no  power,  and  need  not  Im*  .strictly  representative. 
But  when  an  orp;.j,uization  which  the  party  is  in  the  habit  of 
obeying,  choo-ses  a  party  candidate,  it  exerts  power,  power  often 
of  the  highest  import,  Incause  it  practically  narrows  the  choice 
of  a  party,  that  is,  of  alniut  a  half  .»f  the  people,  to  one  par- 
ticular per  on  out  of  the  many  for  whom  they  might  be  inclined 
to  vote.*     Such  iK)wer  would  not  be  yielded  to  any  but  a  rep- 


'  The  rnpi(J  rhannc  in  the  prartiop  of  Rnnlnnd  in  this  point  is  a  curious  symp- 
tom of  the  proKn^MM  of  (leniorrutie  ideuD  un<i  UHUKes  there.  As  late  as  the 
gpm-ntl  clrrtions  of  \HGH  and   1S74,  nearly  all  eandidatea  offered  themsdvea 


niAP.  1,1  \ 


PAUTV   (Hi<iA\  l/ATIOXS 


81 


n'Hnitutiv  ImmIv.  and  it  is  >  i.l  I.mI  to  tin-  IhmIws  I  shall  .h'smU" 
Imtuih*.  tliry  aiv.  ut  i<.ji.^t  in  thf..ry.  rcprcsi'iitutiv.-.  uml  art' 
tlu-rrforf  <lri-iii<N|  t(.  haw  tli.-  \v.-i«ht  of  tin-  [n'oplc  Lrhiiul  them 

Xn!.n.".r'r'.''''  "'n'  "".'""''  """"■'  "^"f''«  •''  '"  '•"  *•  i"  I"ir.ua..,-..  „f  r...,ui«ti»,.* 
.iiuimti.,«  lr,.,„     |„.  ..|.Ml.,r..     1..   1hs<i  ,„.,„>.    -I   tl.iuk   .,.,«t        Ul-ral  .-aii- 

.li.lutrK  lu  l..,i..u«h..  aii.l  soni.-  ill  ,-.,uiitir«,  wvi Ii„«.„  |„   ,|„.  |„.„1  purtv  an. 

-.Ml,.l.„i,..  :u.l  u,.,.,.:.l,..|  ,„  ,h..  LiUnU  .Irtnrs  ....  ,|„.  „n„ii,.|  „f  l.avi.iK  Imm-p 
«...l,.«,.|i.  Ii,  lvv,ai»l  ,il  .■v..rv*ul«...,«,.ht  rl,.,ti..n  all  ,.r  ii.  „rh  all  ii.  w  l.ilM-ral 
<aii.ll.latrH  wrr-  »..  .Ilks  n.  .,,.,1  a  iiiai.  nlTcriim  l.„.,*ll  a«an..l  il,..  ,„„nii.,M.  of 
Ml.'  i>.«.M-iatioii  WM,  .li'iiniinr.  .1  as  an  iiit.rloiM  r  anil  traitor  to  tli..  party  Ttir 
Ham.-  |,r..r.HM  l,as  l»..„  L-„i|.«  an  in  Ihr  '{'..rv    parl>  .  tlioiiul,  ,„.,n.  ,l.,wlv.     Ttj- 

'""'"■ f  ""•  '■"'">    w.altli>.  an.l  also  tliat   of  tl ntral  ,,artv  ,,'mv  •    ri- 

liiaiiiH  *.inrwliat  Kr.at.r  anioiiu  tlir  rorirs.  I,u>  in  .  .,ui«,'  of  (iinr  <hoi.T  l.v  rrii- 
nMi.tativ..  a«*Hi:.linn.  ivill  .|,.ul,ll.  ,s  l„...o,„  fl...  nil...  This  ,„l,i,.,.f  ha.s  Imm-i. 
.•x.rll.ntl.v  tr.-at...l  n,  Mr.  .\.  L.  I.ow,  Hs  dnr.n,,,,,,,!  of  h:„„l,n.,t.  wliiW,  *t 

III.' ..mill  ,1.IT,....„,,.  whirl,  Htill  ..xiM,  l,..t«..n  ltriti«h  an.l  \ ri.ai.  prartir.- 

W  tha  in  Hntain  tli.'  Mtti.,«  ni.  nil.,r  is  r.lwa.v.-  .ii..l,.rst.N..|  f.  hav  a  pr.minip- 
tiv..  .laiin  to  I-.,  a.lopt.,1  ,,.  th,.  part.v  .an.li.lat.-.  Tnl,  h..  h-  hai.  l-roni..  iK-r- 
w.iiall.v  unpopular,  or  lr,s  fail.-.l  to  support  his  party.  1...  is  almost  .rrtiiiu  1^1* 
r.;i...iiiiimt.-.l.  «lr,, ,,.  m  th.'  I  iiit.-d  Stuti-s  no  su.li  pr.sumptivL'  Huiin  i.s  n-coif. 

IIUl'il  " 


MICROCOPY  RBOIUTION  TBT  CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


1.0 


Ub 

|2£ 

1^ 

■■■ 

L£ 

■  12 

|1« 

IB 
lit 

Ib 

12.5 


1.8 


^  /APPLIED  IN/HGE     I 

^K  '653  East  Main  Street 

S'.J!  Rochester.  Ne»  Vork        U609      US* 

^g  (716)   482  -  0300 -Phone 

j^B  <^'6)  288  -  5989  -  Fan 


CHAPTER  LX 


i. 


THE  MACHINE 

The  organization  of  an  American  party  consists  of  two  dis- 
tinct, but  intimately  connected,  sets  of  bodies,  the  one  perma- 
nent, tlie  otlier  temporary.  The  function  of  the  one  is  to 
manage  party  business,  of  the  other  to  nominate  party  camU- 

dates.' 

The  first  of  these  is  a  system  of  managing  committees.     In 
some  States  every  election  district  has  such  a  committee,  whose 
functions  cover  the   political  work   of  the  district.     Thus  in 
country  places  there  is  a  township  committee,  in  cities  a  ward 
committee.     There  is  a  committee  for  every  city,   for  every 
district,  and  for  every  county.     In  other  States  it  is  only  the 
larger  areas,  citi(>s,  counties,  and  C'ongressional  or  State  As- 
sembly districts  that  have  committees.     There  is,  of  course,  a 
committee  for  each  State,  witli  a  g(>n(M-al  supervision  of  such 
political  work  as  has  to  be  done  in  th(>  State  as  a  whole.     There 
is  a  National  ("onunittee  for  the  political  business  of  the  party 
in  the  Union  as  a  whole,  and  especially  for  the  presidential 
contest.^    The  whole  country  is  covered  by  tliis  network  of 
committees,    each   with   a  sphere  of   action   corresponding  to 
some  constituency  or  local  election  ar(>a.  so  that  the  proper 
function  of  a  citv  committee,  for  instance,  is  to  attend  to  elec- 
tions for  city  offices,  of  a  ward  coininittee  to  (>lection.s  for  ward 
offices,  of  a  district  committ(>e  to  elections  for  district  offices. 
Of  course  the  city  committee,   wiiile  supervising  th(>  general 
conduct  of  citv  elections,  looks  to  each  ward  organization  to 
give  special  atteutiim  to  the  elections  in  its  own  ward  ;   and  the 
State  connnittee  will   in  State   elections   expect   similar   help 

1  'I'lic  systi'iii  (icscril»-il  m  liii>  c  ii.ii.t.  r  iKis  nccu  nTiiitly  imu-h  lii'niifir.l, 
but  !is  II.)  iu'W  syst.Tii  liiis  yet  t;ik.n  its  placi'  ov.t  the  wlinlc  .(miitry.  it  is  tx'st 
to  li't  thi'  <-hill>ti'r  stiUKl,  wliili'  ailditit;  ;i  note  .it  the  end. 

pr   MVitliin   till'  State  ("omiiiittrcs  aii<l   National  ('oniniittec  then'  is  almost 
alwavii  a  siuuU  Executive  Committee  in  iiractical  control. 

82 


CHAP.    LX 


THE   MACHINE 


83 


from,  and  be  entitlod  to  issue  directions  to,  all  bodies  acting 
for  the  minor  area-*  —districts,  counties,  townships,  cities,  and 
wanls  —  comprised  in  the  State.     Tiie  smaller  local  committees 
are  in  fact  autonomous  for  their  special  local  purposes,  but 
subonlinate  in  so  far  as  they  serve  the  larger  pur|)oses  common 
to  the  whole  party.     The  ordinary  business  of  tliese  committees 
is  to  raise  and  apply  funds  for  election  purjjoses  and  for  political 
agitation  generally,   to  organize  meetings  when  necessary,  to 
prepare  lists  of  voters,  to  disseminate  political  tracts  and  other 
information,  to  look  after  the  press,  to  attend  to  the  admission 
of  immigrants  as  citizens  and  their  enrolment  on  the  party 
lists.'     At  election  times  they  have  also  to  superintend  the 
canvass,  to  procure  and  distribute  tickets  at  the  polls  (unless 
this  is,  under  recent  legislation,  done  by  a  public  authority), 
to  allot  money  for  various  election  services,  to  see  that  voters 
are  brought  up  to  the  ik)11  ;   l)ut  they  are  often  aided,  or  vir- 
tually superseded,   in  this  work  by  "campaign  committees" 
specially  created  for  the  occasion.     Finally,  they  have  to  con- 
voke at  the  proper  times  those  nominating  asseml>lies  which 
form  the  other  parallel  but  distinct  half  of  the  party  organization. 
These  committees  are  jiermaneiit  bodies,  tliat  is  to  say,  they 
are  always  in  existence  and  capal)le  of  being  called  into  activity 
at  short  notice.     They  are  re-appointed  annually  by  the  Pri- 
mary (hereinafter  described)  or  Convention  (as  the  case  may 
be)  for  their  local  area,  anrl  of  course  th(>ir  composition  may  be 
completely  changed  on  a   re-a!)pointmcnt.     In  practice  it  is 
but  little  changefi,  the  same  men  continuing  to  serve  year  after 
year,   because  they  hold  the  strings  in  their  hands,  because 
they  know  most  and  care  most  al>out  the  party  business.     In 
particular,  the  chairman  is  apt  to  l)e  practically  a  permanent 
official,  and  (if  the  committee  be  one  for  a  populous  area)  a 
powerful  and  important  official,  who  has  large  sums  to  dis- 
burse and  quite  an  army  of  workers  under  his  orders.     The 
chairmanship  of  th<'  organizing  comniittee  of  the  county  and 
city  of  New  York,  for  instance,  is  a  post  of  great  responsibility 
and  influence,  in  which  high  executive  gifts  find  a  worthy  sphere 


for  their  exercise 

One  function  and  one  only 


-l>esides  tliat  of  .adopting  plat- 


■Thc  Imsiiicsrt  .)f  r-uistmlion  is  ui..l..rt.ikf  n  hy  th<'  public  authority  for  the 
locality,  instoiul  of  !>■  in-,  ;is  i„  i;M(j;i;ui(|,  |):kffi;illy  left  to  the  antion  of  the  in- 
dividual citiisoa  or  of  tho  partiuci. 


84 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   H 


(- 1 


forms  —  is  beyond  the  competence  of  these  committees  —  the 
choice  of  candidates.  That  belongs  to  the  other  branch  of  the 
organization,  the  nominating  assembUes. 

Every  election  district,  by  which  I  mean  every  local  area  or 
constituency  which  chooses  a  person  for  any  office  or  post, 
administrative,  legislative,  or  judicial,  has  a  party  meeting  to 
select  the  party  candidate  for  that  office.  This  is  called  Nomi- 
nating. If  the  district  is  not  subdivided,  i.e.  does  not  contain 
any  lesser  districts,  its  meeting  is  call<  d  a  Primary.  A  primary 
has  two  duties.  One  is  to  select  the  candidates  for  its  own 
local  district  offices.  Thus  in  the  country  a  township  primary  ' 
nominates  th(>  candidates  for  township  offices,  in  a  city  a  ward 
primary  nominates  those  for  ward  offices  (if  any).  The  other 
duty  is  to  elect  delegates  to  the  nominating  meetings  of  larger 
areas,  such  as  the  county  or  congressional  district  in  which  the 
township  is  situated,  or  the  city  to  wliich  the  ward  belongs. 
The  primary  is  composed  of  all  the  party  voters  resident  within 
the  bounds  of  the  township  or  ward.  They  are  not  too  nu- 
merous, for  in  practice  the  majority  do  not  attend,  to  meet  in 
one  room,  and  they  are  assumed  to  be  all  alike  interesticl. 
But  as  the  party  voters  in  such  a  large  area  as  a  county,  con- 
gressional district,  or  city,  are  too  numerous  to  be  able  to  meet 
and  delil)erate  in  one  room,  they  usually  act  through  repre- 
sentatives, and  entrust  the  choice  of  candidates  for  office  to  a 
body  called  a  Nominating  Convention.^  This  body  is  composed 
of  delegates  from  all  the  primaries  within  its  limits,  chosen  at 
those  primaries  for  the  sole  purpose  of  sitting  in  the  convention 
and  of  there  selecting  the  candidates. 

Sometimes  a  convention  of  this  kind  has  itself  to  choose 
delegates  to  proceed  to  a  still  higher  convention  for  a  larger 
area.  The  greatest  of  all  nominating  bodies,  that  which  is 
called  tlu!  National  (Convention  and  notninates  the  party  can- 
didate for  the  presidency,  is  entirely  composed  of  delegates 
from  other  conventions,  no  primary  being  directly  represented 
in  it.     As  a  rule,  however,  there  are  only  two  sets  of  nomi- 

'I  tako  township  and  ward  as  cxanipli'S,  imt  in  parts  of  the  country  wh(  r* 
the  township  is  not  tho  unit  of  local  Kovcrnniont  (sic  Chapter  XLVIII.  ante), 
thf  lofal  \init,  what' vPi- it  i?,  niMst  hr  si!l«tifiitcd. 

'  Sometimes,  however,  a  primary  is  held  for  a  whole  congressional  district  oi 
city.  As  to  recent  changes  in  the  primary  .sy.steni.  see  note  at  end  of  this  chap- 
ter. All  that  is  said  here  must  he  taken  as  sul)jei-t  to  what  is  said  hereafter 
regarding  the  new  .Statutory  Primaries  created  iu  many  States. 


CHAP.    LX 


THE  MACHINE 


natiiig  autlit  ritics.  the  |)riiii:iry  which  selects  candidates  for  its 
own  petty  offices,  the  coiiveiitioii  composed  of  the  delegates 
from  all  the  primaries  iii  the  local  circumst'riptions  of  the 
district  for  which  the  convention  acts. 

A  primary,  of  course,  sends  delejiaies  to  a  number  of  difTer- 
ent  conventions,  ijccausc  it>  area.  Li  us  say  the  township  or 
ward,  is  included  in  a  nuinher  of  different  election  districts, 
each  of  which  has  h<  own  convention.  Thus  the  same  j)ri- 
i.iary  will  in  a  city  choose  delegates  to  at  least  the  following 
conventions,  and  iJroNalily  to  one  or  two  others.'  (n)  To  the 
city  convention,  which  nominates  the  mayor  and  other  city 
officers,  (h)  To  the  .\sseml)ly  di.strict  convention,  which  nomi- 
nates candidates  for  the  lower  house  of  the  Sta+e  legislature. 
(f)  To  the  senatorial  district  convention,  which  nominates 
candidates  for  the  State  Senate,  (d)  To  the  congressicmal 
district  convention,  which  nominates  t  andidates  for  Congress. 
(r)  To  tlie  State  convention,  whicli  nominati's  candidates  for 
the  governorship  an<l  other  State  offices.  Sometimes,  however, 
the  nominating  body  for  an  Asseml)ly  di.strict  is  a  primary  and 
not  a  convention.  In  New  York  City  the  .Assembly  district  is 
the  unit,  and  each  of  the  thirty  districts  has  its  primary. 

This  seems  complex  :  but  it  is  a  reflection  of  the  complexity 
of  government,  there  being  every  when;  tliree  authorities,  Fed- 
eral, State,  and  Local  (this  last  further  subdivided),  covering 
the  same  grotmd,  yet  tlie  two  former  quite  independent  of  one 
another,  and  the  tliird  for  many  purposes  distinct  from  the 
second. 

The  course  of  business  is  as  follows  :  A  township  or  ward 
primary  is  summoned  by  the  local  party  managing  committee, 
who  fix  the  hour  and  place  of  meeting,  or  if  there  be  not  such 
a  committee,  then  by  some  permanent  officer  of  the  organi- 
zation in  manner  prescribed  by  the  by-laws.  A  primary  for 
a  larger  area  is  usuall>  summoned  by  the  county  committee. 
If  candidates  have  to  be  chosen  for  local  offices,  various  names 
are  submitted  and  either  accepted  without  a  division  or  put  to 
the  vote,  the  person  v.hj  gets  most  votes  being  declared  chosen 
to  be  the  party  candidate.     H(>  is  said    to  hav(>  received  thv 


'  There  may  be  also  a  county  convention  for  county  offices,  and  a  judicial 
district  convention  for  jiKlKci<hips.  hut  in  a  large  city  or  county  the  county 
convention  delesates  may  also  lie  (|ili;:ato  to  the  consressional  convention, 
perhaps  also  to  the  .State  assetnhiy  district  and  senatorial  district  conventions. 


i  il 


86 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAST  m 


t 
i'i ; 


party  nomination.  The  selection  of  delegatos  to  the  various 
conventions  is  o()n(liic'te<l  in  the  same  way.  The  local  com- 
mittee has  usually  prepared  beforehand  a  list  of  names  of  per- 
sons to  be  chosen  to  serve  as  delegates,  but  anj'  voter  present 
may  bring  forAvard  other  names.  All  name?,.  ':  not  acce[)te{l 
by  general  consent,  arc  then  voted  on.  At  thj  close  of  the  j:)ro- 
ceedings  lae  chairman  signs  the  list  of  delegates  chosen  ts  the 
approaching  convention  or  conventions,  if  more  than  ons,  a.T'd 
adjourns  the  meeting  tiinc  die. 

The  delegates  so  chosen  proceed  in  due  -^ ji"^e  to  licir  re- 
spective conventions,  which  are  usually  held  n  few  days  after 
the  primaries,  and  a  soinewhat  longer  period  b(>fore  the  elec 
tions  for  offices.'  The  convention  is  sununoned  \>y  the  manag- 
ing committee  for  the  district  it  exists  for,  and  when  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  delegates  are  present,  some  one  proposes  a 
temporary  chairman,  or  the  delegate  a.ipointed  for  the  pur- 
pose by  the  conmiittee  of  the  district  for  which  the  convention 
is  being  held  "calls  tlie  meeting  to  order"  as  tempora»y  chair- 
man. This  person  names  a  Committee  on  Credentials,  which 
forthmth  examines  the  credentials  presented  bj'  the  delegates 
from  the  primaries,  and  atbnits  those  whom  it  deems  duly 
accredited.  Then  a  permanent  chairman  is  proposed  and 
placed  in  the  chair,  and  the  convention  is  held  to  be  "organ- 
ized," i.e.  duly  constituted.  The  managing  committee  have 
almost  always  arranged  beforehand  who  shall  I)e  proposed  as 
candidates  for  the  party  nominations,  and  their  nominees  are 
usually  adopted.  However,  any  delegat(>  maj'  propose  any  per- 
son he  thinks  fit,  being  a  recognized  meml)er  of  the  party, 
and  carry  him  on  a  vote  if  he  can.  Tlie  person  adopted  by 
a  majority  of  delegates'  votes  becomes  the  party  candidate, 
having  "received  the  nomination."  The  convention  sometimes, 
but  not  always,  also  amuses  itself  by  passing  resolutions  ex- 
pressive of  its  political  sentiments ;  or  if  it  is  a  State  conven- 
tion or  a  National  convention,  it  adoi)ts  a  platform,  tcuching 
on,  or  purporting  to  deal  with,  the  main  question;!  of  the  day. 
It  then,  having  fulfilled  its  mission,  adjourns  sine  die,  and  the 
rest  of  the  election  business  falls  to  the  managing  conunittee. 

'  In  tho  cast'  of  ci.'ctioiis  to  tlio  prcsidi'iicy  and  to  the  governorship  of  a 
State  the  interval  between  the  nominating  ronvention  ami  tho  election  is  much 
longer  —  in  the  former  case  nearly  fotir  nioiitlis. 

The  procedure  dcscrihcd  licic  i-  that  of  State  and  local  conventions.  Foi 
National  Nominating  Conventions,  sec  Chapter  LXIX.  post. 


JHAP.  LX 


THE  MACHINE 


87 


-7t  must  1)0  romombored  that  primaries  and  conventions,  unliko 
tile  local  party  associations  of  England,  are  convoke<l  but  once, 
make  tlicir  nominations,  and  vanish.  Tliey  are  swans  which 
sing  tiieir  one  song-  and  die. 

The  National  convention  held  every  fourth  year  before  a 
presiden+ial  election  needs  ;i  fuller  (lescrii)tion,  which  I  shall 
give  presently.  Meantime  three  features  of  the  system  just 
outlined  may  be  adverted  to. 

Every  voter  Ix'longing  to  tlu;  party  in  the  local  area  for  which 
the  primary  is  lield.  is  presumal)ly  entitled  to  ai)i)ear  and  vote 
m  it.     In  rural  districts,  where  everybody  knows  everybody 
else,  then;  is  no  difHculty  ai)out  admission,  for  if  a  Democrat 
came  into  a  Republican  primary,  or  a  Republican  from  North 
Adams  tried  to  vote  in  tlie  Republican  prhnary  of  Lafayette- 
yille,  he  would  be  recognized  as  an  intruder  and  expelled."^  But 
m  cities  wliere  i)eof)le  do  not  know  their  neighbours  by  head- 
mark,  it  becomes  necessary  to  have  regular  lists  of  the  party 
voters  entitled  to  a  voice  in  tlie  primary.     These  are  made  up 
by  the  local  committ(>e.   which  may  exclude    persons  whom, 
thougli  they  call  themselves  Repul)licans  (or  Democrats,  as  the 
cases  may  be),  it  deems  not  loyal  members  (jf  the  party.     The 
usual  test  is,  Did  tlie  claimant  vote  the  j)aity  ticket  at 'the  last 
nnportant  election,  g(>n(>rally  the  presidential  election,  or  that 
for  the  State  goveniorsliip  ?     If  he  did  not,  he  may  be  excluded. 
Scmietimes,  however,  the  local  rules  or  the  party  re(|uire  every 
one  admitted  to  th(>  list  of  i)arty  voters  to  be  achnitted  by  the 
votes  of  tlie  existing  members,  who  may  reject  hun  at  their 
pleasure,  and  also  exact  from  each  member  two  pledges,  to  olny 
the  local  committee,  and  to  support  the  party  nominations,  the 
breach   of  either   jiledge   being   punishable   by   expulsion.     In 
many  primaries  voters  supposed  to  be  disagreeably  independent 
are  kept  out  either  by  the  \otes  of  the  existing  members  or 
by  the  application  of  the-.(>  strict  tests.     Thus  it  happens  that 
three-fourths  or  even  four-fifths  of  the  party  voters  in  a  pri- 
mary area  may  not  be  on  the  lists  and  enti"tled  to  raise  their 
voice  in  the  primary  for  the  selection  of  candidates  or  dele- 
gates.    Another   regulation,    restricting   nominations   to   those 
who  are  enrolled  nienrncrs  of  tl.t-  icgular  organization,  makes 
persons  so  kept  olf  tlu'  list  ineligible  as  party  candidates. 

Every  member  of  a  nominating  meeting,  be  it  a  primary  or 
a  convention  of  delegates,  is  dcemc(.l  to  be  bound  by  the  vot« 


H 


II 


88 


THK   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


i 


If 


of  the  majority  to  support  tin-  caiuHdatc  whom  tho  majority 
select,  whether  or  no  an  exjjrcss  pledge  to  that  ellect  has  l)(>en 
given.  And  in  the  case  of  a  convention,  a  delegate  is  generally 
held  to  hind  those  whom  lie  represents,  i.e.  the  voters  at  the 
primary  which  sent  him.  Of  cours(>  no  compulsion  is  possible, 
l)ut  long  usage  and  an  idea  of  fair  play  have  created  a  .senti- 
ment of  honour  fso-called)  and  i)arty  loyalty  strong  enough, 
with  most  people  and  in  all  hut  extreme  ca.ses,  to  secure  for 
the  party's  candidate  the  support  of  the  wh.ole  party  organiza- 
tion in  the  di.strict.'  It  is  felt  that  tlu;  party  must  be  kept 
together,  and  that  he  who  has  come  into  the  nominating  a.ssem- 
bly  hoping  to  carrj'  his  own  candidate  ought  to  obey  the  decision 
of  the  majority.  The  vote  of  a  majority  has  a  sacredness  in 
America  not  yet  reached  in  Europe. 

As  respect.s  the  freedom  left  to  delegates  to  vote  at  their  own 
pleasure  or  under  the  instructions  of  their  primary,  and  to  vote 
individually  or  as  a  solid  body,  the  practice  is  not  uniform. 
Sometimes  they  are  sent  up  to  the  nominating  convention 
without  instructions,  even  without  the  obligation  to  "go  solid." 
Sometimes  they  are  exjiressly  directed,  or  it  is  distinctly  under- 
stood by  them  and  by  the  primary,  that  they  are  to  support 
the  claims  of  a  particular  person  to  be  selected  as  candidate, 
or  that  they  are  at  any  rate  to  vote  all  together  for  one  person. 
Occasionally  they  are  even  given  a  list  arranged  in  order  of 
preference,  and  told  to  vote  for  A.  B.,  failing  him  for  C.  D., 
failing  him  for  E.  F.,  these  being  persons  whose  names  have 
already  been  mentioned  as  probable  candidates  for  the  nomi- 
nation. This,  liowever,  would  only  happen  in  tlie  case  of  the 
greater  offices,  such  as  those  of  memlier  of  Congress  or  governor 
of  a  State.  The  point  is  in  i)ractice  less  important  than  it 
seems,  because  in  most  cases,  whether  tlu>re  be  any  specific  and 
avowed  instruction  or  not,  it  is  well  settled  beforehand  l)y 
those  who  manage  the  choice  of  ilelegates  what  candidate  any 
set  of  delegates  are  to  support,  or  at  least  whose  lead  they  are 
to  follow  in  the  nominating  convention. 

Note  further  how  complex  is  the  machinery  needed  to  enable 
the  party  to  concentrate  its  forc(>  in  support  of  its  candiilates 
for  all  these  places,  and  liow  large  tlir-  number  of  [jersuns  con- 
stituting th(>  machinery.     Three  sets  of  offices,   numicipal  or 


'The  olUigiitioii   is  however  iiiiieh  less  str'el    in   the  eiise  of    iiiimieipiil 
tionti,  in  wliieli  piirty  eoiisiderations  sonietiiiies  euuiit  for  little. 


•Ice 


CHAP.    LX 


THK  MACHINK 


80 


county,  Stato,  FtMlorul,  have  to  be  filled ;  three  different  sets  of 
nominating  bodies  aie  therefore  needed.  If  we  add  together 
all  the  nieni})ers  of  all  the  conventions  iiu-ludcd  in  these  three 
sets,  the  number  of  persons  neede«l  to  serve  as  delegates  will 
be  found  to  reach  a  high  total,  even  if  some  of  them  serve  in 
more  than  one  convention.  Men  who.se  time  i^  valuable  will 
refuse  the  po.st  of  tlelegate,  gladly  leaving  to  otliers  who  desire 
it  the  duty  of  selecting  candidates  for  offices  1c  which  they  sel- 
dom themselves  aspire.  However,  as  we  .shall  see,  such  men 
are  but  rarely  permitted  to  become  delegates,  even  when  they 
desire  the  function. 

"Why  these  tedious  details?"  the  European  reader  may 
exclaim.  "  Of  wiiat  consequence  can  they  be  comparetl  to  the 
Constitution  and  laws  of  the  country?"  Patience!  These 
details  have  more  significance  ?ind  make  more  difference  to  the 
working  of  the  government  than  many  of  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution  itself.  Tlie  mariner  feels  the  trade  winds  which 
sweep  over  tiie  surface  of  the  Pacific  and  sees  nothing  of  the  coral 
insects  which  ar(>  at  work  l)eneat!i  its  waves,  but  it  is  by  the  lal)our 
of  these  in.sects  that  islantls  grow,  antl  reefs  are  built  up  on  which 
ships  perish. 

Note  o.\  Rkcent  LE(iisL.vrio.\"  UEii.viiDixc  Piu.m.^ries 


Soon  after  ISiK)  tlu'  sins  r)f  the  Ma<*hint',  and  the  abuse  of  the  system 
of  nomination  by  |)riniaries  and  conventions  described  in  this  and  >iic- 
t'ceding  ('ha|)ters,  led  to  an  (>ITort  to  cure  those  abuses  and  to  secure  the 
ordinary' citizen  in  his  freedom  <>f  selectinjj  candidates  for  office  by  bring- 
ing  party  nominations  under  the  authority  of  the  law  and  surrounding 
them  with  safeguards  similar  to  those  which  surround  elections.  Thus 
statutes  have  ln>cii  cnacterl  in  nearly  all  the  .States  which  deal  to  a  jrr«'ater 
or  le.ss  extent  with  lh(>  times  and  manner  of  holdiiifj  primary  meetings  for 
the  nomination  of  party  caiulidates  for  of1ic(>  and  of  delejrates  for  party 
conventions.  Oklahuma,  the  latest  of  the  new  States  of  the  I'nion,  en- 
tered the  Union  with  a  con.-titMtion  containin>r  four  important  consti- 
tutional provisions  on  the  suiiject  of  primary' elections.  (See  thes;- in 
Appendix  to  Vol.  I.) 

The  regulations  imposed  upon  the  holdinsi:  of  these  party  meetings 
differ  widely  in  the  several  States.  They  ranjre  from  minor  i)rovisions 
concerning  the  dates  of  primaries,  the  preparation  of  the  luUlots,  and 
the  rc^julari/aliciii  of  t!ie  .•milinils  nf  cou'iliii:;.  up  In  sw('e[)in{r  and  drastic 
measun's,  such  as  are  found  in  Orejjon  a!i<l  Wisconsin,  for  instance,  re- 
quiring the  nomination  of  nearly  all  party  candidates  (including;:  I'nited 
Stales  Senators)  at  public  priiiuiries  comlucted  unilerotlicial  supervision. 

It   would   be   impossible    to  p;i\«'   within   moderate   compass   a   full 


80 


THE  PARTV  SYSTKM 


PART   III 


^i!|i:! 


account  of  these  HtatuU'st  for  they  vary  from  State  to  State  ami  are  often 
complicated  in  their  pn)\  isinns.  Moreover,  they  are  fn-  iiioiilly  chaiine'l. 
All  that  ean  he  done  iiere  is  to  summarize  tiie  tendencies  they  discloae, 
and  to  indicate  liriefly  those  features  in  the  system  of  party  nomina'ion 
which  are  now  Injin^  made  subjei^t  to  legislative  intc^rfen-nee. 

Many  laws  rtx  the  date;  on  wiiich  priiiuiries  should  \hi  heUl  for  all  the 
poUtical  parties  and  also  prescrilM>  conditions  as  to  the  times  at  Ahich 
the  primaries  and  conventions  shall  l>e  summoned. 

The  determination  of  who  may  vote  at  a  primary  and  who  are  to  Iw 
deemed  leeitimatfj  and  re^'ular  memlH<rs  of  a  |)articular  party  entitlnl  to 
vote  at  its  primaries  is  a  vexed  iiuestion  on  which  nu  uniformity  of  prac- 
tice exists.  Uroadly  s|)yaldnjf  there  are  two  systems.  I  iider  the  "( >pen 
Primary  "  plan  thein-of  lhi>so-<'alIed  "Australian  "  secret  hallot  enal)les 
the  voter  to  vote  a  party  primary  ticket  without  declaring  to  which  p:irty 
he  lielongs,  th(»uuh,  t(»  prevent  him  from  voting  for  more  than  one  o  irty 
at  a  primary,  it  is  Konerally  |)rovided  that  ballots  cast  for  any  person  as 
candidate  for  a  nominati  )n  are  to  Imj  counted  for  that  person  only  as  a 
candidate  of  the  party  upon  whose  ticket  his  name  is  written.  In  Wis- 
consin, for  instance,  tlie  primary  is  secret,  and  the  voter  may  cast  his  hallot 
as  he  pleases.  I'nder  the  "(Mosed  Primary"  plan  the  voter  is  subjected 
to  some  test  determining  his  party  affiliation,  and  can  vote  only  for  the 
candidates  of  that  party.  In  some  States  ho  is  required  to  enrol  him- 
self as  a  member  of  some  particular  party  if  he  wishes  to  take  part  in 
the  proceedings  of  the  primary.  So  in  California,  under  a  statute  of 
19()9,  the  voter  must  declare  the  political  party  with  which  he  intends 
to  affiliate,  otherwise  he  cannot  vote  at  the  primary ;  and  it  is  provided 
that  at  the  primary  he  shall  receive  the  ballot  of  that  party  and  of  no 
other.  So  in  Minnesota  the  voter  nmst  declare  his  allegiance  Itefore  he 
receives  the  party  ballot.  In  some  States  he  must  even  aimounce  his 
intention  to  support  the  party  at  the  election  next  following ;  in  some 
he  must  bind  himself  to  support  the  persons  nominated  at  the  primary 
(so  in  Louisiana  and  Texas).  Other  States  allow  the  authorities  of  the 
party  themselves  to  fix  the  test  of  membership  in  a  party  which  shall 
qualify  the  person  to  cast  a  primary  vote. 

Many  States  have  a  separate  official  ballot  for  each  party  at  the  pri- 
mary, but  others  are  content  to  regulate  the  colour,  size,  etc.,  of  the  party 
ballot. 

Those  States  which  require  all  parties  to  hold  their  i)rimaries  on  tlio 
same  day  generally  require  them  to  use  the  same  polling  place  and  official 
ballot  boxes. 

The  condu  t  of  primaries  is  now  generally  placecl  under  the  supervision 
of  regular  officials  being  the  same  as  those  who  conduct  the  elections  : 
and  the  hours  of  oi)ening  and  closing  the  primary  as  well  as  the  partic- 
ular method  of  voting  at  it  are  prescribed. 

The  official  expenses  of  primaries  are  borne  by  the  same  pulilic  au- 
thority which  bears  tlie  general  election  expenses. 

For  the  prevention  of  corruption  and  other  ofTences  i<X  primaries 
the  usual  precautions  against  bribery  and  fraudulent  \oting  at  elections 
are  prescribed. 

The  extent  to  which  the  primaries  are  used  for  the  nomination  of 


CHAP.    LX 


THR   MACHINE 


01 


candifliittw  Miri. s  fmin  Stafo  \n  Suite.  In  upncrul  it  i.H  only  »h'l..>rat«s 
to  convcntioiH  and  nn'riih*<rs  i>f  politk-al  i-<imniilttM's  who  an>  r«-<|iiin>fi 
to  l)o  s«'|.cif,l  |,y  Imllot.  Somt'tiiiU'H  it  is  U'ft  to  the  l(M-al  coininitttHt 
o(  th((  pally  to  (Iftcrniine  wiii'tluT  or  not  tlio  primary  Khali  Im  uwd  for 
nomination  to  local  oIlicfH.  The  laws  of  \Vis<'on.sin,  ()r(V()n,  Xchraska, 
and  s  «v<'r!,l  (.ihcr  statc-i  r('(iuiro  the  primary  to  i)«  used  for  th«<  nominal 
tion  of  I  iiil.'il  Slates  S«>nators,  who,  of  coiirso,  hav«  ti)  Ir-  Htn-tt'd  hy  the 
legislature,  ami  of  all  othor  orti<'«<rs  except  prosirlcntial  elwtors,  st-hool 
siiperinftndi  nts  and  certain  juflicial  ptT.sons. 

Many  liyal  (piestions  have  arisen  and  many  decisions  have  lH>en  <le- 
livered  ii|)on  these  eiiuctmenis  when  it  ha.s  lM>en  alk-KtMl  that  provisions 
of  a  particular  IVimary  law  are  unconstitutional. 

T\w  further  extension  of  the  principle  of  U-uislativo  control  over  the 
or)erations  (.f  politi -al  parties  has   become  a  leading  question  in   the 
politics  of  not  a  f»nv  States.     Oregon.  Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  and  Okla- 
homa niiirht  seem  to  have  gone  as  far  as  it  is  possilih.  to  go  in  this  direc- 
tion, l)ut,  iis  has  .lirea'ly  been  observed,  many  Slates  are  continuing  to 
make  experiimnls  in  the  matter.     .V  succinct  account  of  the  condition 
of  legislatKjn  on  the  subject  in  I'MIS  may  be  found  in  a  Report  of  the 
Connecticut  State  Commissioners  of  .Jan.,  IIKM).     In  l!)14  every  State 
had  laws  under  which  some  candidates  w»Te  nominated  in  direct  pri- 
maries, and  a   majority   had  established  state-wide  direct   primaries 
api)Iicable  to  all  or  nearly  all  otTices  except  (in  a  t'vw  cases)  judgeships. 
Regarding  the  practical  value  of  these  Primary  laws  as  a  means  of 
relieving  lh<'  go(.d  average  citizen  from  the  yoke  of  parly  Machines. 
opini(.n  has  not  yet  settled  itself.     Tlie  new  laws  w.re  disliked,  and  iri 
some  States  opposed,  by  the  professional  politicians  ;  and  this  naturally 
conlirmed  the  reformers  in  their  expectation  of  good  results.     In  some 
States,  however,  it  is  alUged  that  the  professionals  have  succeeded  in 
manipulating  the  new  system  .so  as  practically  to  re-establish  their  own 
control,  although,  of  cour.se,  at  the  cost  of  more  trouble  to  themselves 
than  they  had  pn-viously  to  take.      In  other  States  this  does  not  seem  to 
hav.>  happened;    and  the  voters  think  themselves  more  free  than  for- 
merly.    The  extreme  complexity  of  some  Primary  laws,  and  the  long 
and  elaborately  constructed  ballot    placed  before  the  voter,  do  give 
ground  for  the  apprehension  that  the  professional  politicians  may  lay 
hold  of  and  work  a  system  which,  in  .some  of  its  forms,  no  one  but 
im  expert  can  master.     And  it  is  also  feared  that  the  expense  of  work- 
ing primanes,  wincp  are  practically  another  .set  of  elections,  may  prove 
a  heavy  burden  both  on  the  public  revenue,  so  far  as  it  is  chargeable 
thereon,  and  upon  the  candidates,  who  will  have  to  spend  money  in  a 
good  many  ways,  some  perhaps  illegitimate.     As  President  LoweU  says 
(I'ldtlic  Ojiinion  tiinl  t'i>i,iibir  (litri-nniii  id,  |).  l.VJj  :  "I'nder  the  usual 
system  of  direct  primaries  a  special  organization  to  solicit  the  nomina- 
tion is  normally  a  necessity,  even  w  hen  the  only  (piestion  is  between  the 
rival  ainbitioiih  of  iiuliv  iduals.     Such  an  organization  is  very  expensive 
and  can  hardly  be  undertaken  unless  the  .andidale  or  his  friends  are 
prepared  to  spend  money  freely.     The  contests  for  nomination  at  the 
din>ct  i)rin)aries  in  Wisconsin  in  lUtW  aie  said  to  have  cost  the  candi- 
dates $802,Goy." 


ttt 


TMK   PAKTV  SYSTKM 


PART    III 


I 


ir 


Tliiil  iirovisidn  of  muiiy  uf  tin  si'  laws  wliii-li  rciiiiircs  a  voi«.r  ut  u  pri- 
niurv  lo  ilcclarc  liiiiisrir  iN-t'oriliiinil  :i  riicinlNr  of  llu'  |Mililicul  purl.v,  or 
t'Vi'ii  liiiiils  liiiii  to  .Hii|i|H>rt  till-  priiiiiirv's  iDiiiiiiiii',  scciiis  in  ilsiir  uhjcc- 
tiitiialilc.  hut  hu«  in  sonir  Stul«s  Imth  ili<)ii;;lit  ni't'ilt'il  us  ii  |)rot«><'li<in 
OKuinNt  tricks.  May  it  n<il.  Iiowtsrr,  Im-  thuujflit  tliut  such  u  proviMion 
unduly  limits  the  voter's  Crcciioni '.'  Why  slinuhi  the  citizen  Iw  ohiiifed 
to  put  himself  into  a  sheep  |M-n  unil  fi«|  himself  hounii  hyally,  or,  if  not 
legally,  yet  to  son xtent  morally,  to  support  a  particular  party  candi- 
date at  a  future  election  '.'  Who  can  tell  what  [mtsous  nmy  Im'  seU-f-ted. 
or  what  further  liRht  may  h<'  thrown  on  the  records  of  those  |N>rsons,  oi 
what  aspect  the  issues  will  have  assumed  on  tiie  foMowin"  'lay? 

Apart,  however,  fnun  thisol)jection,  Kuro|M'ans whose  \\u,  .i  ofreffard- 
iuK  party  orKanix.ation  as  a  purely  voluntary  nuttter  and  parties  as  Huid 
and  chan^int;.  »<)t  solid  an<l  |M'rnuuietit  entities,  makes  them  averse  to 
any  h-jrai  recoKniti<»n  of  parties  as  concrete  and  authoritative  Itodiex 
existinn:  within  the  community,  are  dis|M>sed  to  ask  whether  these  law.- 
may  not  Im-  a  sort  of  coun.sel  of  (h'spair,  an  abandonment  by  the  Rood 
citizens  of  their  old  hoiM-  of  e.xtinjjuishinK  or  su|M-rsedinK  the  Macliini 
altogether  by  tlie  voluntary  and  unfettered  a<'tion  of  the  voters  them- 
selves. Were  those  citizens  who  have  no  interest  except  in  gnotl  uov- 
emment,  those  who  value  their  party  only  Iwcau.se  it  is  a  means  ot 
pivinn  effect  to  their  views  of  the  true  needs  aiul  aims  of  the  nation,  tc 
take  hold  themselves,  and  by  their  own  constant  presence  and  activity 
make  nu'etings  for  the  nomination  of  candidates  .serve  their  proper 
purpos*'  <»f  s»'Ie<'tinK  thosi-  m»'n  whom  they  Uh'I  to  Iw  tiieir  best  men,  thi? 
recourse  to  State  reRulaiion  and  supervision  mijjht  be  dis|x>nsed  with. 
Ill  Britain,  however,  j)arties  are  so  much  U-ss  organized  and  so  mucli  le.ss 
|M)werful  as  orRanizations  than  they  are  in  the  IJnited  Stales  that  the 
reflections  which  occur  to  an  KuRlish  mind  may  be  deemed  itiapplicablo 
to  American  conditions;  and  it  is  plain  that  in  many  States  the  re- 
formers hold  the.se  Primary  laws  to  Ik-  a  lonu  step  toward  th»'  overthrow 
of  the  Machine  and  of  tin-  evils  as.sociated  with  its  action. 

Pending  further  ex|)erience  of  the  working  of  these  measures,  the 
vari«'ty  of  w  ich  gives  (jroimd  for  hope  tliat  one  form  may  ultimately 
approve  itself  as  the  best,  nil  that  it  seems  safe  to  say  is  that  tlie  rapid 
adoption  by  one  State  after  aiioth»'r  of  the  plan  of  invoking  the  law  to 
restore  to  voters  their  fn-edom  in  the  ciioice  of  candidates  shows  that 
the  evils  of  th  •  old  system  ha\«'  become  widely  recognized,  and  that  the 
spirit  of  refori  1,  now  thoroughly  awakened,  will  doubtless  persist  until 
some  solid  aiu   lasting  improvements  iiave  bet'n  secured. 


CHAITKK    LXI 


WHAT  TMK   MACIIINK   HAS  TO   IM) 

Thk  system  I  liHvc  (IcscrilM'd  is  simple  in  j)riiieiple,  uiul  wouhl 
Im'  simple  in  working  if  applied  in  u  Kuropeaii  eoimtry  where 
rlective  offices  are  few.  The  coriifilexity  which  iiuikes  it  puzzle 
many  Americans,  and  hewilder  all  Europeans,  arises  from  the 
extraordinary  numher  of  elections  to  which  it  is  api)li<'d,  and 
from  the  way  in  which  the  conv(>nti(tns  for  ditTj-rent  election 
districts  (toss  and  ctverlap  one  another.  A  ^'w  in.stances  may 
s<>rvo  to  convey  to  the  reader  some  iniprc'ssion  of  this  profasion 
of  elections  and  intricacy  of  nominating  machinery. 

In  Europe  a  citizen  rarely  votes  more  than  twice  or  thrice  a 
year,  sometimes  less  often,  and  usually  for  only  one  person  at 
a  time.  Thus  in  England  any  householder,  say  at  Manchester 
or  Liver|KM)l,  votes  once  a  year  for  a  town  councillor  (if  there 
is  a  contest  in  his  ward);  (tnce  in  four  years  (on  an  averapj') 
for  a  meml)er  of  the  House  of  Commons.'  AllowiuR  for  the 
frefjuent  cases  in  wiiich  there  is  no  municipal  contest  in  his 
ward,  he  will  not  on  an  average  vote  more  than  one  and  a  half 
times  each  year.  It  is  much  the  same  in  Scotland,  nor  do  elec- 
tions seem  to  he  more  frcfiuent  in  France,  (lermany,  or  Italy,  or 
ev-(>n  perhaps  i?i  Switzerland. 

In  the  I'nitefl  States,  however,  the  numlier  (tf  elective  offices 
is  so  enormous  and  the  tenns  of  offic(.  usually  so  short  that  the 
voter  is  not  only  very  fre(iu(>ntly  called  upon  to  «(>  to  the  polls,  but 
has  a  very  larjj;e  numlxT  of  candidates  placed  before  him  from 
among  whom  he  must  choose  those  whom  he  prefers.^    More- 

'  Iln  may  nU>  vf)tr  ,mrr  a  year  for  miiirdiaiis  of  tlic  poor,  hut  ttiw  offiro  hag 
hrc-n  iiHii!il!v  so  li»t!,.  <-,U2ht  th:i!  thr  <■!< ftio:,  r^rifr-^  -^lieht  fntr-rr-^t  ati.l  r„m- 
rjarativcly  few  persons  vote.  If  he  c.xs  to  a  vestry  mcitiiiis  lie  miiy,  in  pl.irca 
wtiorc  then-  is  a  select  vestry,  vote  for  its  riieiiil)ers. 

-.''peakinc  ceiierally  the  ordinary  citizen  has  to  vote  for  fivi-  si-ts  of  offices, 
viz..  Fr-fleral,  State,  District,  f "oiinty.  <  ity  the  |'r,!eral  eh-rtions  cmiinR  onco 
u»  two  years  (Congress)   and  once  in  four  (preiidcutiul  elcctioa)  and  the  othcra 

93 


M 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  in 


over,  besides  the  voting  at  the  regular  election,  he  ought  also  to 
vote  at  primaries,  i.e.  to  vote  to  seleet  the  candidates  from  among 
whom  he  is  sul)stKjiiently  to  choose  those  whom  he  desires  to 
have  as  officers ;  while  in  many  States  thv-  law  now  fixes  the 
day  and  manner  in  which  he  ought  to  do  so.  And  as  if  this 
was  not  l)urden  enough,  \\v  has  also,  in  a  good  many  States,  to 
vote  also  on  a  number  of  legislative  propositions  wliicli  the  law 
requires  to  be  submitted  lo  him  for  his  decision  instead  of  their 
being  left  to  state  legislatures  or  city  councils.  As  Professor 
Beard  well  observes  : '  — 

"The  glaring  absurdity  of  this  system  can  best  he  illustrated  by 
concrete  examples,  whieh  bring  home  the  details  of  the  voters'  task. 
I  have  before  me  the  ballot  for  the  thirteenth  and  thirty-fourth  wards 
of  the  sixth  congrrssional  district  of  Chicago  iu  HK)ti.  It  is  two  feet 
and  two  inches  by  eighteen  and  one-half  inches;  and  it  contains  .334 
names  distributed  with  more  or  less  evenness  as  candidates  for  the 
following  offices :  — 

State  treasurer,  state  superintendent  of  public  instruction,  t  rustecs  of  the 
University  of  Illinois,  representati\es  in  Congress,  state  senator,  repre- 
sentati\es  in  the  state  Assembly,  sheritY,  county  treasurer,  county  clerk, 
clerk  of  the  probate  court,  clerk  of  the  criminal  court,  clerk  of  the  cin-uit 
court,  county  superintendent  of  schools,  judge  of  the  county  court,  judge 
of  the  probate  court,  members  of  the  l)oard  of  assessors,  member  of  the 
board  of  review  president  of  the  board  of  county  commissioners,  county 
commissioners  (ten  to  be  elected  on  general  ticket),  trustees  of  the  sanitary 
district  of  Chicago  (three  to  be  elected),  ch>rk  of  the  municipal  court, 
bailiff  of  the  municipal  court,  chief  justice  of  tiie  municipal  court,  judges 
of  the  municipal  court  (nine  to  l>e  elected),  judges  of  the  municipal  court 
for  the  four-year  term  (nine  to  be  elected),  judges  of  the  municipal  cf)urt 
for  the  two-year  term  (nine  to  be  elected). 

In  Sioux  City,  Iowa,  the  following  nine  elections  were  held  in  1008 :  ^ 

-January  21.     Special  election  on  the  commission  plan  of  governmi'nt. 

February  24.  City  primary.  Regular  biennial  election.  Candichites 
nominated  for  eighteen  city  othces. 

March  9.  School  election.  Regular  annual.  Two  directors  and  a 
school  treasurer  elected.  A  tax  projwsition  to  appropriate  .S60,(XX)  for  a 
school-house  fund  also  voted  on. 

March  30.  City  election.  Regular  t>ieiuHal.  Flight  ofificers  and  a 
council  of  ten  elected,  each  voter  voting  for  eleven  candidates. 

at  longer  or  shorter  (usually  short)  iutcrviils  according  to  this  laws  iX  tho  par- 
ticular State.  Kvcn  a  .siii»;l<'  rity  clertiou  may  pro.sont  a  very  (■<)iiii)li('at(il  prob- 
lem to  the  vottf. 

\Politic,d  SriuK-i  QiinrlrrJ,,,  Vol.  XXIV.  p.  50S.  Professor  Hoai-d's  article 
ontitled  The  liaHol'n  Hurdcti  contains  many  valuable  facts  and  rfmarks  on  the 
way  in  which  the  complexity  of  noniinatinc  and  election  machinery  destroys  that 
freedom  of  the  citizen  which  it  was  oriKinully  meant  to  aeciiru. 


CHAP.  Lxi      WHAT  THE  MACHINE  HAS  TO  DO 


95 


May  28.     Sptx;ial  election  on  tnwjtion  fram-hise.     Franchise  defeato  1 
June  2.     Regular  biennial  election.    Candidates  nominated  for  twentv- 
eight  dilTen-nt  national,  state  and  local  otiiccs. 

August  II.     Sc^-ond  special  ciciition  on  tract  ion  franchise 
Xovcmhcr    a       Cencral    election.     U<-guhir.      Forty-three    oflficials 
voted  tor.  niclu.ling  thirteen  presi.h.ntial  electors,  twelve  state  officers 
one  congressman,  one  slate  senator,   two    state    representatives    nine 
emintv  and  h\e  township  officers.     Amendment  to  state  constitution 
also  v_  .(l  „ii. 

Xo. ember  17.  Special  election  on  the  Perry  Oeek  and  the  Bacon 
Creek  conduit  and  the  gas  franchise. 

Surely  the  people  of  the  Fnited  States  believe,  with  the  inhabitants 
ot  l.illiput,  that  the  common  size  of  human  understandings  is  fitted 
to  .some  station  or  other,  and  that  Providence  never  intended  to  make 
the  management  of  public  affairs  a  mystery.' 

It  is  not  only  th.'  elections  that  bother  us."^ "  The  primaries,  whether 
under  the  convention  or  direct  nomination  .systems  are,  if  possible 
more  complicated;  and,  as  ."MTylxxly  knows,  whoever  controls  the 
primaries  controls  th..  strat(>gic  point  in  our  whole  election  svstem  If 
all  ol  the  vot.«rs.  iiiov,.,!  by  tli.>  api)eals  of  the  good  government  people 
and  stung  by  the  taunts  of  the  boss.-s,  ^^ere  to  appear  at  the  primaries 
of  their  parties,  they  would  not  be  able  lo  change  the  actual  operation 
of  the  nomination  syst.-m  ;  for  the  preliminary  work  of  the  nominations, 
ovving  to  the  intricacies  of  the  process,  must  be  <lone  bv  the  experts  — 
a  tact  too  often  ov.Tlooked  by  tho.se  who  advocate  direct  nominations  as 
a  cure  for  boss  rule.  \Vil  l,in  the  cycle  of  four  years,  every  party  voter 
in  every  election  district  in  >,ew  ^'nrk  City,  with  minor  variations, 
must  vote  from  one  to  four  times  for  the  following  party  candidates :  — 

(1)  Members  of  the  city  committee;  (2)  members  of  the  county  com- 
mittee; Ci)  members  of  the  assembly  district  committee;  (4)  delegates 
to  an  aldermamc  district  convention  ;  (.-.)  delegates  to  a  municipal  court 
district  convention;  Ki)  delegates  to  a  borough  convention;  (7)  dele- 
gates to  a  city  convention  ;  (N)  delegates  to  a  county  convention;  (!)) 
delegates  to  a  judicial  district  con\  (-ntion  ;  ( 10)  delegates  to  an  assembly 
district  .-onv.ntion;  ill)  del.-ates  i,,  a  senatorial  district  convention; 
(1_)  delegates  to  a  .-ongres-ional  disiiict  .•onvention  ;  (13)  delegates  to  an 
assembly  district  convention. 

The  best  way  to  demonstrate  the  colo.ssal  task  set  before  the  be- 
wildered \ow  York  vot.T  is  to  describe  an  actual  primarv  ballot  — 
the  Democrats  ballot  lor  th<'  thirty-second  assembly  district  It 
IS  eight  and  one-half  inches  by  two  feet  four  inches.  It  contains  the 
names  of  S-T)  candidates:  417  for  meml)ers  of  the  countv  general  com- 
mutee,  104  for  d.>Iega1es  to  the  county  convention,  40  for  delegates 
to  the  firs!  district  niij-.i-ii)-!  rmat  .-(.inriition.  Go  for  delegates  to  the 
second  district  municipal  court  con\enlion,  104  for  delegates  to  the 
thirty-secon«l  asst.mbly  district  convention  and  lOn  for  delegates  to 
the  thirty-fourth,  thirty-fifth  and  thirty-si.vth  aldermanic  district  con- 
ventions. 


96 


TIIK   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAUT    III 


■f  ft  , 


Let  us  now  lakf  uiuitlicr  illustnitioii  from  Massuchiisi'lts,  ami 
n'gard  tlio  system  fn)m  anotlicr  side  l)v  ohscrvinn  how  many 
sots  oi  <U'U'Kiit(*s  a  primary  will  have  to  send  to  the  several 
nominating;  conventions  which  cover  the  local  area  to  which 
the  primary  belongs.' 

"A  Massachusetts  j)riinary  lias  to  choose  the  followinR  sets  of  persons, 
including  coiiiinitteo-incii,  fandidatcs,  ami  (iflcKates  :  — 

1.  Ward  and  "ity  coinniiltccs  in  cities,  and  town  committ<H>s  in 
towns. - 

2.  In  <'ilics,  candidates  for  conunon  council  and  hoard  of  aldermen, 
so  in  towns,  candidates  for  town  otiicers.  /.< .  selectmen,  school  commit t(H<, 
overseers  of  [xwr,  tow  n  clerk  and  treasurer,  assessors  of  taxes,  etc. 

•H.   In  cities,  deleRates  to  a  conventii)n  to  nominate  city  officers. 

4.  Delejyates  to  a  convention  to  nominate  county  officers. 

.').  (^amlidates  for  representatives  to  State  lefiislature,  or  delegates  to 
a  convention  to  nominate  the  same. 

().  Delegates  to  a  convention  for  nominating  candidates  for  State 
Senate. 

7.  Delegates  to  a  convention  for  nominating  candidates  for  State 
Governor's  council. 

8.  Delegates  to  a  <'onvention  for  nominating  candidates  for  State 
offices  U.g.  (Jovernor,  Lieutenant-Governor,  etc). 

The  above  are  annual.     Then  every  two  years  — 

9.  Delegates  to  a  congressional  district  convention  for  nominating 
candidates  for  representatives  to  Congress. 

Tlien  everj-  four  years  — 

10.  Delegates  to  a  district  convention  for  nominating  other  delegates 
(corresponding  to  the  members  of  Congress)  to  the  national  Presidential 
Convention  of  the  party  ;  and 

11.  Delegates  to  a  general  convention  for  nominating  four  delegates 
at  large  (corresiwnding  to  United  States  senators)  to  national  presidential 
Conventions."^ 

In  New  York  Citj'  many  posts  have  recentlj'  been  marie 
appointive,  yet  at  the  November  elections  tliere  were  in  1908 
eighty-six  cancliciates  for  the  offices  to  l)e  filled  by  election.  In 
1909  when  a  mayor  was  to  be  cliosen,  there  W(^re  eighty-one 
candidates,  although  the  party  lists  had  been  so  far  united  that 

'  I  owe  the  following  list,  and  the  explanatory  note  at  the  end  of  the  vol- 
ume to  the  kindness  of  a  friend  in  Massaohusetts  (.Mr.  (i.  Bradford  of  Boston), 
who  ha=  given  ivtuch  rittriiti'tn  to  the  poHtit-al  im-tlunir^  of  his  country. 

2  .\  "town"  in  New  Kngland  is  the  unit  of  rural  local  Rovernment  oorre- 
8i>on<lin(;  to  the  town.ship  of  the  Middle  an<l  Western  States.  See  Chapter 
XLVIII.  nnle. 

'  See  further  the  note  to  tliis  chapter  ii.  the  .\p|»endix. 


niAP.  Lxi      WHAT  THE  MACHINE   HAS  TO  DO 


«7 


guod 


many  uf  the  candiilates  on  several  of  tliese  lists  were  the 
same.  The  baUot  paper  was  '.i  feet  U\  inelies  lon^  and  ITt 
inches  wide  and  liad  eigliteen  eolunnis  of  eandichites  besides  a 
nineteenth  in  which  the  voter  might  place  the  names,  under 
the  respective  offices,  of  the  persons  he  desired  to  vote  for  who 
were  not  on  the  printed  lists  of  candidates.  So  at  Chicago  in 
the  November  election  of  1908,  there  weri'  on  the  ballot  paper 
(exclusive  of  the  names  of  presidential  electors)  the  names  of  19') 
candidates,  nominated  to  fill  40  posts  in  the  State  and  the 
county,  as  well  as  the  mimicipal  judgeships,  but  no  other  city 
offices.  However,  I  need  not  weary  the  reader  with  further 
examples,  for  the  facts  above  stated  are  fairly  illustrative  «)f 
what  goes  on  over  the  whole  Union. 

It  is  hard  to  keep  one's  head  through  this  ma/y  whirl  of 
offices,  elections,  and  primaries  or  nominating  conventions.  In 
America  itself  one  finds  few  ordinary  citizens  who  can  state  the 
details  of  the  system,  though  these  are  of  course  familiar  to 
professional  politicians. 

The  f^rst  thing  that  strikes  a  European  who  contemplates  the 
party  organization  which  works  this  elaborate  elective  system 
is  the  great  mass  of  work  it  has  to  (io.  In  Ohio,  for  instance, 
there  are,  if  we  count  in  such  unpaid  offices  as  are  important 
in  the  eyes  of  politiciaas,  on  an  average  mor«^  than  twenty 
offices  to  be  filled  annually  by  election.  Primaries  or  conven- 
tions have  to  select  candidates  for  all  of  these.  Managing 
conunittees  have  to  organize  the  primaries,  '  run  '  the  conven- 
tions, conduct  the  elections.  Here  is  ami)le  occupation  for  a 
professional  class. 

What  are  the  results  which  one  may  expect  this  abundance 
of  offices  and  elect i(jiis  to  produce? 

Where  the  Ijusiness  is  that  of  selecting  delegates  and,  in  the 
particular  State,  the  selection  oi  candidates  is  made  by  the 
older  kind  of  primaries  and  Con  vent  ions,  it  will  lj<'  hard  to  find 
an  adequate  numl)er  of  men  of  any  mark  or  superior  intelli- 
gence to  act  a^  delegate-.  The  buli.  will  Ix-  jx-rsons  unlikely 
to  possess,  still  more  unlikely  to  exercise,  a  can-ful  or  inciejx'ndeiit 
judgment.  The  function  oi  dejeiiate  l>eing  in  the  case  of  most 
convent  ion*  hum}=l'^  and  uninten-tiug.  b.-<-au^c  the  office^  ai.- 
unattractive  to  g(jo<l  men.  f>ersorL-  whos«'  time  is  valual^le  will 


not.  even  if  tliev  do  exist  in  ^ufficj. 


lit  nunilM-rs.  seek  it.      Hence 


the  l»e.-;t  citizens,  l.t.  the  men  <;f  position  and  intelligence,  will 


98 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  IH 


leavo  the  field  o{)en  to  inferior  persons  who  have  any  private 
or  personal  n^ason  for  desiring  to  become  delegates.  I  do  not 
mean  to  imply  that  there  is  necessarily  any  evil  in  this  as  re- 
gards most  of  the  offices,  l)ut  mention  the  fact  to  explain  why 
few  men  of  good  social  position  think  of  the  office  of  delegate, 
except  to  the  National  C^onvention  once  in  foui  'pts.  as  one 
of  trust  or  honour. 

If  on  the  othei  hand  the  new  statutory  primaries  have  in  the 
particular  State  superseded  conventions,  then  the  attendance 
at  these  primaries  and  tlie  choice  of  can<lidates  there  is  a 
serious  task  thrown  on  the  voter  for  which  his  knowledge  of 
the  persons  from  whom  candidates  are  to  J)e  selected  may  he 
quite  inadequate.     As  Professor  Beard  remarks  :  — 

"The  direct  nomination  device  will  dupHoato  the  present  com- 
plicated niet'hanisin  and  render  it  necessary  to  ha\  o  ahler  experts  who 
understand  not  only  the  niyslories  of  tlie  rcf^ular  election  law  hut  the 
added  mysteries  of  the  primary  law  as  well.  .  .  .  The  priniary  law  is 
in  most  States  a  l)ooklet  of  no  mean  proj)ortious  and  taken  in  conmn?- 
tion  with  the  ordinary  election  law  is  enouRh  to  stajjfger  the  experienced 
student  to  say  nothing  of  the  inexperienced  voter  for  whoso  guidance 
i*  is  devised." 

The  number  of  places  to  be  filknl  by  election  l)eing  very  large, 
ordinary  citizens  will  find  it  hard  to  form  an  opinion  as  to  the  men 
best  qualified  for  the  offices.  Their  minds  will  be  distracted 
among  the  multiplicity  of  places.  In  large  cities  particularly, 
where  people  know  little  about  their  neighbours,  the  names  of 
most  candidates  will  l)e  unknown  to  them,  and  there  will  be  no 
materials,  except  tlie  reconiiiKnidatiou  of  a  party  organization, 
available  for  detenninin-i  the  respecti\e  fitness  of  th.e  candidates 
put  forward  l)y  the  several  jiarties.  Mo.-^t  of  the  elected  officials 
are  poorly  paid.  V.^-^u  tlu>  governor  of  a  great  State  may  receive 
no  more  than  •S.';'  '  •  SSOOO  a  year,  the  lower  officiids  nmch  less. 
The  duties  of  most  .,iiic(  s  rfnjuire  no  conspicuous  ability,  but  can 
be  discharged  by  tiny  honest  man  of  good  sense  and  i)usiness 
habits.  Hence  they  will  not  (unless  whtn-e  thej'  carry  large  fees 
or  important  patronage)  be  sought  l)y  persons  of  ability  and 
energy,  becaus(>  such  persons  can  do  liettc'-  for  them.selves  in 
private  Inisiness :  it  will  b(>  hard  to  s.ny  wliich  of  th.e  ni.iny  can- 
didates is  the  bi>st ;  the  selection  will  rouse  little  stir  among  the 
people  at  large. 

Those  who  have  had  experience  of  public  meetings  know  that 


CHAP.  Lxi      WHAT  THE  MACHINE  HAS  TO   DO 


90 


to  make  them  go  olT  well,  it  is  us  dcsiruhlc  to  have  the  i)roccc(l- 
ings  prearranged  as  it  is  to  huve  ii  i)lay  rehearsed.  You  must 
select  beforehaud  not  only  your  ehainnaii,  hut  also  your  speakers. 
Your  resolutions  must  he  ready  framed;  you  must  he  prepared 
to  meet  the  ease  of  an  adverse  resolution  or  hostile  amendment. 
This  is  .still  more  advisable  where  the  m(>etinft  >.;  intended  to 
transact  some  husiness,  instead  of  nn  nly  expressing  its  opinion; 
and  when  certain  persons  are  to  he  s(lc(!t.'d  for  any  duty,  prear- 
rangement  heeomes  not  merely  eoiuenient  hut  indispensahle  in 
the  interests  of  the  meeting  itxlf,  and  of  tlie  l)u>iness  which  it  has 
to  dispatch.  "Docs  not  prearrangemeut  j)raetieally  curtail  the 
freedom  of  the  meeting?"  (\'rtaiiily  it  (Iocs.  liut  the  alterna- 
tive is  confusion  and  a  hasty  unconsidi  n  .1  dt  (isjoii.  ( "rowds  need 
to  he  led  ;  if  you  do  not  lead  tlie.a  they  v,  ill  go  jiMray,  will  follow 
the  most  plausiijlc  speaker,  will  break  into  factions  and  accom- 
plish nothing.  IJcnce  if  a  i)rimary  of  the  (;l(!cr  type  is  to  (;is(  harge 
properly  its  fimction  of  selecting  caiulidates  for'olhce  or  a  number 
of  delegates  to  a  nomina.ing  convention,  it  is  i.eccssary  to  have  a 
li.st  of  candidates  or  delegates  settled  l)cforehaiid.  .And  for  the 
rea.sons  already  given,  the  more  mmx'rous  the  oflici  s  and  the  dele- 
gates, and  the  less  interesting  t!ie  duties  they  have  to  discharge,  so 
much  the  more  necessary  is  it  to  have  such  li>(s  settled;  and 
so  much  the  more  likely  to  be  accepted  liy  those  i)resent  is  the 
list  proposed.  On  the  other  hand  the  new  .statutory  primary 
intended  to  secur(>  th(>  fre(>dom  of  tlu>  voter  is  also  so  complex 
a  matter  that  i)reliminary  stei)s  must  l)e  taken  b^-  experts 
familiar  with  t!ie  law  and  practice  governing  it. 

The  reasons  have  already  i»een  stated  which  make  the  list  of 
candidates  put  forth  by  a  primary  or  l)y  a  nominating  cou\en- 
tion  carry  gr(>at  weight  with  the  voters.  They  are  the  chosen 
standard-bearers  of  the  pnriy.  \  luiroijean  may  remark  that 
the  citizens  ar(>  not  liouud  by  the  nomination;  tlay  may  .still 
vote  for  whom  tlicy  will.  If  a  ba<l  candidate  is  nominated,  he 
may  be  passed  over.  That  is  easy  euougli  where,  us  in  England, 
there  are  jiily  one  or  two  ofli( cs  to  be  filled  at  an  electi(m,  where 
these  few  offices  ar(>  im})ortaut  enough  to  excite  general  interest, 
and  wher(>  therefore  the  candidates  are  likely  to  be  men  of  mark! 
But  in  Am.eric:!.  the  offiee-:  are  tiJinvr-.n^  they  arc-  mostly  unim- 
portant, and  the  candidates  are  usually  obscure.  Accordingly 
guidance  is  not  merely  welcome,  l)ut  essential.  Kven  in  England 
the  voters  may  in  larg(.'  borough:    know  little  of  the  names  sub- 


I 


lOU 


THK  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAKT   III 


mitted  and  be  puzzled  how  to  cast  his  vote,  and  the  party  as  a 
whole  votes  for  the  person  who  re<;eives  the  party  nomination  from 
the  organization  authorized  to  express  the  party  view.  Hence  the 
high  importance  attached  to  "  getting  the  nomination  "  which  in 
so  many  places  is  eiiuivaloiit  to  an  <'lection ;  hence  the  care  Imv 
stowed  on  constructing  tlu^  nominating  machinery;  hence  the 
need  for  prearranging  the  lists  of  delegates  to  he  submitted  to  the 
I^rimary,  and  of  candidates  to  come  l)efore  the  convention. 

I  have  sought  in  tliese  chapters  first  to  state  how  the  nominat- 
ing machine  is  constituted,  and  what  work  it  has  to  do,  then  to 
suggest  some  of  the  consequences  which  the  quantity  and  nature 
of  that  vvork  may  be  expected  to  entail.  We  may  now  go  on  to  see 
how  in  practice  the  v.ork  turns  out  to  be  done. 


p? 


CHAPTER   LXII 


HOW  THK   MACHINK  WOKKS 


NoTHiNO  seems  fairer  or  inon?  confonnuhh!  to  the  K(!niu,s  of 
tlemoeratie  institutions  than  the  system  I  havedescrihwl,  wluin-hy 
the  choice  of  party  candidates  for  office  is  vested  in  tli('  mass  of 
the  party  itself.  A  plan  which  selects  the  candidate  likely  to  com- 
mand the  greatest  sup{M)rt  is  calculate<l  to  prevent  the  dissension 
and  consequent  waste  of  stren^lh  wliich  th*-  ai)iK'arance  of  rival 
candidates  of  the  same  party  involves  ;  wliilc  the  f)o|)ular  chara*-- 
ter  of  that  method  excludes  the  dictation  of  a  clicjue,  and  rec- 
ognizes the  sovereignty  of  the  people.  It  is  a  mcth(Kl  simple, 
unifonn,  and  agreeable  thrcju^hout  to  its  lea<ling  principle. 

To  understand  how  it  actually  works  one  must  <!i-tinguis}j 
between  two  kinds  of  constituencies  or  voting  areas.  One  kind 
is  to  be  found  in  the  great  cities  —  jjlaces  whos<'  jxipulation 
exceeds,  speaking  roughly,  lOO.fXK)  s<juls.  of  which  tliere  were  in 
1910  fifty  in  the  United  States.  The  other  kind  includes  con- 
stituencies in  smaller  cities  and  rural  districts.  What  I  have  to 
say  will  refer  chiefly  to  the  Northern  States  i.e.  the  Umiwr  Free 
States,  because  the  phenomena  of  the  .S<julhern  States  are  still 
exceptional,  owing  to  the  va-t  fx^pulation  <jf  ignorant  negr<j«'s, 
among  whom  the  whit<'s.  or  rathi^r  the  Ix-tter  Mjrt  of  wliites,  still 
stand  as  an  aristocracy. 

The  tests  by  wliicli  one  may  try  the-  results  of  the  system  of 
selecting  camlidates  are  two.  I-  t'lc  chcjice  of  candidate^  for 
office  really  free  —  i.e.  doe-  it  repre-ein  tiie  unbiass*-*!  wi>h  and 
mind  of  the  voters  g-nerally'.'  An-  the  rjffice-  fill,-,]  In-  meji  of 
probity  and  capacity  suffi(i(-nt  f(jr  tlie  duties? 

In  the  country  generally,  i.e.  in  the  rural  districts  and  small 
cities,  both  tiie^e  te:-t^  are  loleraiii\  weii  >aTisjie<i.  it  i;-;  true  that 
many  of  the  voters  do  not  att(-n'J  the  primaries.  The  select  ion 
of  delegates  and  canfli<iate*  i-  l.ft  to  Im-  nia/ie  by  that  w-ction  of 
the  population  vvlucli  diiefly  ini.-re-i-  it-elf  in  jxjUtics ;    and  in 

101 


4 

.SI 


III 


102 


TIIK   PARTY  SYSTFJM 


PART    III 


this  section  local  attorneys  ami  ofRcc-scckcrs  have  niuch  inllucnce. 
The  persons  who  se<>k  the  post  of  delcj^ate,  jis  well  jis  those  who 
seek  ofRc<«.  are  seldom  the  most  eiier):;(tlc  and  intelligent  citizens; 
but  that  is  because  the  latter  class  have  somethinR  better  toflo. 
An  observer  from  lOurofM*  who  looks  to  see  men  of  rank  and  culture 
holdinji  tlie  same  place  in  State  and  local  government  iis  they  do  in 
England,  especially  rural  Kngland,  or  in  Italy,  or  even  in  parts  of 
rural  France  and  Switzerland,  will  be  disap|H»inted.  But  democ- 
racies must  l)e  democratic.  IC(]uality  will  have  its  perfect  work  ; 
and  you  cannot  expect  citizens  piTvaded  by  its  spirit  to  go  cap 
in  hand  to  their  richer  neighbours  l)egging  them  to  act  as  dek'- 
gates,  or  city  or  county  officials,  or  congres.smen.  This  much 
may  be  said,  that  although  tliere  is  in  America  no  ditTerence  of 
rank  in  the  Europ(>an  s(>nse.  sum'rior  wealth  or  intelligence  (Um's 
not  prejudice  a  man's  candidatur(>,  and  in  most  phices  imjmn'es 
its  chance.  If  such  men  are  not  commonly  chosen  it  is  for  the 
same  reason  which  makes  tliem  comparatively  scarce  among  the 
town-councillors  of  English  municinalities. 

In  these  primaries  ^  and  conventions  the  business  is  alway.s 
prearranged  —  that  is  to  say,  tlie  local  party  committee  come 
prepareil  with  their  list  of  (lekgates  or  candidates.  This  list 
is  usually,  but  not  invariably,  accejited ;  or,  if  serious  opposition 
appears,  alterations  may  l)e  made  to  disarm  it,  and  preserve 
the  unity  of  the  jiarty.  The  delegates  and  candidates  chosen  are 
generally  the  members  of  the  locil  committee,  their  friends  or 
creatures.  Except  in  very  small  places,  they  are  rarely  the  best 
men.  But  neither  are  they  the  worst.  In  moderately-sized  com- 
munities men's  characters  are  knowi  and  the  presence  of  a  bad 
man  in  office  brings  on  his  fellow-citiz(>ns  evils  which  they  are  not 
too  numerous  to  feel  individually.  Hence  toleral)le  nominations 
are  made  :  the  general  sentiment  of  the  locality  is  net  outraged ; 
and  although  the  nominating  machinery  is  worked  rather  in  the 
name  of  the  people  than  I)y  the  people,  the  people  are  willing  to 
have  it  so.  knowing  that  they  can  interfere  if  necessary  to  prevent 
serious  harm. 

In  large  cities  the  results  are  diflferent  because  the  circum- 
stances are  difTercnt.     We  find   tlxcre,   besides  the  conditions 


'  The  rpforonrc  horr  is  to  primarios  of  the  older  type.  ^houRh  they  are 
being  larftely  supersedcil  liy  the  newer  directly  iioniinatinft  primaries,  a  knowl- 
edge  of  both  system:*  is  still  ncicsciary.  It  wn.s  intle(<l  the  ubus<'  of  the  old  pri- 
maries whieh  led  to  the  statutes  ereutilig  the  new  ones. 


CHAP.    LXII 


HOW  THR  MACHINK  WORKS 


l(» 


previously  enumomted,  —  viz.  nuiiuToii.s  offices,  fn^mcnt  elro 
tions,   universal  sufTrage,   sui  afwencc  of  Mtiniulalinn  ii^wh,    - 
thrtH!  others  of  great  moment  — 
A  vast  population  of  iRnorant  immigrants  : 
The  leading  men  all  iiiten.si-ly  occupied  with  Ijsiness  : 
Comnmnities  .so  large  tliut  fwople  know  lilfle  of  one  another, 
and  that  the  interest  of  each  individual  in  giMxl  govenun«'nt  is 
comparatively  .sinall. 

^Vny  one  can  see  how  these  conditions  affect  the  problem. 
The  inunigrants  are  entitl(>d  to  ohtain  a  v«»te  aft<'r  tliree  or  four 
years'  residence  at  mo.st  (often  les.^j,  hul  they  are  not  fit  for  th(! 
suffrage.'  They  know  notliing  of  the  in-^litutions  «»f  the  «-ountry, 
of  its  statesmen,  of  its  political  issues.  Those  <sf)ecially  wlio  come 
from  Central  and  Southern  Europe  bring  little  kn(»wl.'«|ge  of  the 
metho(ls  of  free  govermnent,  and  fnjtn  Ireland  they  use«l  to  bring 
a  su.spicion  of  all  govenunent.  Incomfxtent  1o  give  an  inlejligent 
vote,  but  soon  finding  that  their  v<»te  has  a  value,  th'y  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  party  organizations,  wliose  offic  r  enrol  them  in 
their  hsts.  and  undertake  to  fetcli  theiii  to  the  fjoils.  1  was  long 
ago  taken  to  watch  the  process  (jf  citiz<'n-fM:jl:iiig  in  New  York. 
Droves  of  sf|ualid  men,  wlio  l<x)ked  a<  if  tliey  had  just  emerg^l 
from  an  emigrant  ship,  and  liad  ixrljai)s  done  sfj  only  a  f<-w  w«'eks 
l->efore.  for  the  law  im-cribing  a  certain  trnn  of  residence  is  fre- 
quently violatefl,  were  iirouirht  up  to  a  injigi'^Trale  by  the  ward 
agent  of  the  party  whicii  )jad  caj)ture«i  ttj<m.  '!.(lare<[  their  allr'- 
giance  to  the  rnite<l  .State-,  and  w.-re  forthwitfi  phu-ed  on  the  n^ll.* 
Such  a  .sacrifice  of  coiiiiiKjri  sen>c  t<,  al^-Lract  fjriricij>lev  )jas  wldom 
been  ma<ie  by  any  country  .\oUj<ly  pretends  that  -uch  fx-rsons 
are  fit  for  civic  duty,  or  will  }.<■  -iuntr'Tous  if  kept  for  a  time  in 
pupilage,  but  neit!:er  party  will  inr:!.-  t},,.  ,^jiunj  of  jjnjfxisjng  io 
exclude  them.     The  real  rea-uu  ff>:  .I'lii.JMi.'ig  thrrn.  U-side-  denio- 


'  Fed-  ral  law  pti-<^tvx-  ;.  r.  -:i-  :,'■'■  ■■.'  >, 
natur.lizutirin.  hut  Xh'  i::\v-  ..f  :,  ,•  .  '.  w  U  . 
a'()uirc<J  in  ;i  s-h'irti-r  !crT:i  ti\-  >.•  .  » t,o  -  • 
rh:.I.t.T  XXVIII.  ';:>..  A:y:'::.  -,  ;-m  -•;,•.  -' 
thfir  five  y(■a^.■^  ar"  '.ftf-n  frauds'' :;!';.•  r,a*;r-i 

■  ThlDc^  arc  U-xri-r  ri'w  -ha-;  '•,"■,■  '.vn  ''•■<■•. 
l)i:it  rhi-  r<-'-<-ljtl>-  arri\-.-'i  ir:,::jL"- :  ■  •   :,-,-^..-- ..•- 
savine  of  an  int'lUc  r.t  v.'..     ;•  .-  ,  ■,  i  •    ;    ,.| 
'  .<;><-'-ial!v  Itaiiaii-    'ro-ji!'.*  'i-.--  •.•/   j-  •-•■;!,■ 
BTTiilar  work^  <'iu,i   und'-r  whar  a''    '.in  :   '  , 
pani'-ular  wa>-.  a.','i  •!■.  ^-^  r-a-*  T;,' '•'    :.--.'- 

r;i"nth^   r.T    .-i-aT'     riiji'T    '■   v    th'     ■         .•      ■  •    •• 

wii  as  i'jT  ihi-ii  lat.',.ur. 


■■'■    ■  '  arr    Lr   tKi     ;j'iTi-ijuj>.it<-   for 

•••"rr;   »»a»'-  •■■iai,|.    a   \<Ar  %,,  U- 

iT   a    I.  u-.u-'i  >ti.i.i-^  'atiri-n.     (^<-<.■ 

p  rvjii-  V,:,-.,  ha\«-  -.'A  '■'^iijpif'Uxl 

•■a'  ■■■■1  r.  T.'iw  tat-n  i^  nv  w-^-urity 
••■'  a  .aa'  a'lan-  .'i-juin-'J  f'lr  tlji.- 
■.'■'i  taa*  fT'a'iv  of  tl."  i'liniiEra!:',!! 
'■'•'i  "•  .'aiir'.st'i-iaaki.'itr  und  <j?}i>t 
''■rj'ra  -T-  to  '■hk'  tdi-ir  ^■o^»•^  i.a  a 
r  •  ra  a/  to  Luroj^'-  aft*T  w.tiit- 
■    \.    •^.(■•vi-.J  (or  Oi'-ir  ^'ot<•^  ai! 


104 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   IK 


m 


1  I'  ■ 


/'pi 

St  I  j 


cratic  theory,  has  l)«on  either  that  the  locally  dominant  party 
expectwl  to  gain  their  votes,'  or  that  neither  of  the  parties  wished 
to  incur  such  mliuin  as  might  attach  to  those  who  seemed 
to  l)e  debarring  residents  from  full  civic  rights.  It  is  an  after- 
thought to  arguo  that  they  will  sooner  Iwcome  good  citizens  l>y 
being  immediately  mode  full  citizens.  A  stranger  must  not  pre- 
sume to  say  that  the  Americans  have  been  imprudent,  but  he  may 
doubt  whether  the  possible  ultimate  gain  compensates  the  direct 
and  unquestionable  mischief. 

In  these  great  transatlantic  cities,  population  is  far  less 
settletl  and  permanent  than  in  the  cities  of  Europe.  In  New 
York,  Chicago,  St.  Ixjuis,  Minneapolis,  San  Francisco,  a  very 
small  part  of  the  inhabitants  arc  natives  of  the  city,  or  have 
resided  in  it  for  twenty  years.  Henoe  they  know  but  little 
of  one  another,  or  even  of  those  who  would  in  Europe  be  called 
the  loading  men.  There  are  scarcely  any  old  families,  fami- 
lies associated  with  the  city,'  whose  name  recommends  one  of 
their  scions  to  the  confidence  of  his  fellow-citizens.  There 
are  few  persons  who  have  had  any  chance  of  becoming  gener- 
ally known,  except  through  their  wealth ;  and  the  wealthy 
have  neither  time  nor  taste  for  political  work.  Political  work 
is  a  bigger  and  heavier  affair  than  in  small  communities  ;  hence 
ordinary  citizens  cannot  attend  to  it  in  addition  to  their  regu- 
lar business.  Moreover,  the  population  is  so  large  that  an  in- 
dividual citizen  feels  himself  a  drop  in  the  ocean.  His  power 
of  affecting  public;  aflfairs  by  his  own  intervention  seems  insig- 
nificant. His  pecuniary  loss  through  over-taxation,  or  jobbery, 
or  malversation,  is  trivial  in  comparison  with  the  trouble  of 
trying  to  prevent  such  evils. 

As  party  machinery  is  in  great  cities  most  easily  jicrvortod, 
so  the  temptation  to  pervert  it  is  there  strongest,  because  the 
prizes  are  great.  The  offices  arc  well  jiaid,  the  patronage  is 
large,  the  opportunities  for  jobs,  commissions  on  contracts, 
pickings,  and  even  stealings,  are  enormous.  Hence  it  is  well 
worth  the  while  of  unscrupulous  men  to  gain  control  of  the 
machinery  by  which  these  prizes  may  be  won.^ 

'  At  one  time  a  sppotly  admisHinn  to  suffraRo  was  adopted  as  an  induccmont 
to  immigrants ;    but  this  motive  has  reased  to  have  forci"  in  most  States. 

'  In  a  few  of  the  older  cities  some  sueli  families  still  exist,  lint  their  mem- 
bers do  not  often  enter  "iw)lities." 

'  AlthouKli  what  is  here  stated  is  KeinTally  tnn"  of  Maehiiies  in  large  eities, 
there  may  be,  even  iu  such  eities,  districts  inhabited  by  well-to-do  people,  in 


CHAP.    LXII 


HOW  THK  MACHINE  WORKS 


105 


Such  men,  the  professional  iJoUtirianH  of  the  great  cities, 
have  two  objects  in  view.  One  is  to  sei/i>  tljc  local  city  and 
county  offices.  A  great  city  of  course  controls  the  county  in 
wliich  it  is  situate.  The  other  is  so  to  command  the  local  party 
vote  as  to  make  good  terms  with  the  party  managers  of  the 
State,  and  get  from  tlicm  a  s'larc  in  S'.iitc  offices,  together  with 
such  legislation  as  is  desire  1  Iron  tic  State  legislature,  and 
similarly  to  make  good  terms  with  tlie  Federal  party  managers, 
thus  securing  a  share  in  Finleral  ()ffic«s.  anil  the  means  of  in- 
fluencing legislation  in  (.'ongress.  How  ilo  the  city  professionals 
move  towards  these  objects? 

There  are  two  stages  in  an  election  campaign.  The  first  is 
to  nominate  th('  candidates  you  desire ;  the  second  to  carry 
them  at  the  polls.  The  first  of  the.se  is  often  the  more  impor- 
tant, because  in  many  cities  the  party  majority  inclines  so 
decidedly  one  way  or  the  other  (e.g.  most  districts  of  New 
York  City  are  steadily  Democratic,  whil(>  Phila<lelphia  is  R*!- 
publican),  that  nomination  is  in  the  ca-se  of  the  dominant  party 
equivalent  to  election.  Now  to  nominate  your  'Hndidates  you 
mu.st,  above  all  things,  secure  the  primaries.  ,'  require  and 

deserve  un.sparing  exertion,  for  everytliing  turn,    .pon  them.' 

The  first  thing  is  to  have  the  kind  of  primary  you  want. 
Now  the  composition  of  a  primary  is  determined  by  the  roll,  or 
"check  list,"  as  it  is  calle(l,  of  ward  voters  entitle<l  to  appear 
in  it.  This  is  [)rei)ared  by  the  managing  committee  of  the 
ward,  who  are  naturally  desirous  to  have  on  it  only  such  men 
as  they  can  trust  or  control.  They  are  aided  in  securing  this 
by  any  rules  which  require  members  to  be  admitted  by  the  votes 
of  tho.se  already  on  the  list,  and  exact  from  persons  admitted 
a  pledge  to  obey  tii(>  committer',  and  abide  by  the  party  nomi- 
nations.2    Men  of  independent  temper  often  refu.se  this  pledge, 

which  tho  politirnl  orRanizations.  hcinn  foniposod  of  mon  of  good  oharaotor 
and  standiiiK.  urc  honestly  workrd.  The  .so-cuUimI  "brown-stone  districts"  in 
Now  York  City  have,  I  Ixlievc.  fair  Machinivs. 

'  The  two  paragraphH  that  follow  refer  to  primaries  of  the  older  type,  the 
primary  under  the  laws  recently  passed  in  nearly  all  States  lieiiiK  simply  an  elec- 
tion of  candidates  hy  the  whole  body  either  of  the  voters  of  each  {)arty  separately 
or  of  the  voters  of  hoth  par.ies  votini:  louether. 

^  The  rules  of  the  Taniniauv  Hall  ( I)ennHTatie)  oriraiiiziiliini  in  M.-w  York 
City  for  many  yi'ars  past  made  the  consent  of  a  majority  of  the  nieniliers  of 
ea<-h  primary  necessary  to  tli;'  adiiii^ion  of  a  m  w  niemlwr.  A  sirtiilar  syst<'m 
prevails  amonu  the  RepuMicans  in  that  rily.  "  'riic  oruanization  of  the  twenty- 
four  Hepiildican  primaries  dini'  for  (  a.  Ii  Ass.niKly  district'  was  as  <  niiiplicateil, 
and  the  access  to  membership  as  difli,  iilt    as  that  of  any  privat;-  clul)."      Now, 


iU6 


THE  PARTY  8Y8TBM 


PART  III 


k.k. 


and  are  excluded.  Many  of  thr  ward  voters  do  not  apply  for 
adniisaion.  Of  thorn-  who  do  apply  utul  take  the  pledge,  some 
can  Ix'  plauMibly  rejected  by  the  primary  on  the  ground  that 
they  have  on  Home  recent  occasion  faile<l  to  vote  the  party 
ticket.  Thus  it  in  ea.sy  for  un  active  conunittee  to  obtain  u 
sulwervient  primary,  comiKjfted  of  persons  in  hympathy  with 
it  or  obedient  to  it.  In  iMjint  of  fact  tlu;  rolls  of  niemberslup 
of  many  primaries  are  lurnely  Ihjuum  rt)ll.s.  Names  of  former 
memijers  are  kept  on  when  these  men  have  left  the  district  or 
diet! ;  natnes  are  put  on  of  men  who  do  not  belong  to  the  dis- 
trict at  all,  and  l)oth  sets  of  names  arp  so  much  "voting  stock," 
applicable  at  the  will  and  newls  of  the  local  party  managers, 
who  can  adn)it  the  latter  to  vote,  ami  "recognize"  men  person- 
ating the  former.  In  fact,  their  control  of  tli"  Usts  enables 
them  to  have  practically  whatever  primary  they  desire.' 

The  next  tiling  is  to  get  tiie  delegates  chosen  whom  you  wish 
for.  The  committee  when  it  summons  the  primary  settles  in 
secret  conclave  the  names  of  the  delegates  to  be  projwswl,  of 
course  selecting  men  it  can  trust,  particularly  office-holders 
bound  to  the  party  which  has  |)ut  them  in.  an<l  "workers" 
whom  the   prospect   of  office  wil'   keep   faithful.     When  the 

hnweviT,  under  the  \cw  York  primary  law  of  is<)0  a  person  disiritiK  to  qualify 
tf)  vote  at  a  primary  has  to  enrol  himself  on  the  general  repti.st ration  days,  <le- 
elariiiK  on  the  enrolment  form  that  he  isi  in  Reneral  sympathy  with  the  party 
which  he  has  desiKnati'd  hy  his  mark  at  the  foot  of  the  paper,  that  he  intends 
to  support  the  nominees  of  Furh  party  for  State  and  Xational  offices  Renerally 
at  the  next  Keneral  election,  and  that  ho  has  not  .^inee  the  last  preci-dinK  first  of 
January  enrolled  as  a  member  of  any  other  party.  No  one  not  then  enrolled 
may  vote  at  a  party  primary. 

'  In  1M(>  it  was  computed  that  out  of  .5s,(MK)  Repuhliean  voters  in  Xew 
\ork  (  .ty  not  more  than  tkKJO,  or  MMM)  at  the  most,  were  memU'rs  of  the  He- 
puhlicau  oritanization,  and  entitled  to  vote  in  a  primary. 

The  numbers  present  in  the  .,ld-fasl,ion.-d  i  rimaries  wen-  .sonx'times  very 
small.  At  the  last  Republican  primarirs  in  New  York  fitv  only  S  per  eetit 
of  the  Uepubli.Mn  eleetor.s  took  part.  In  only  ,  i^ht  .,ut  of  twentv-four  di.stricts 
did  the  pereentase  ex.'eed  10,  it.  ^^o„„.  it  was  ;is  lr,w  .mm  l'  t>er  cent.  In  the  Twenty- 
first  .Wmbly  District  Tanunanv  Primary,  llf,  <!.■!.  ^Mtes,  to  choose  an  \ssem- 
bly  candidate,  were  ehvted  by  le.Ms  than  fifty  voters.  In  the  Sixth  \ssembly 
Distnct  County  Denocracy  Primary,  less  th.an  7  wr  rent  of  the  D.niocratie 
voters  t(M)k  part,  and  of  those  who  did,  sixtv-nine  i.  n.,„nber,  nearly  one-fourth 
were  election  ofTlcers.  The  primary  was  held  in  a  careless  wav  in  a  saloon 
whil,  card  playiiiK  was  Koinj;  on."  —  Mr.  A.  ('.  I?ernheim,  in  Pot.  Science 
Qu)irtvrl;i  for  March,   IHSS. 

A  trustworthy  corresi)ondeiit  wrote  to  me  from  Phil.idelphia  in  I>>04  "There 
IS  probably  an  avera«e  of  l.'.O  Uepublican  voters  to  an  election  .listrict  The 
averape  attendai  :  e  at  i)rimari<.-.  is  said  to  be  about  V>.  which  is  approximately 
the  numiH-r  of  party  servants  ne.<  s.sary  to  manas;e  the  meetiuR  under  party 
rules.  ^ 


CHAP.    LXII 


HOW  THK   MACIIINK  WORKS 


107 


mtetiriK  assctnldj's  a  chainniin  is  sijKKcsti-d  hv  the  coinniittee 
and  usually  lucrptcd.  Then  tlic  list  of  (|«'l('Kat<'s.  which  the 
committer  has  hntuKht  down  cut  and  dry,  is  put  forward.  If 
the  meetinu  is  entirely  composiMJ  (»t  |)rol«ssionals.  office-holders, 
and  their  I'riends,  it  is  accepted  witlu-ut  del.ate.  If  opponents 
are  present,  they  may  proi)ose  other  nanu's.  l.ut  the  official 
majority  is  almost  always  sufficient  to  carry  the  official  list, 
and  the  chairnian  is  i)repare«l  to  (>x<rt,  in  favour  of  his  friends, 
his  iK)wer  of  ruiiuK  points  of  ordir.  In  «'xtreme  eases  a  dis- 
turhancc  will  he  ^ot  up,  in  the  midst  u(  which  the  chairman 
may  plausibly  declare  the  official  Ii>t  carrifnl,  or  the  meeting 
is  adjourned  in  the  hope  that  the  oi)))ositi(m  will  not  he  at 
the  trouble  of  coniinK  next  time,  a  hope  likely  to  he  realizwl, 
if  the  opposition  consists  of  rcspectahle  citizens  who  dislike 
spendinK  an  evening  in  such  company.  Sometimes  the  profes- 
•slonals  will  hntiK  in  roughs  from  other  districts  to  .shout  down 
such  op|K)n. .  and  if  necessary  threaten  tnem.  One  way  or 
another  the  '  cKular"  list  of  dcleRates  is  ahnost  invariably 
carried  against  th(>  "Ko.,d  citizens."  When  however  there  are 
two  ho.stile  factions  of  prf)fessi()nals.  each  anxious  to  secure 
nominations  for  its  friends,  the  strugKle  is  sharper  and  its  is-sue 
more  doubtful.  Fraud  is  likely  to  be  used  on  l)oth  sides  ;  and 
fraud  often  provokes  violenc(>.'  It  is  a  significant  illustration 
of  the  difT(>rence  Ix'tween  the  party  system  in  America  and 
Europe  that  in  tlu;  former  foul  play  is  quite  as  likely,  and  vio- 
lence more  likely,  to  occur  at  party  nominating  meetings  than 
in  the  actual  elections  where  two  opposing  parties  are  confronted. 
The  scene  now  shifts  to  the  Nominating  Convention,  which 
is  also  summon(>d  by  the  appropriate  conunittee.  When  it  is 
"called  to  order"  a  temporary  chairman  is  installed,  the  im- 
portance of  whos(>  position  c«msists  in  his  having  (usually)  the 
naming  of  a  committee  on  credentials,  or  contested  seats,  which 
examines  the  tilles  of  the  delegates  from  the  various  primaries 

'For  ;i  rf-murkaMc  instunrc  in  Haltiinori'  s(i>  tin-  ri'[>()rt  of  llnitod  States 
rivil  .SiTvii-n  Conmii.-iMoncr  R.)os.\-,lt  made  to  the  I'rc-hidciit,  May  1.  1891. 
"Pudiliim  hr'lot.s"  (cotiiposMl  of  six  or  sovcii  ballot.^  foldivl  togethtT  as  if  one) 
were  profusely  usrd  at  tlicsf  primary  elections  in  the  various  wards  of  Bulti- 
morp,  One  of  the  witnesses  eyMtnimvl.  mtj  enijihivee  of  th"  Custom  Housp.  toa- 
tifiod  as  folIo\v.s:  "Kach  side  rlieats  as  niueh  a.s  it  ran  in  the  prinmrios.  Who- 
ever (tets  two  juducs  wins  I  do  just  tlie  saiir-  as  they  do  They  had  two 
judKes."  ...  (y  "How  d„  you  (lo  your  elie  iting*"  .V.  "Well,  we  do  our 
cheating  hon<iur.il>ly.  If  they  oateh  us  at  it.  it's  all  riKht  :  it's  fair.  I  even 
earned  the  \v>\  home  with  me  on  on<-  oeeasion  ...  I  have  broken  up  more 
than  one  election." 


^i« 


108 


THK   PARTY  SYSTKM 


PART   III 


'I 


i    11" 


to  vote  in  tho  coiivcntion.     Rcing  himself  in  tit"  interest  of 
the  professiuuals,  he  na,nu>s  a  committee  in  their  interest,  ami 
this  conunittee  does  what  it  can  to  exclude  delegates  who  are 
suspecte<i  of  an  intention  to  oppose  the  candidates  whom  the 
professionals  have  preflrranged.     The  primaries  have   almost 
always  been  so  carefully  packed,  and  so  skilfully  "run,"  that 
a  majority  of  trusty  delegates  has  been  secured ;   but  some- 
times a  few  primaries  hav'>  sent  delegates  belonging  to  another 
faction  of  the  party,  or  to  some  independent  section  of  the 
party,  and  then  there  may  be  trouble.     Occasionally  two  sets 
of  delegates  appear,  eacii  claiming  to  represent  tiieir  primary. 
The  dispute  generally  ends  by  the  exclusion  of  the  Indepen- 
dents or  of  the  hostile  faction,  tlie  committee  discovering  a 
flaw  in  their  credentials,   but  sometimes,  though  rarely,  the 
case  is  so  clear  that  they  must  be  achnitted.     In  doubtful  cases 
a  partisan  chairman  is  valual)le,  for,  as  it  is  expressed,  "he 
is  a  soUd  8  to  7  man  all  the  time."     When  the  crtnlentials  liave 
been  examined  the  convention  is  deemed  to  l)e  duly  organized, 
a  permanent  chairman  is  appointtnl,  and  the  business  of  nomi- 
nating candidates  proceed  Is.     A  spokesman  of  the  professionals 
proposes  A.  B.  in  a  speech,  dwelling  on  his  services  to  the 
party.     If  the  convention   has   been   properly  packetl,   he  is 
nominated  by  acclamation.     If  there  be  a  rival  faction  repre- 
sented, or  if  independent  citizens  who  (Uslike  him  have  been 
sent  up  by  some  primary  which  the  professionals  have  failed 
to  secure,  another  candidate  is  proposed  and  a  vote  taken. 
Here  also  there  is  often  room  for  a  partial  chairman  to  influ- 
ence the  result ;    here,  as  in  the  primary,  a  tumult  or  a  hocus 
jwcus  may  in  extreme  cases  be  got  up  to  enal)le  the  chairman 
to  decide  in  favour  of  his  allies. 

Americans  are,  however,  so  well  versed  in  the  rules  which 
govern  public  meetings,  and  so  prepared  to  encounter  all  sorts 
of  tricks,  that  the  managers  do  not  consider  success  certain 
unless  they  have  a  majority  behind  them.  This  they  almost 
certainly  have;  at  least  it  reflects  discredit  on  their  handling 
of  tlie  primaries  if  they  have  not.  The  chief  hope  of  an  op- 
position therefore  is  not  to  carry  its  own  candidate  but  so 
to  frighten  the  professionals  as  to  inak<'  them  abandon  theirs, 
and  substitute  some  less  objectionable  name.  The  candidate 
chosen,  who,  ninety-nine  times  out  of  a  hundred,  is  the  person 
predetemiined  by  the  managers,  l)eeomes  the  t)arty  nominee, 


CHAP.    LXII 


HOW  THE  MACHINK  WORKS 


109 


entitle<l  to  the  support  of  the  whole  party.  He  has  receiveti 
"the  regular  nonuiiation."  If  there  are  other  offices  whereto 
nominations  have  to  he  made,  the  convention  goes  on  to 
these,  which  being  despatched,  it  adjourns  and  disappears  for 
ever. 

I  once  witnessed  such  a  convention,  a  State  convention,  held 
at  Rochester,  X.Y.,  by  the  Democrats  of  New  York  State,  at 
that  tirne  under  the  control  of  the  Tamniany  Hing  of  N(>w 
York  City.  The  most  prominent  figure  was  the  famous  Afr. 
William  M.  Tweed,  th(>n  in  tlie  zenith  of  his  power.  Th.<rc 
wa.s,  however,  little  or  nothing  in  tlie  public  proc->edings  from 
which  an  observer  could  le!«rn  anything  of  the  subterran(>an 
forces  at  work.  During  the  morning  a  tremendous  coming 
and  going  and  chattering  and  clattering  of  crowds  of  m(>n  who 
looked  at  once  sordid  and  flashy,  faces  shrewd  but  mean  and 
sometimes  l^rutal,  A'ulgar  figures  in  good  coats  forming  into 
small  groups  and  talking  eagerly,  and  tli(>n  dissolving  to  form 
fresh  groups,  a  universal  atmnradcrie,  with  no  touch  of  friend- 
ship about  it ;  something  between  a  betting-ring  and  the  flags 
outside  the  Liverpool  Exchange.  It  reminded  one  of  the 
swanning  ()f  bees  in  tree  boughs,  a  ceaseless  humming  an<l 
buzzing  which  betokens  immense  excitement  over  proceedings 
which  the  bystander  does  not  cotn[)rehen(l.  .\fter  some  hours 
all  this  settknl  down  ;  tlie  meeting  was  duly  organized  ;  speeches 
were  made,  all  dull  and  thinly  declamatory,  except  one  by  an 
eloquent  Irishman  ;  the  candidates  for  Stat(>  offices  were  pro- 
posed and  carried  by  acclamation;  and  th(>  business  ended. 
Everything  had  evidently  been  prearrangi«d  ;  and  the  discon- 
tentwl,  if  any  there  were,  had  been  talked  over  during  the 
swarming  hours. 

After  each  of  the  greater  conventions  it  is  usual  to  hold  one 
or  more  pul)lic  gatlierings,  at  which  the  candidates  chos(>n  are 
solemnly  adopted  l)y  the  crowd  present,  and  rousing  speeches 
are  deUvered.  Sucli  a  gatherinu.  called  a  "ratification"  meet- 
ing, has  no  practical  importance,  being  attended  only  by  those 
prepared  to  support  the  nominations  made.  The  candidate  is 
now  launched,  and  what  remains  is  to  win  the  election. 

The  above  may  be  thought,  ;is  it  •«  thouglit  !)y  many  Anicri- 
ca?^s,  a  travesty  of  popular  choice.  ( )bserving  the  form  of  con- 
sulting the  voters,  it  substantially  ignon>s  them,  and  forces 
on  them  persons  whom  they  do  not  know,  ajid  wouUl  dislike  if 


no 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


\r 


they  knew  them.  It  substitut.  .->  for  the  party  voters  generally 
a  small  number  of  professionals  and  their  creatures,  extracts 
prearranged  nominations  from  packed  meetings,  and  calls  this 
consulting  the  pleasure  of  the  sovereign  people.' 

Yet  every  feature  of  the  Machine  is  the  result  of  patent 
causes.  The  elective  offices  are  so  numerous  that  ordinary 
citizens  cannot  watch  them,  and  cease  to  care  who  gets  them. 
The  conventions  come  so  often  that  busy  men  camiot  serve  in 
them.  The  minor  offices  are  so  unattractive  that  able  men  do 
not  stand  for  them.  The  primary  lists  are  so  contrived  that 
only  a  fraction  of  the  party  get  on  them ;  and  of  this  fraction 
many  are  too  lazy  oi  too  busy  or  tt)o  careless  to  attend.  Tlu; 
mass  of  the  voters  are  iprnorant ;  knowing  nothing  about  the 
pergonal  merits  of  the  cauaidates,  they  are  ready  to  follow  their 
leaders  like  sheep.  Even  the  better  class,  however  they  may 
grumble,  are  swayed  by  the  inveterate;  hal)it  of  party  loyalty, 
and  prefer  a  bad  candidate  of  their  own  party  to  a  (probably 
no  better)  candidate  of  the  other  party.  It  is  less  trouble  to 
put  up  with  impure  officials,  costly  city  government,  a  jobbing 
State  legislature,  an  inferior  sort  of  congressman,  than  to  sac- 
rifice one's  own  business  in  the  effort  to  set  things  right.  Thus 
the  Machine  works  on,  and  grinds  out  placets,  power,  and  oppor- 
tunities for  illicit  gain  to  those  who  manage  it. 

'  It  was  a  pcrpoption  of  these  facts  and  a  (irowinK  discontent  with  their  results 
that  suggested  the  new  primary  laws  above  referred  to. 


CHAPTER  LXIII 


RINGS  AND   BOSSES 


This  is  the  external  aspect  of  the  Machine ;  these  the  phe- 
nomena which  a  visitor  taken  round  to  see  a  number  of  Pri- 
maries and  Nominating  Conventions  would  record.  But  the 
reader  will  ask,  How  is  the  Machine  run  ?  What  are  the  inner 
springs  that  move  it  ?  What  is  the  source  of  the  power  the 
committees  wield  ?  What  force  of  cohesion  keeps  leaders  and 
followers  together?  Whnt  kind  of  government  prevails  among 
this  army  of  jirofes^ional  politicians? 

The  source  of  power  and  the  cohesive  force  is  the  desire  for 
office,  and  for  office  as  a  means  of  gain  This  one  cause  is 
sufficient  to  account  for  everything,  wh(>n  .  acts,  as  it  does  in 
these  cities,  under  the  condition  of  the  suffrage  of  a  host  of 
ignorant  and  pliable  voters. 

Those  who  in  great  cities  form  the  committees  and  work  the 
Machine  are  persons  whose  chief  ain'  in  life  is  to  make  their 
living  by  office.     Such  a  man  generally  begins  by  acquiring 
influence  among  a  knot  of  voters  who  live  in  his  neighbour- 
hood, or  work  under  the  same  employer,  or  frequent  the  same 
grog-shop  or  l)eer  saloon,  which  perhaps  he  keeps  himself.     He 
becomes  a  member  of  his  primary,  att(»nds  regularly,  attaches 
h-'mself  l()  some  lead(T  in  that  Ixxly.  and  is  fo»  .rard  to  render 
service  l)y  voting  as  his  l(>ader  wishes,  and  by  doing  duty  at 
elections.     Uo  has  entered  the  lar{-(>  and  active  class  called, 
technically,   "workers,"   or  more  affectionately,    "the  Boys." 
Soon  he  becomes  conspicuous  in  tlu  primary,  being  recognized 
as  controlling  the  votes  of  otliers  —  "owning  them"   is  the 
technical    tenn  —  and    is    cliosen    delegate    to    a    convention. 
Loyalty  to  the  party  there  and  continue<l  service  at  elections 
mark  him  out  for  furtiicr  pruniutioii.     Uv  is  appointed  to  some 
petty  office  in  one  of  the  city  departments,  antl  presently  is 
himself  nominated  for  an  (>lective  office.     By  this  time  he  has 
also  found  his  way  on  to  the  ward  committee,  whence  by  degrees 

111 


112 


THE   PAllTY    SYSTEM 


PART   III 


]'W. 


i  Jn 


,t  > 
l''tf 


m. 


I 


ho  rises  to  sit  on  the  ct'utral  coininittt't",  having  carefully  nursed 
his  local  connection  ami  surroundtHJ  himself  with  a  band  of 
adherents,  who  are  called  liis  "h'>elers,"  and  whose  loyalty  to 
hitn  in  the  primary,  secured  by  the  hope  of  "something  good," 
gives  weight  to  his  words.  Once  a  member  of  the  central 
committee  he  discovers  what  everybody  who  comes  to  the 
front  discovers  sooner  or  later,  by  how  few  persons  the  world 
is  governed.  He  is  one  of  a  small  knot  of  persons  who  pull 
th(^  \vires  for  the  \vliol(>  city,  controlling  the  primaries,  select- 
ing candidates,  '"runniiis"  conveiitions,  organizing  elections, 
treating  on  behalf  of  the  party  in  tlie  city  with  the  leailers  of 
the  party  in  the  State.  Each  of  this  knot,  which  is  probably 
smaller  than  the  committee,  because  every  committee  includes 
some  ciphers  put  on  to  support  a  leatler,  and  which  may  include 
one  or  two  strong  men  not  on  the  committee,  has  acquired  in 
his  upward  course  a  knowledga  of  men  and  their  weaknesses,  t 
familiarity  with  the  wlieels,  shafts,  and  bands  of  the  party 
macliine,  togetlier  with  a  skill  in  working  it.  Each  can  com- 
mand some  primaries,  each  lias  attached  to  himself  a  group  of 
dependants  who  owe  .some  place  to  liim,  or  hope  for  some  place 
from  liim.  The  aim  of  tlie  knot  is  not  only  to  get  good  posts 
for  themselves,  but  to  rivet  their  yoke  upon  the  city  by  gar- 
risoning the  departments  with  their  own  creatures,  and  so 
controlling  elections  to  the  State  legislature  that  they  can  pro- 
cure such  statutes  as  they  desire,  and  prevent  the  passing  of 
statutes  likely  to  expose  or  injure  them.  They  cement  their 
dominion  by  combination,  each  jjlacing  his  influence  at  the 
disposal  of  the  others,  and  settle  all  important  measures  in 
secret  conclave. 

Such  a  combination  is  called  a  Ring. 

The  power  of  such  a  coml)inaiion  is  immense,  for  it  ramifies 
over  the  whole  city.  There  an ,  in  New  York  City,  for  instance, 
more  than  forty  thousand  persons  employed  by  the  city  au- 
thorities (without  counting  th(>  el(>v(>n  thousand  school-teachers), 
the  large  majority  disinissible  ])y  their  superiors  at  short  notice 
and  without  eaus<>  assigned.  Of  the  large  number  empl^/yed 
by  tlie  National  llovermnent  in  the  Custom-House,  Post- 
Ofiice.    and    other    I'ra'iches    of    fh.'    Federal    service.'    many 

'  Tho  state  of  things  under  whieh  rinRS  first  developed  was  worse,  because 
then  ever.vl)ody  was  distiiissil)le.  Now  many  l"ed  Tal  posts  an(J  (in  some  places) 
some  city  posts  have  l)een  hrounht  under  ( 'ivil  S  Tviee  rules,  hut  there  are  still 
a  great  many  officials  who  are  expeetcxl  to  work  fcr  the  party. 


CHAP.   LXIII 


RINGS  AND  BOSSP:s 


113 

are  «.nilarly  ,li.  ,nissil.le  l.y  the  prop^T  F.nleral  authoritTT  aui^l 

here  are  also  StHt.  s.>rvaats,  responsible  to  and  .lisnussi.  I.    y 

the  State  authority.     If  the  same  party  happc-ns  to  he  supren>e 

in  city  politics   m  the  Fe<leral  government    and  in  the  Sta  e 

the  party  leaders  of  the  city,  in  city  primaries  conventions  and 
e  ections  and  is  virtually  amenable  to  the  orde/s  of  these  Eiers' 
If  the  other  par. y  holds  the  reins  of  Federal  government  or  of 
ckv.  ?;  ^^;;'^'^^  S»-™"e»t  an,l  State  gove'rmnenrtl  ^  tl^ 
city  wirepullers  have  at  any  rate  their  o^vn  ten  thousand  or 
more,  while  other  thousands  swell  the  army  of  "v.orke^s  '  f  the 
opposite  party.  Add  those  who  expect  to  get  officL,  am  it 
will  be  seen  how  great  and  how  <iisciphned  a  force  is  available 

«nr  l^Tt  if^  '1  ^"  ^^f*""  ''  ''^^"'"-  "-^-  «*"^t 
discipUne      ^et  it  is  not  larger  than  is  needed,  for  the  work  is 

heavy.     Taniae  molis  erat  Rmianam  condere  g^nteru 

in  a  Ring  there  is  usuaUy  some  one  person  who  holds  more 

stnn^  m  his  hand  than  do  the  others.     Like  them  he  ha.  woXd 

hunself  up  to  power  from  small  begimiings,  gradually  Txt^n^ 

the  range  of  his  influence  over  the  mass  of  workers,  and  knitt  ng 

close  bonds  with  influential  men  outside  as  well  a.  inside  politics 

perhaps  v^nth  great  financiers  or  raUway  magnates,  ww'^e    an 

obhge,  and  who  can  furnish  him  with  funS     At  length  hfs  su^ 

penor  skill,  courage,  and  force  of  will  make  him,  as  such  gifts 

always  do  make  th«ir  possessor,  dominant  amo^g  his  feUmvs 

An  army  led  by  a  council  seldom  conquers ;  it  must  have  a  com: 

mander-m-chief,  who  settles  .lisputes,  decides  in  emer^encrs 

inspires  fear  or  attachment.      The  head  of  the  Ring  is  such 

a  commander.     He  dispenses  places,  rewards   the   lo>a     pun 

ishes  the  mutinous    concocts  schemes,  negotiates  treaties.     He 

generally  avoids  publicity,  preferring  the  substance  to  the  pomp 

snicwT-H        %f  *^.^'^'^''"  ''""«^^""'^  '^^^^"^^  he  sits,  hie  a 
spider,  hidden  in  the  midst  of  his  web.     He  is  a  Boss 

Although  thecareer  I  havesketched  is  that  whereby  most  Ix.sses 

t  Jl""S4\"?n  tl  ""'^Kr'"'   ^"'■"'•''  '^''^  ""'''''  "'"1-  "x™   ""w   provide 


114 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAHT  III 


m 


IM 


have  risen  to  greatness,  some  attain  it  by  a  shorter  path.  There 
have  been  brilliant  instances  of  persons  stepping  at  once  on  to  the 
higher  rungs  of  the  ladder  in  virtue  of  their  audacity  and  energy, 
especially  if  coupleil  with  oratorical  power.  The  first  theatre  of 
such  a  man's  successes  may  have  been  the  stumi>  rather  than  the 
primary ;  he  will  then  become  potent  in  conventions,  and  either 
by  hectoring  or  by  plausible  address,  for  both  have  their  value, 
spring  into  popular  favour,  and  make  himself  necessary  to  the 
party  managers.  It  is  of  course  a  gain  to  a  Ring  to  have  among 
them  a  man  of  popular  gifts,  because  he  helps  to  conceal  the  odious 
features  of  their  rule,  gilding  it  by  his  rhetoric,  and  winning  the 
applause  of  the  masses  who  stand  outside  the  circle  of  workers. 
However,  the  position  of  the  rhetorical  Boss  is  less  firmly  rooted 
than  that  of  the  intriguing  Boss,  and  there  have  been  instances  of 
his  suddenly  falling  to  rise  no  more. 

A  great  city  is  tlie  best  soil  for  th(>  growth  of  a  Boss,  because 
it  contains  the  largest  masses  of  manageable  voters  as  well  as 
numerous  offices  and  jilentiful  opportunities  for  jobbing.  But 
a  whole  State  sometimes  falls  under  tlic  dominion  of  one  intriguer. 
To  govern  so  large  a  territory  needs  high  abilities ;  and  the  State 
Boss  is  always  an  able  man,  somewhat  more  of  a  politician,  in  the 
European  sense,  than  a  city  boss  need  be.  He  dictates  State  nomi- 
nations, and  through  his  lieutenants  controls  State  and  sometimes 
Congressional  conventions,  being  in  diplomatic  relations  with  the 
chief  city  bosses  and  local  rings  in  different  parts  of  the  State.  His 
power  over  them  mainly  springs  from  his  influence  with  the  Federal 
executive  and  in  (Congress.  He  is  usually,  almost  necessarily,  a 
member  of  Congress,  probably  a  senator,  and  can  procure,  or  at 
any  rate  can  hinder,  sucli  legislation  as  the  local  headers  desire  or 
dislike.  The  President  cannot  ignore  him,  and  the  President's 
ministers,  however  little  th(y  may  like  him,  find  it  worth  while  to 
gratify  him  with  Federal  appointments  for  persons  he  recom- 
mends, because  the  local  votes  he  controls  may  make  all  the  differ- 
ence to  their  owti  prospects  of  getting  some  day  a  nomination  for 
the  presidency.  Thus  he  uses  his  Congressional  ptv-ition  to  secure 
State  influence,  and  his  State  influence  to  strengthen  his  Federal 
position.  Sometimes,  however,  he  is  rebuffefl  by  the  ]iowers  at 
Washington,  and  then  his  State  thanes  flj  from  liim.  Sometimes 
he  quarrels  with  a  powerful  city  Boss,  anil  then  honest  men  come 
by  their  own. 

It  must  not  be  supposetl  that  the  members  of  rings,  or  the 


CHAP.    LXIIl 


RINGS  AND  BOSSES 


115 


great  Boss  himself,  are  wicked  men.     They  are  the  offspriajr  of 
a  system.     Their  morality  is  that  of  their  surroundings.     They 
see  a  door  open  to  wealth  and  jxiwer,  and  they  walk  in.     The 
obligations  of  jjatriotism  or  duty  to  the  pubUc  are  not  disregarded 
by  them,  for  these  obligations  have  never  been  present  to  their 
mmds.     A  State  Boss  is  usually  a  native  American  and  a  person  of 
some  education,  who  avoids  the  grosser  forms  of  corruption, 
though  he  has  to  w ink  at  tluTM  when  practiseil  by  his  friends.     He 
may  be  a  man  of  personal  integrit\'.i    A  city  Boss  is  often  of 
foreign  birth  and  humljle  origin ;  he  has  grown  up  in  an  atmos- 
phere cf  oaths  and  cocktails  :  ideas  of  honour  and  purity  are  as 
strange  to  him  as  ideas  about  the  nature  of  the  currency  and  the 
incidence  of  taxation  :  politics  is  merely  a  means  for  getting  and 
distributing  pla.vs.     "Whut,"  said  an  ingenuous  delegate  at  one  of 
the  National  ( \)nvent ions  at  Chicago  in  1880,  "  what  are  we  here 
for  except  the  offices?"  It  is  no  wonder  if  he  helps  himself  from 
th(!  city  treasury  and  allows  his  minions  to  do  so.     Sometimes  he 
does  not  rob,  and.  lik(>  ('live,  wonders  at  his  own  moderation. 
And  even  the  city  Boss  improves  as  he  rises  in  the  world.     Like  a 
tree  growing  out  of  a  dust  heap,  the  higher  he  gets,  the  cleaner  do 
his  boughs  and  leaves  become.     America  is  a  country  where 
vulgarity  is  scaled  oiT  more  easily  than  in  England,  and  where 
the  general  air  of  g(x)d  natui'c  softens  tlw  asperities  of  power. 
Some  city  lx)ss(>s  are  men  from  whose  d(.corous  exterior  and 
unobtrusive  maimers  no  one  woukl  divine  either  their  sordid 
beginnings  or  their  noxious  trade.     As  for  the  State  Boss,  whose 
talents  are  prol)aI)ly  greater  to  begin  witli,  he  must  be  of  very 
coarse  metal  if  he  does  not  take  a  cert-in  poUsh  from  the  society 
of  Washington. 

A  city  Ring  works  somewhat  as  follows.  When  the  annual 
or  biennial  city  or  State  elections  come  round,  its  members  meet 
to  discuss  the  apportionment  of  offices.  Each  may  desire  some- 
thing for  himself,  unless  indecnl  he  is  already  fully  provided  for, 
and  anyhow  desires  something  for  his  friends.  Tlie  common  sort 
are  provkled  for  with  small  i)laces  in  the  gift  of  some  official,  down 
to  the  place  of  a  policeman  or  do()rk(.'eper  or  messenger,  which 
is  thought  good  ennii,c;!i  for  a  foniinon  "ward  worker."  Better 
men  receive  clerkships  or  tlie  promise  of  a  place  in  the  custom- 
house or  post-office  to  l)e  obtained  from  the  Federal  authorities. 

'So  too  a  rural  Hoss  is  oft.ri  <niiic  puro,  and  blameworthy  rather  for  hia 
intngumg  methods  thau  fcr  his  aims. 


116 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


u:^ 


\ 


Men  still  more  important  aspire  to  the  elective  posts,  seats  in  the 
State  legislature,  a  city  aldermanship  or  commissionership,  p<'r- 
haps  even  a  seat  in  Congress.  All  the  posts  that  will  have  to  he 
filled  at  the  coming  elections  are  considered  with  the  object  of 
riringing  out  a  party  ticket,  i.e.  a  list  of  candidates  to  he  supported 
l)y  the  party  at  the  polls  when  its  various  nominations  have  Iwen 
successfully  run  through  the  proper  conventions.  Some  leading 
man,  or  prohahly  the  Boss  himself,  sketches  out  an  allotment  (•" 
places;  and  when  this  allotment  has  been  workwl  out  fully,  it 
results  in  a  Slate,  i.e.  a  complete  draft  list  of  candidates  to  he  pro- 
posed fcr  the  various  offices.*  It  may  happen  that  the  slate 
does  not  meet  everybody's  wshes.  Some  member  of  the  Ring  or 
•some  local  Boss  —  most  members  of  a  Ring  are  l)osses  each  in  his 
own  district,  as  the  members  of  a  cabinet  are  heads  of  the  depart- 
ments of  state,  or  as  the  cardinals  an^  liishops  of  dioceses  near 
Rome  and  priests  and  deacons  of  her  parish  churches  —  may 
complain  that  he  and  his  friends  have  not  l)een  adcxjuately  pro- 
vided for,  and  may  demand  more.  In  that  case  the  slate  will 
probably  be  modified  a  little  to  ensure  good  feeling  and  content ; 
and  it  will  then  be  presented  to  the  convemion. 

But  there  is  sometimes  a  more  serious  difficulty  to  sunnount. 
A  party  in  a  State  or  city  may  be  divided  into  two  or  more 
factions.  Success  in  the  election  will  l)e  {possible  only  by  unit- 
ing these  factions  upon  the  same  nominees  for  office.  Occa- 
sionally the  factions  may  each  make  its  list  and  then  come 
together  in  the  party  convention  to  fight  out  their  differences. 
But  the  more  prudent  course  is  for  the  chiefs  to  arrange  matters 
in  a  private  conference.  E]ach  comes  wishing  to  get  the  most  he 
can  for  his  clansmen,  !)ut  f(>els  the  necnl  for  a  compromise.  By  a 
process  of  "(Uckering  "  (i.e.  bargaining  by  way  of  barter),  various 
offers  and  suggestions  being  made  all  round,  a  list  is  s(>ttled  on 
which  the  high  contracting  parties  agree.  This  is  a  Deal,  or 
Trade,  a  tn^aty  wiiich  terminates  hostilities  for  the  time,  and 
brings  about  "  harmony."     Th(>  list  so  settled  is  now  a  slate, 

'  \  pleasant  story  is  told  of  a  fornx^r  Boss  of  New  York  State,  .ho  s;.  with 
his  vassals  just  tiefore  the  eonventioii.  i)repariiiK  the  slate.  There  were  half 
a  dozen  or  more  State  offiees  for  whieh  nominations  were  to  lie  made.  Thn 
names  were  with  delilxTation  seleetcd  and  .set  down,  with  the  cxeeption  of 
th"  very  unimpwrtant  place  of  .State  Pri.son  Inspector.  One  of  his  sul)ordi- 
n.ites  ventured  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Ro.ss  to  what  he  suppo.sed  to  be  an 
inadvertence,  and  asked  who  was  to  he  the  ni  n  for  that  place,  to  which  the 
Kreat  man  answcroii,  with  au  indulgent  smile,  "I  guess  wc  will  leave  Ihul  to  the 
convention." 


CHAP.    LXIII 


KINdS  AND  BOSSES 


117 


imli'ss  soino  (lisc<)nt('iit«'<l  numnatc  objects  and  thrcatcas  to  with- 
draw.   To  do  so  is  ciiIIhI  "  hrfukiiiR  t\\v  .slat«'."     If  mvl\  a  "  sori>- 
hoad  "  persists,  a  schism  may  follow,  with  horrihlc  disa-stcr  to  the 
party ;  hut  usually  a  new  slate  is  prepannl  and  finally  agreed  upon. 
The  accepted  slate  is  now  ready  to  he  turne<l  hy  the  Machine  into 
a  Ticket,  and  nothing  further  remains  hut  the  comparatively  easy 
process  of  getting  the  proper  delegates  chosen  hy  packed  priinaries. 
an<l  running  the  various  parts  of  the  ticket  through  the  conventions 
to  which  the  respective  nominations  belong.     Internal  dissen- 
sion among  tln>  chiefs  is  the  one  great  danger ;   the  party  nmst 
at  all  hazards  b(>  kept  together,  for  the  power  of  a  unittnl  party 
is  enonnous.     It  has  not  only  a  large  but  a  thoroughly  trained 
and   (liscipline<l   anny   in   its   office-holders   and   office-seekers; 
and  it  can  concentrate  its  force  upon  any  point  where  opposition 
is   threatened   to   the   regular   party   nominations.'    All   these 
office-holders  and  office-seekers  have  not  only  the  spirit  of  self- 
interest  to  rou.se  them,  but  the  bridle  of  fear  to  check  any  stirrings 
of  inde|)endence.     Discipline  is  very  strict  in  this  army.     Even 
city  politicians  must  have  a  moral  code  and  moral  standaril.     It 
is  not  the  code  of  an  ordinary  unprofessional  citizen.     It  does  not 
forbid  falsehood,  or  malversation,  or  ballot  stuffing,  or  "  repeat- 
ing."   But  it  denounces  apathy  or  cowardice,  disolxniience,  and 
al)ove  all,  treason  to  the  party.     Its  typical  virtue  is  "  solidity," 
unity  of  heart,  mind,  and  effort  among  the  workers,  unquestioning 
loyalty  to  the  party  leaders,  and  devotion  to  the  party  ticket.     He 
who  takes  his  owti  course  is  a  Kicker  or  Bolt(  r ;  and  is  punished 
not  only  sternly  but  vindictively.     The  path  of  promotion  is 
closed  to  him  ;  he  is  turnetl  out  of  the  primary,  and  forbidden  to 
hope  for  a  delegacy  to  a  convention ;   he  is  dismissed  from  any 
office  he  holds  which  the  Ring  can  conmiand.     Dark  .stories  are 
even  tokl  of  a  secret  fwlice  wliich  will  pursue  the  culprit  who  has 
betrayed  his  party,  and  of  mysterious  disappc>arances  of  men  whose 
testimony  against  tlie  Ring  was  feared.     Whether  there  is  any 
foundation  for  such  tales  I  do  not  undertake  to  say.     But  true  it  is 
that  the  l^ond  between  the  party  chiefs  and  their  followers  is 
very  close  and  very  seklom  broken.     VVhat  the  client  was  to 

'  .\s  for  instance  by  packing  the  prinmrics  with  it.s  adherents  from  other 
districts,  whom  a  partisan  chairman  or  committee  will  suffer  to  come  in  and 

vote. 

These  remarks  all  refer  to  the  old-fashioned  primaries.  The  new  statutor>- 
primary,  as  already  observed,  is  a  dif.trcnt  thinj?,  whose  defecta,  as  well  as  its 
merits,  are  different. 


118 


THK   PAUTY  SYHTKM 


PART   III 


*•!• 

;».- 


m 


ti'il 


his  patron  at  Ilomp.  what  the  vassjil  wan  to  his  lord  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  that  tho  "  htt'lers  "  and  "  workers  "  are  to  their  Hohs  in 
these  great  transatlantic  eitios.  They  rentier  a  personal  feudal 
service,  which  their  suzerain  repays  with  the  gift  of  a  livelihiKKJ ; 
and  the  relation  is  all  the  more  cordial  l)ecuus««  the  lord  bestows 
what  costs  him  nothinR,  while  the  vassal  feels  that  he  can  keep 
his  post  only  by  the  favour  of  the  k)rd. 

European  readers  must  again  he  cautiontnl  Jigainst  drawing 
for  themselves  too  dark  a  picture  of  the  Hoss.  He  is  not  a  demon. 
He  is  not  regauled  with  horror  even  by  those  "gotnl  citizens" 
who  strive  to  shak(>  off  his  yoke.  He  is  not  ne<'essarily  either 
corrupt  or  mendacious,  though  he  gniaps  at  j)lace,  iM)wer,  and 
wealth.  He  is  a  leader  to  whom  certain  peculiar  stwial  and 
political  conditions  have  given  a  character  dissimilar  from  the 
party  leaders  whom  Kurope  knows.  It  is  worth  wiiile  to  point  out 
in  what  the  dissimilarity  consists. 

A  Boss  neetis  fewer  showy  gifts  than  a  European  <lemagogue. 
His  special  theatre  is  neither  the  halls  of  the  legislature  nor  tho 
platform,  but  the  committee-room.  A  iK)werof  rough-and-ready 
repartee,  or  a  turn  for  florid  tledamation,  will  help  him ;  but  lu? 
can  dispense  with  both.  What  he  needs  are  the  arts  of  intrigue 
and  that  knowledge  of  men  which  teaches  him  when  to  bully,  when 
to  cajole,  whom  to  attract  by  the  hope  of  gain,  whom  by  appeals 
to  party  loyalty.  Nor  are  .so-called  social  gifts  unimix)rtant. 
The  lower  sort  of  city  politicians  congregate  in  clubs  and  bar- 
rooms ;  and  as  much  of  the  cohesive  strength  of  the  smaller 
party  organizations  arises  from  their  being  also  social  Inxlies,  so 
also  much  of  the  power  which  liquor  dealers  exercise  is  due  to  the 
fact  that  "heelers"  and  "workers"  si)end  their  evenings  in 
drinking  places,  and  that  meetings  for  political  purposes  are  held 
there.  Of  the  1007  primaries  aad  conventions  of  all  parties  held 
in  New  York  City  preparatory  to  the  elections  of  18H4,  63.3  t(X)k 
place  in  liquor  sal(K>ns.'  A  Boss  ought  therefore  to  be  hail  fellow 
well  met  with  those  who  fn^quent  tiiese  places,  not  fastidious  in 
his  tastes,  fond  of  a  drink  and  \Anlling  to  stand  one,  jovial  in  man- 
ners, and  ready  to  oblige  even  a  humble  friend. 

The  aim  of  a  Boss  is  not  so  much  tame  as  {wwer,  and  power 
not  sc  much  over  the  conduct  of  affairs  as  over  jx'rsons.  Patron- 
age is  what  he  clii(>fly  seeks,  patronage  understood  in  the  largest 
tense  in  which  it  covers  the  disposal  of  lucrative  contracts  and 

*  Where  primary  laws  are  iii  force,  prinuirifs  are  uo  longer  held  in  saloons. 


CBAP.  LXIII 


lilXOS  AND   UOSHKH 


119 


other  iiuxh's  of  ciiricliiiu'iit  us  well  as  salarii>i|  pluct'M.  Tlu!  du- 
pfmdtuits  who  siirromul  him  <l('sir('  wculth,  or  at  \vani  u  liv«'lilnHj«l ; 
hJH  buMincss  is  to  liiul  this  for  them,  mul  in  doiiiK  so  he  strcantheiw 
his  own  position.'  It  is  us  tln'  lirstowcr  of  riclu's  that  he  iiolds  his 
|)osition,  like  tin-  IciuUt  of  a  hanti  of  i-ondottiiiri  in  tho  fiftcvnth 
centtiry. 

Thi'  inttTcst  of  a  Moss  in  jjolitical  ((ucstions  is  usually  quiti) 
stH'ondary.  Ilctc  and  tlit'ir  one  may  Im-  found  who  is  a  imlitifian 
in  the  European  sense,  who,  wlu'tlier  sincerely  or  not,  professes  to 
Im»  intt'rested  in  some  measure  afTeetinn  the  welfan>  of  the  coun- 
try. Hut  the  attaehinent  of  the  rin«ster  is  usually  niven  wholly 
to  the  concret*'  party,  that  is  to  the  men  who  eom|M)se  it,  reKunhnl 
us  <»f!i('e-holders  or  office-seekers;  and  there  is  often  not  even 
a  profession  of  zeal  ft)r  any  party  doctrine.  As  a  noted  fM)litician 
once  happily  observed,  "There  are  no  jM)litics  in  |H)litics."  Amonx 
lK)SKes,  therefore,  there  is  little  wannth  of  party  spirit.  Th(! 
typical  Boss  regards  the  Boss  of  the  other  party  much  as  coimsel 
for  the  plaintilT  regards  counsel  for  the  defendant.  They  are  pro- 
fessionally op|M)sed,  hut  not  necessarily  personally  hostile.  Between 
l)os.s(«  tht^ro  ne<Hl  he  no  more  erunity  than  results  from  the  fact 
that  the  one  has  got  what  tl«'  other  wishes  to  have.  Accordingly 
it  sometimes  happens  that  there  is  a  K(hm1  understanding  betweeti 
t!ie  (chiefs  of  ()pi>osite  parties  in  cities  ;  tliey  will  even  g(»  the  length 
of  making  a  joint  "  deal,"  i.e.  of  arranging  for  a  distribution  of 
offices  whereby  s<jme  of  the  friends  of  on*;  shall  get  places,  the 
residue  being  left  for  the  friends  of  the  other.-  A  well-organ- 
izcnl  city  party  has  usually  a  disjwsable  vote  whicli  can  be  so 
cast  under  the  directions  of  the  maniigers  as  to  etTect  this,  or 
any  other  desired  result.     The  aF)|)earanc(!  of  h(jstility  must, 

'  "A  Boss  ia  jihlo  to  iinxiirc  iio-'itioii-'  for  inaiiy  of  liis  hinctinu-n  f)ti  horso 
railroiirts,  tho  clcviitcil  roails,  i|Uiiriy  uorks.  i-ti-.  Crciif  I'rjriKiriitioiiM  an-  iiocul- 
iarly  .sul>ji-ct  to  the  iittaiks  of  d.  iiiai;o«ui-i.  ruid  thi-y  fiml  it  Krcatly  to  their 
iiitiTfst  to  Im'  on  cood  tiiiin  with  Ihi'  liadir  in  liuli  district  wlio  controls  the 
vote  of  the  assciiililytnan  and  alderman;  and  then  fore  the  former  i.s  pretty 
sure  thai  a  letter  of  reconiniendation  frmn  him  on  Ixdiall  of  any  applicant  for 
work  will  receive  most  favoiiralil  •  consideration.  The  leader  also  is  eontinnally 
helping  his  supporters  ont  of  dillicnlties.  pecuniary  and  otherwise:  he  leiuls 
them  a  dollar  now  and  thin,  hclpi  out,  when  i«Hsil,le,  such  of  their  kinsmen 
as  Ret  into  the  c!i!t,,.he.s  of  thf-  l;iw  vcf.-<  :t  h:.!r!  over  -.jch  .-.f  them  !5s  h"v*'  .-jonp 
wroisK  and  are  afraid  of  beini;  exposid.  and  learn<  to  mi.x  liullyinK  juiliciously 
with  the  renderini!  of  scrxiee."  -  Mr.  Tlieu.lorc  Roosevelt,  in  the  Cinlitr;/ 
maisazine  for  N'ov..   issii. 

'In  one  great  St.ite  il  wa~  reiently  v.iU  undi  rstood  that  thr'  Difnoiratic 
Bos.sof  the  chief  eit\;(ntl  tlj  •  ItipuMi  ,:,  M.i,>  i.f  th-  .State  vv.rr>  in  the  hal)it  of 
truding  offices  with  one  another. 


'f 


lao 


THK   PARTY  SYSTKM 


'AMT    III 


«1 


h 


'"K 


Wr 


of  roiirw,  lie  maintainor  for  tho  iM'ncfit  of  tho  public ;  hut  iw 
it  is  for  the  interest  of  Iwrth  parties  to  tiuikc  atul  kct-p  thes*-  private 
harf^ains,  thc>  are  usually  k(>|)t  when  nuuic,  though  it  is  s<>l(loiii 
possible  to  prove  the  fact. 

The  real  hostility  of  the  Hoss  is  not  to  the  op|)osite  party, 
hut  to  other  factions  within  his  own  party.  Often  he  has  a  rival 
h'lulitiK  some  other  organization,  anil  (ieniaiuliiiK,  in  res|N-ct  of  the 
votes  which  that  organization  controls,  a  share  of  the  gcMMl  things 
going.  The  gn-atest  cities  can  supiKirt  more  .n  oiu-  facti(»n 
within  the  sam*-  party ;  thus  New  York  ha<l  long  tnree  (IcnirMTatic 
organizations,  two  of  which  were  fK)werful  an«l  of t^-n  angrily  h«»stile. 
If  neither  can  cru.sh  the  other,  it  finds  itself  ohligiHl  to  treat,  and 
to  consent  to  lose  part  of  the  sfjoils  to  its  rival.  Still  more  hitter, 
however,  is  the  hatred  of  Boss  and  King  towards  those  m  nihers  of 
the  party  who  do  not  desire  and  are  not  to  he  apfK'a'^nl  hy  a  shan; 
of  the  spoils,  but  who  agitate  for  what  they  call  refonn.  They 
are  natural  and  pennanent  enemies ;  nothing  hut  the  (>xtinction 
of  the  Boss  himself  and  of  Ixjssdom  altogether  will  satisfy  them. 
They  are  moreover  the  common  enemies  of  lK)th  T)arties,  that  is, 
of  l)ossdom  in  lx)th  parti(.  Hence  in  ring-governed  cities  |)ro- 
fessionals  of  l)oth  parties  will  sometimes  imite  against  the  refonn- 
ers,  or  will  rather  let  their  op|x)nents  .secure  a  place  than  win  it  for 
them.>ielves  by  the  help  of  the  "  independen*  '■</■  "  !)e\'.»ti')n  to 
"  party  government,"  as  they  understand  it,  can  hardly  go  farther. 

This  great  anny  of  workers  is  inobiHzed  for  elections,  the 
metluHls  of  which  form  a  wide  and  in.structive  department  of 
|>olitical  science.  Here  I  refer  only  to  the'r  financial  side,  becau.sf- 
tliat  is  intimately  connecttHl  witii  the  Machine.  Elections  nee<l 
nu)ney.  in  America  a  gri'at  tleal  of  money.  Whence,  then,  does 
the  money  come,  seeing  that  the  i)oliticians  themselves  belong  tt>, 
or  emerge  from,  a  netnly  cla.ss  ? 

Th(>  revenues  of  a  Ring,  that  is.  tlieir  collective,  or,  a<  one 
may  say,  corjxtrate  revenues,  availai)le  for  party  purposes,  flow 
from  five  sources. 

I.  The  first  is  public  subscriptions.  F^or  important  election.s 
such  as  the  liiennial  elections  of  State  officers,  or  p«>rhaps  for 
that  of  the  State  leKisl.'iture,  a  "  canip.-iign  fund."  jtx  it  i-;  calltHJ. 
is  raistnl  l>v  an  appeal  to  wealthy  memlH>rs  of  the  party.  So 
strong  is  party  feeling  that  many  resfxind,  even  though  they 
susptrt  tiie  men  who  cotniH)se  the  Rinii.  disapprove  its  methotli, 
and  have  no  great  liking  for  the  candidates. 


riiAi*.  I. XIII 


KINOS   Wr)   HOSSKS 


I'JI 


11.  CoiitrilMitiniw  an-  soiiMtiini-M  privtifrly  olitaiiinl  from 
rirli  tiM-ii  mill  r  iMriiiHy  from  coriMtrations  (tlioiiftli  slaliitcM  arr 
iii»\vatli-iM|»tiiintn|irrvriit  tliis)\vhM,tliiMij{li  not  ilirrctly  connci'tiMl 
with  tlif  Kiiiu,  iii;y  rxpiTt  sDinitliiiin  Irnin  its  arfioii.  ("(tntrai'- 
liirs.  for  insfaiHT.  liHVr  an  iiiti-rrst  in  Ki'tfiii«  piiTcsof  work  fniiii 
the  rity  aiillioritii-v.  Itailroad  turn  have  •in  infrrrst  in  prcvrntinjf 
Slate  li'Kislalioii  hostile  to  their  lines.  Moth  therefore,  may  lie 
willing  to  help  those  ulio  i';tii  so  effectively  help  them.  This 
soiiree  of  income  is  only  availaMe  for  important  elections.  Its 
incidental  mischief  in  enal.lin«  wealth  to  control  a  h'ni.slatnre 
throiiKli  a  \{'u\\i,  is  serious. 

Ml.  .An  exceptionally  amlacioiis  |{inn  has  lie(>ri  known  to 
makea.siirreptilioiis  appropriation  from  the  city  or  (more  rarely) 
from  tlie  State  treasury  for  the  purposes  not  of  the  city  or  the 
State,  l.ut  of  ifv  ,,svn  election  fmiils.  It  would  not  he  thoURht 
prudent  to  l.riiiK  such  an  approfiriation  into  the  accounts  to  l»e 
laid  hefore  the  pulilic  ;  in  fact,  pains  .-ire  taken  to  prevent  the 
item  from  apiiearinu,  and  the  accounts  have  to  he  manipnlati<d 
for  that  fnirpose.  The  justification,  if  any,  of  coridnct  not  au- 
tiiorized  liy  the  law,  must  he  sought  in  fireceden.,  in  the  helief 
that  the  other  side  would  do  the  same,  and  in  the  lienefits 
which  the  l{in>r  expects  to  confer  u|»on  the  city  it  administers. 
It  is  a  methoil  of  course  availaMe  only  when  Kin^  officials  con- 
trol the  pill. lie  fiiii.js,  and  c;i!;.   t  he  resorted  to  liy  an  opposition. 

I\'.  A  tax  used  to  he  levied  upon  the  office-holders  of  the 
party,  varying  from  one  to  four  or  even  five  per  cent  upon  the 
amount  of  tlieir  amiiial  salari'  .  The  anureuate  amiual  salaries 
of  the  city  officials  in  New  York  City  amounted  in  ]SHH  to 
SI  1,(KK),(KX),  and  those,  of  the  two  thousand  five  hundred  Federal 
officials,  who,  if  of  tlie  same  party,  mijiht  also  |,c  re(|uired  to 
eontril.ute,'  to  .<i2,.")0().(K)().  .\n  assessment  .at  two  per  cent  on 
these  amounts  would  produce  over  .'*i22(),()(M)  and  .SofMMM)  resjM'c- 
tively,  rpiite  a  respectal.lr'  sum  for  election  r-xpenses  in  a  sin>il(> 
fii:y.=     Even  policemen  in  cities,  even  office  Ixiys  and  workmen 


'  Federal  offieials  would.  ,,-<  ;,  riiN  .  '■,,!, Irilnite  f.nly  ♦..  the  fund  f,,r  Fedenil 
elretiijri;' :    hut  when  the  ennie^t  rcii.r.d  l./.tli   I. ..I. .-..I  .....I  ..;...,<»;..       ,■      , 
woulil  ()«•  apt  to  Iw  Meriilefl. 

The  totals  of  salaries  f.f  offi,i;,|<  now  arc  of  .ourse  far  larn.  '  ,t  ji-i  it  is  itii- 
(«.srtl.le  to  .■i.seertain  to-dav  on  how  n.iieh  of  then,  an  asse^sin.fit  i<  paid  the 
fictirr's  in  the  text  Ii.i\,.  Im,  II  .illowid  to  stand. 

'To  tiiak<'  flw  e.ijeuliti,,!!  e,,Mi|.|.l..  w.-  -lioiild  liav.-  to  reek.,n  in  aU,  the 
(eomparatively  few)  .-fate  o(h.  lais  and  a.-.-^e.-n..  iit>  p  .yaiil-  l.v  them. 


122 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


m 


itlt 


in  Federal  dockyards,  Imvc  been  nsscssod  by  their  party.  As  a 
tenant  had  in  the  days  of  feudalism  to  make  occasional  money 
payments  to  his  loni  in  adtlition  to  the  military  service  he 
rendered,  so  now  tlu;  Aiiierican  vassal  nmst  render  his  aids  in 
money  as  well  as  ^ive  knightly  service  at  the  primaries,  in  the 
canvass,  at  the  polls.  His  liabilities  are  indeed  heavier  than 
those  of  the  feudal  tenant,  for  the  latter  could  relieve  himself 
from  duty  in  the  field  l)y  the  payment  of  scutate,  while  under 
the  Machine  a  mone"  payment  never  discharges  from  the  obli- 
gation to  serve  in  tlu^  army  of  "work(!rs."  Forfeiture  and  the 
being  proclaimed  as  "nitliiag,"  are,  as  in  the  days  of  the  Anglo- 
Norman  kings,  the  f)enalty  for  failure  to  discharge  the  duties 
by  which  the  vassal  holds.  Efforts  which  began  with  an  order 
issued  by  President  Hayes  in  1877  applying  to  Ft'deial  offices 
have  been  made  to  prevent  by  adiuinistnitive  action  and  by 
legislation  the  levying  of  this  tribute  on  Feleral  oiRcials,  but 
it  is  believed  that  the  tnil  has  not  yet  l)een  (wtirpated.  Indeetl, 
some  officials  do  not  wait  to  be  "assessed,"  but  think  they  "  earn 
merit  "  (as  the  Buddhists  say)  l)y  sending  in  their  contributions 
ultroneously  b<^for(>  any  suggestion  reaches  them. 

V.  Another  useful  expedient  might  seem  to  Iiave  been  t)or- 
rowed  from  European  monarchies  in  the  sale  of  nominations  and 
occasionally  of  offices  themselves.'  A  person  who  seeks  to  be 
nominated  as  candidate  for  om;  of  the  mont  important  offices, 
such  as  a  judgeship  or  a  seat  in  the  State  Senate,  or  in  Con- 
gress, is  often  re(iuired  to  contrii)ute  to  the  election  fund  a  sum 
proportioned  to  the  inijjortance  of  the  place  he  seeks,  the  excuse 
given  for  the  practice  i)eing  tb.e  cost  of  elections  ;  and  the  same 
principle  is  occasionally  applied  to  the  gift  of  non-elective 
offices,  the  riglit  of  appointing  to  which  is  vested  in  some  official 
member  of  a  Ring  —  ('.(/.  a  mayor.  The  price  of  a  nomina- 
tion for  a  L^eat  in  the  State  legislature  is  said  to  run  from  .S500 
up  to  SIOOO,  and  for  one  of  the  better  judgeships  higher  than 
$5000 ;    but  this  is  largely  matter  of  conjecture.-     Of  course 

1  French  in')M;irfh,\  .  and  coiuuiio- 


'  As  judicial  ph.cs  were  sold  uiidiT  flu 
sions  in  the  army  in  Kii«land  till  1S72. 

'"A  judgeship."  said  (writing  in  ISSi)  Mr.  F.  W.  VVhitridv 


York  al)OUt  Slo.OOO;    the  chstrict  attoriieysliip  the  .same; 
I'ongrcss  tlie  price  is  aiioiit  .S4(((ji).  tlii)ii«li  this  is  variable; 
nation  is  worth  Sl.'jOO,  and  that  for  the  Asseinlily  from 
amount  realized  fmni  these  asnessnients  cannot  be  exact! 
amount  riisod  by  Tatiniaiiy  Hall,  which  is  the  must  com. 
zation,  may  be  fixed  very  nearly  at  .'SlL'.J.OOf)  (£l'5,0()()). 


"costs  in  New 


'ur  a  iioiniriation  to 

ildermanic  nomi- 

to  SloOO.     The 

•stitnated,  but  the 

te  I     ■  'lal  organi- 

i'hi.5  unt  is  co' 


<JHAP.   Lxm 


RINGS  AND   BOSSES 


123 


much  los<  will  l)c  jrivcn  if  the  prospects  of  carrying  the  elec- 
tion are  doubtful:  the  j)rii'(s  (juoted  must  f)e  taken  to  repre- 
sent cases  where  tlie  large  party  majority  makes  success  certain. 
Natural:;-  'lie  ,:!aries  of  ofhcials  have  to  l)e  raised  in  order  to 
enable  'lieiti  tu  i  .-..r  I'lis  chargi',  so  tliat  in  the  long  run  it  may 
be  thr-  vw  n]n>ii  ihi  public  ;  and  an  eminent  Boss  of  Now  York 
City  d  ie  id'"l,  ''eliTo  ;.'  cci'unittee  of  the  legislature,  the  larg(> 
salaries  paui  t)  .1  I-  nneii,  on  the  ground  that  "heavy  demands 
were  ma(U'  on  them  by  their  party."  ' 

li'ctcd  and  cxpiiKlcd  liv  a  small  cxcciitivi'  coiniuittct'  who  keep  no  accounts  and 
arc  n'sponsihlc'  only  to  ruch  other."  —  Article  "Af-siTi-snient.-i,"  in  Aiinr.  Cyclop, 
(if  Politic'i!  Siiciirc.  In  lss7,  tlie  f'ity  ( 'haniherlain  of  New  York  estimated 
the  average  mininiuin  asscsstnent  levii'd  on  a  eaiulidate  for  mayor  at  'SliO.OOO, 
for  eonipti-oller  at  .siD.dOO,  for  ili.strict  jittornex-  at  S'iOOO.  However,  in  lS87 
the  Democratic  Rinus  in  N'ew  Vi.rk  f'ity  deinaiid<'d  .SJ."),0(M)  for  the  nomination 
to  the  C'omptrollership,  and  J?.")(HH)  for  that  to  a  Stati'  Senatorship.  The  .salary 
of  the  f'oniptroller  is  silt. ()()(>  for  three  years,  that  of  .Senator  .Sl.jOO  for  two 
years,  i.i\  the  senatorial  candidate  was  expecteil  to  pay  $201)0  more  than  his 
total  salary  a  fact  sujisiestive  of  expert;itinns  of  cain  from  some  other  sourcp. 
'"Hefo.  a  conimittie  i,i  th<>  N'ew  York  Icuislaturc  the  county  clerk  testi- 
fied that  his  income  was  nearly  -SsO.OlM)  a  year,  hut  with  refreshing  frankness 
admitted  that  his  own  position  was  practically  that  of  a  lif;ure-head,  and  that 
all  thi>  work  was  done  hy  liis  deputy  on  a  small  iixcd  salary.  .\s  the  county 
clerk's  term  is  three  years,  he  should  nominally  receive  $240,(MJO,  hut  as  a 
matter  of  fai't  two-thirds  of  the  money  probably  jjoes  to  the  political  organi- 
zations with  which  he  is  ronneeted."  -  Mr.  T.  Roosevelt  in  Cintiir,:/  majtazino 
for  Nov.,  l.SSt).  A  county  officer  answered  the  same  committee,  when  they  put 
what  was  meant  t(.  he  a  formal  iiuc^tion  as  to  whether  he  performed  his  public 
duties  faithfully,  that  he  did  so  perform  them  whenevir  they  did  not  conflict 
with  his  political  duties!  me:iuiiiL'  tlien^by,  as  he  explained,  attending  to  his 
local  orKaiiizations,  seeing  politicians,  "fixitig"  primaries,  bailing  out  those  of 
!ns  friends  who  we-e  summoned  to  appear  before  a  justice  of  peace,  etc. 


CHAPTER   LXIV 


LOCAL   EXTKXSIO.X   OF   UlNJiS   AND    HOSSRS 


I'i,'' 


lii 


r 


To  (lotorniiiu'  tlio  cxtoiit  to  which  the  RiiiK  :in<l  Hoss  systcri) 
skt'tchoil  in  the  prt'ccdins  cliuptcrs  prevails  over  the  I'liilnl 
States  would  be  difficult  cvcu  for  an  Aiiicrican,  hccausc  it 
woultl  rc(iuire  a  minute  kuowledj^e  of  the  local  affairs  of  all 
the  States  and  cities.  Much  more,  then,  is  it  difficult  for  a 
European.  I  can  do  no  more  than  indicate  generally  the 
results  of  the  in(iuiries  I  have  made,  coinmendnij;  the  details 
of  the  question  to  some  future  investigator. 

It  has  been  pointed  out  that  rings  and  bosses  are  the  product 
not  of  democracy,  but  of  a  particular  form  of  democratic  gov- 
ernment, acting  under  cert;)  in  peculiar  conditions.  They  be- 
long to  democratic  government,  as  the  old  logicians  wouKl  .«ay, 
not  simpUcitcr  but  sccHn<.  nn  quid:  they  are  not  of  its  essence, 
but  are  merely  separable  accidents.  We  have  seen  tiiat  these 
conditions  are  — 


I" 


The  existence  of  a  Spoils  System  ("=  paid  offices  given  ami 

taken  awa\'  for  party  reasons). 
()l)portuuities  for  illicit  gains  arising  out  of  the  poss"ssion 

of  offic(>. 
The  presence  of  a  mass  of  ignorant  and  pliable  vcjter.-. 
The  insufficient  participation  in  politics  of  the  "gijod  citizens." 

If  these  be  the  true  causes  or  conditions  |iroducing  the  phe- 
nomenon, we  may  exp«'ct  to  timl  it  most  fully  developed  in  the 
places  where  the  conditions  cxi.^t  in  fullest  measure,  h>s  so 
where  they  are  more  limited,  absent  wliere  they  do  not  exist. 

A  short  examination  of  the  facts  will  show  that  such  is  the 
rase. 

It  may  i)e  thought  that  the  SiK)ils  System  is  a  constant,  ex- 
isting everywluTe,  and  therefore  not  admitting  of  the  applica- 
tion of  tliis  method  of  concomitant  variations.     That  svstein 

124 


lAP.  i.xiv     i;.\TI';\HI()\   or   RI\(^.S  AND  BOSSES 


ri-j 


! '  ""  •'••"''♦   •"•••^■■'''  «'v.."    .v(>ry  State  of  tho  Unum.  hut  it 

IS  not  .-v.-ryuhnv  .mm  ,.,,„..il.y  ,,„t,.nt  factor,  for  in  omc  cities 
the  ofi.ees  are  nineli  l„.(1er  paid  than  in  others,  an.l  the  reve- 
nues whi.h  Iheir  occupants  control  are  larger.  In  some  sn.all 
eon.nun.it.es  Ihc  ..(lic.-s.  or  nu.st  of  them,  are  not  paid  at  all. 
Hence  this  factor  varies  scarcely  less  than  the  others 

We  may  ther..|..re  say  with  truth  tiiat  all  of  the  four  condi- 
tions ahovc  namcl  an-  most  fully  present  in  great  .iti.'s.  Some 
ol  the  odices  an-  highly  paid  ;  many  give  fa.iliti.s  for  lucrative 
jol.l.ing;  and  th.-  unpaid  odi.vrs  ar(>  sometimes  the  most  apt 
to  al.us,-  th.'se  facilities.  The  voters  -.re  so  nmnerous  that  a 
strong  an.l  active  ..iganizatioi,  is  needed  to  drill  them-  the 
•Majority  so  ignorant  as  to  lu>  easily  led.  The  l.est  citizen's  are 
engross,.d  m  l.usii.css  and  .•annot  give  to  political  work  the 
o.ntmuous  attention  it  demands.  Such  are  ,h.  phenon..na  of 
.\e«-  'i,.rk,  I  hiladciphia.  Chicagi.,  I'ittshurg.  Minneaj^jlis,  St 
laul  M.  Louis.  Cm.innati.  San  IVancisco.  and  New  ()rl.'an> 
In  these  cities  Hii.g-and-Mossdoin  has  attaint  its  amt-lest 
growth.  ov(>rshadouiiig  the  whole  field  of  politic^ 

Of  the  first  two  of  tlu-se   I   „,,.!   not   speak   -n  <letail   here 
proposing  to  refer    to    their  iilienoinena  in  lat.       tiapt.-rs.   I.ut 
(  Incago,  often  shockingly  misgoverned,  has  latt<-rlv  improv.i 
and  seems  likely  to  improve  further  un.ler  the  vigilant  pction 
of  a  group  ol  pul.lic-spirit.Ml  citiz<>ns.      .\s  regards  ceriain  other 
eities,     sui.join  some  r(>marks  with  which  I  was  favoured  in  IKS? 
I.ylea.ing  ...tizens  resident  theicin.  in  reply  to  interrogatori-. 
which  I  addr,>ssc.l  to  them  ;  and  ha     ■  in  each  case  added  a  f.w 
words  t..   bring   the  story  down  through  more  n.-ent    vear^ 
Knowing  how  apt  a  stranger  is  to  imagine  a  greater  unifoVmitv 
than  exists,  I  .Irsire  to  ..nal-l.-  the  reader  to  und.T.tand  to  wh-.'t 
«"Xtent  the  d.'sn-iption  I  have  given  i>  gei.erallv  trur.  and  with 
wliat  local  diversities  it.  g-,i,.ral  treth  is  <-ompatil..p       \nd  -i- 
the  remarks  .juotcl  illustrate  the  ph..|,.,mena  of  .'itv  m.^govcrn- 
iiient  m  g,-n<-ral.  they  have  the  interest  which  IkIoiiu-  to  orirrin  d 
andcontemiwraneous  historical  aiitliorities. 

rincinnati    (Ohio),    [wpulation    in    |?s*»(»,    •J'.mms     in    lOMi 
.it)4,403.  "  ' 


Our  Rintr  is  in  a  I.ss  f,. 


i„.„„„  .  7,      , fomial  <hiipr  thitn  i<  sot.iciim.-i  >wn,  hut  <\U- 

o>t  men  of  h.„  h  „arM.>  ,1.,  i„  f..,,.  ..oml-i,,..  for  ....mmon  pro,  ..  a.  th. 
I'i'l.lic  cx,x.nsc.     .\s  nwnls  a  Boss,  thcr.-  i.  al   thi.  M-,.„n.nt  an  i-  ■ 
agnum,  but  sumo  ainbitiuus  mm  arc  ob.scrvcl  Uj  h-  making  i,r„.,.-,.  s 


126 


THE   PARTY   SYSTKM 


I'Aitr  III 


II 


M;, 


li': : 


towards  that  diKuitv.     UiiiK-  an>  h..l!i  iho  .•iTect  and  ■  ausu  of  p.<Mi- 

latlon      They  aro  Uu.  nsuh  of  tlu-  ..-.u-ral  htw  of  .....nLmatuu,  t..  furlluT 
fh«  infprost  of  the  <'(jiiihini'rs.  .  . 

"?Vhere  a  Ru.«  exists  it  -un  alwnvs  ex.  lu.le  from  olh.-e  a  rochI  ..,t./en 
known  to  be  hostile  to  it.     Hut  a  K-od  easy  n.a.;  .  l.o  w.ll  not  h^ht  and 
Sn  make  a  reputable  ligure-hea.l  .nay  I.e  an  exeelhnl  nn  estnient . 
""'^  "  he  lai^e  cSes  a.'  the  ,reat  sulTerers  fron.  the  S,h..  s  Systen.    l.e- 
cause'in  them  power  ^ives  tlie  greatest  opiH.rtu.nly  l..r  profit  an.   pee  da- 
tbn      "n  then    also  it  is  easy  to  n,al<e  a  n.ore  or  less  <.,,.■..  eond.tnat.... 
of  Jeepers    f  tipplinjr  sh.,ps  an.l  the  Lunnners.-  ele     xvl...  eonKH-uate  u 
"hem      Here,  to  >.  is  the  natural  hon.e  of  the  .-lass  of  xa^ahottds  who  w  II 
profess  devo  i..n  to  the  party  or  the  ma.i  who  ^^dl  pay  them,  an.l  «h  . 
SnSne  to  levy  hlaekn.ail  upon  ..ery  ..uuli.late,  an.l  '"    -"^---'j^ 
to  stuff  ballot-boxes  to  buy  votes,  to  'r..|..'at,    rl.-.      1 .1.  se  s.-oun.lr.  Is 
•five     V  polities-  in  their  way.  an.l  tore.,  their  serM.;..s  up.m  more  pn.nn- 
no^it  tnen,  till  there  eonu-s  ,.>  he  a  sort  ..f  -soh.lar.ty    '".^vh.eh  men  ..t 
national   n>putati.m    find    then.s..h..s    m..rally    .•..n.pr..nus..d    b.v     en « 
oK  to  ^H.o^,MU/.e  this  sort  .>f  fraternity,  and  .hn.tly  or  "ul.r.et  y    .. 
malu     hems..lves  r.-spousil.le  for  the  motho.ls  .,f  th.se    h..nehm..n    am 
oS  we  s      Thev  .lar!-  n..t  hreaU  with  th^s  elass  l-.-aus..  „s  .-nnnty  wouU 
dXt  their  and".itions,  an.l  th..  nu.re  nns..rupuU.,.s  ..f  th,  n.  n.ak..  full.^s 
uS  of  the  eo-oporation.  only  ren.lerinR  a  little  honiu.e  to  .lee.-ney  by 
SkinK  to  .10  it  thn.ugh  interme.liates.  so  as  not  to..  ch^KUsttngly  to  dirty 

''^;n.!;ra'<:on.lition  of  thin.s  the  eiti..  bee.,me.the  prey  of  thu, 
•criilal  elass-  in  po!iti.-s.  in  ..nl.>r  t..  ensure  th..  '^'^^'^  •";;;'"'^  ^J^^^^jJ: 
ization  in  State  and  nati..nal  polities  whieh  are  nece8>arv  to  th«jl'^  " 
Kuished  leaders  for  su.-.-ess.  As  a  result .  n  ^roes  ulm..st  without  sa>  int:  that 
!;™onsiderabl..  eity  ha.  its  ring's  an.l  its  a.-tua  ..r  woul.l- be  b.,ss..s 
There  are  o.-easional  "  r..voluti..ns  of  th.  pala-e  '  in  wln.h  boss..s  are 
dep.md,or  •  ehok.>d  ..IT.-  b.H.ause  they  are  frrowins  too  fat  .,n  the  spo  Is 
and  thie  i«  no  sueh  per.nanen.-e  of  tenure  as  to  enable  the  "mnit.a  ed 
dwavs  to  tell  what  boss  .,r  what  rin«  i^  in  p..wer.  They  do  n..  i.ubli^h 
an  S  <  I'/!  <l>  ('otka.  but  we  f.vl  and  know  that  the  pn.-ess  o  plunder 
continues.  A  man  ..f  .enius  in  this  v, ay.  hk.  a  1 " '7^;n■h.^  th  HS 
o."casi..nallv  t..  th.-  fr..nt.  but  .'V.-n  m  th.-  ab>en.-..  ..f  a  ruler  of  this  sort 
0™  d  ..liti.-ians  .-an  always  ,..11  where  the  .Ueisive  '"  l;'"n-y''«''lr: 
••The  '<-.•  .)f  th.-  .-itN  in  which  th.-  system  r.a.lu.s  tuU  blo..m  depends 
upon  its  bu;iness  an.l  ^M.n,.ral  ehara-t.-r.  Small  t..wns  with  a  proiH.rtion- 
S?  ar^e  manufaH  urin,  population  are  b.tt.-r  t  ..his  b-r  n-iRs  t han  niore 

hom.,K'>n.-..us nmuniti.-s  built  up  as  .-entres  .>t  m.-nant,U-  tra  le.     The 

Tndncu  h..w.-v.-r    is  to  ..nrani/..-  an  .„h..ial  bo.ly  ..,  •w..rk..rs    in  even 

the  s    aU..st  ....mmunity  :   an.l  the  seltishn..<s  of  man  naturally  leads  to 

e  drtriiie  that  th.,s..  who  .lo  th.-  w..rk  shall  hye  by  it.     Thu>^    mm  tl^ 

profits  of  •rotati..n  in  ofVie..-  an.l  tl...  ..x.ni-..  -.t  intri-ue  and  tnek  to  get 

lu-  pla..e  ..f  the  pr..s..nt  in.-mnbent.  th.re  .<  x\xv  ^.u-u,s  „..,.„..,>  to  r.- 

Kar.  iuK  the  pn.fils  .>f  p....ula.ion  an.l  tlu-  j.lun.k.r  ..,  the  publie  as  a  .e<^t  - 

male  ...rreetiv..  for  the  t....  sl.,w  a.-unmlat.on  tr..m  lej;al  pav .     J  ert.u 

salari.-s  an.l  f.-.-s  in  hn-al  ..lli-.'s  are  n..t.,n..usly  kept  h,«h,  s..  that  the 

;  unbelt  n.ay  fre.-ly  ■bkn-.r  f..r  party  use,  or.  what  is  the  same  thing. 


(iiAi-.  i,xi\     IvNTKNSloX   ()|.-   |{I\(iS   AM)   UossKs 


u: 


for  111.,  ii-i..  ..r  party  '  l.imminx,'  Tims  vvr  lia\..  Ii.mI  .'l.-rk^  mI' ....iirts  ami 
sIi.tiITm  i;..ttiii(,'  fuaiiy  lim,.<  as  imi.'li  |.a>  as  ihr  .|ii,|.;>.s  ,,ii  ih,.  I,,.|i.li.  ..|,.. 
I'Vorii  tins,  j..l.l.iiiK  III  .uiilia.'ls,  ImiIhiv.  ait<l  iiiililii-.|iiiir  ^l.aliim  ar.> 
rrarli.Ml  l.y  siirli  ,asy  st..|,s  that  |,rrlia|.s  ihr  I,,,:,!  polit i.'ian  is  hanllv  coii- 
scjiMis  III'  till'  iinvirss  ill  his  niciriil  filiii'al  i<iii  ' 

It  would  not   lie  lifting  In  iiisnt  line  r.|ii;illv  five  cuminni.s 

nil  tlir  ntiiditiuiis  nf  t(.-.|,iy.      I'.nt  jn    |'.H2  (  inrimuili  was  d..- 

scril)«'d  l.y  (•<iiii|)«.|ciil  ..hsiTvi  is  .  ;  siiHriiiiK  I'n.iM  tlimld  evils, 
and  it  is  im  siMTrl  that  slic  had  Imth  |<.uk  ruled  h.v  a  hoss  of 
I'liiiiieiit   capjicity. 

St.  Ivoiiis  (Mi-Miiiri),  |M)|iul;ilioii  in  |,s<.((!,  |:,|,770-  ;,,  \()\i) 
(iS7,()2!». 

"There  are  always  Uinirs  in  I,., lit  pailirs  iiioiv  nr  I.  .  -  aeli\  .■  aeeonliiiL' 
Id  eireuiiislaiii'i'^. 

••  'I'svo  or  |Mrlia|.s  ihre..  mi'ii  aiv  lli<'  vrinuuu>,\  |!,,.s,.,  ,,1'  the  Dniio- 
eralie  |.arl>    <wlii.-li  is  i,-,  the  iiiajiiril.\  ,.  on.'  inaii  of  ih.'   Kipiihliriiii. 

■'  'I'he  Uhnjs  arr  Ihc  <aiis,.  ,,r  li.ilh  iiciilalioii  ami  jol.l.irv.  allhoii|;li 
St.  L<)iii>  lias  had  no    IiIl,'  --It-al.' 

•■  .\  Uoo.l  cili/.cii  M.l.iii^r  ,,ni,.,,  would  !..■  .■...•lud.  d  l.v  the  ac'li..il  ol'  IJio 
{{llU's  III  our  lart,'e.-ilie  ..•■..•.pt  iii  I  iim-,  ol' <■  ,.il<  nieiil ,  uhiui  uood  peopjo 
ail' aroii.-.e(l  to  a  propi-r -iti -<■  of  iliit  v."  ' 

In  11»0'>  St.  Louis  hail  till  reeonni/.ed  |i,,.-,s,  and  li:id  eiijnyed 
for  some  year-  iin  e.\ee|.ti.,n;illy  ^<.od  .M.iyor.  Theie  wiis, 
however,  ;i  ^iood  de,,!  ,,!'  ITiim^  pou.  i  ,  aei  ihl-;  on  or  Ihroimh  the 
•ity  CotineiLs.  .\ttenints  were  In  in^  i.i,  l,  in  |!l!'_'  to  i  nael  a 
new  fliurter. 

Loui-\ilie  iKeiitipkv^  |)o|)ul;itioii  ill  |s!)(),  nil  ijii-  jn  |()l() 
223,928.  '  '      ' 

"It  ean  hardly  I.-  -aid  tha'  '!,.  •■  1,  ;,  -.  •- ilar  K'iti!'  ,m  Ix.uJKvillo. 
Tliere  are  eornipt  <-)fnhina.tions,  l,.|i  ih.y  an-  .oiiiinunlly  -hil'liiiK.  'I'ho 
hiifher  phi'-es  in  t},.-,-  <M,inliinai ions  are  ocfiipiirl  |,v  UenMX'iats.  them< 
Iteint;  thr.  riiiini,' parly,  hut  tli.\  .-.!  >  ay.  .•<,rilain  some  KrpiiMMaiiH. ' 

"The  only  tiiH-  th.-n-  i-  in  I/,ui-vill.-  to-day  is  the  I,..iiisville  OaM 
<'oinpany.  It  work-^  mainls  throM!.'!i  thi'  I  ).inofralir'  party, asit  is  easier 
to  hrihe  the  '  Kepul.ii'-ati '  netrro.  -  in',,  <h.-  ui)|.ort  ..f  l)enioeratie  eandi- 
ilates  than  white  DeniD-rals  'o  -ui)p'irl    |{.  puhii'-aie. 

■■  Th.-re  \<  Kvry  l\u\<-  pc.-ulaMon  in  K.  niu.-!..,  n,,v\  noi,'reat  disch.siire 
for  oVtT  fu  e  yea.--- :    hut  MlTi- i- a  :rn'a  I  deal  of  johherv. 

"  The  e(T..<-f   ,,f  th'-  '■und.in.-Hlon-  i-  of  eour-e  towards  i\i'ht(\\nv  f'fxid 

and  eapahle  nun  from  otTlec  and  'o  inakc  rocni  for  mere  favourites  and 
loeal  {XiUtieians."  • 

■  My  (■orrfsp.,rui.Tit  wrof.-  ir,  ls'i_'  t|,  ,t  th.-  :i\„,v  rfrnnrka  werr  still  orpmlly 
applir-ablo.      Both  parfu*  nm  liri'rl  nridfr  .j  d'spotif  Mitiie  riilf. 

'The  condition  of  L<.ui.v,ill.-  -.vn  d'-s'  ril^-d  a.-    ulislantially  thi:  *irnc  in  lHtt3. 


ris 


TllK   TAUTY   SYSTKM 


r\UT  in 


it 


In  IJHM)  liouisvillc  was  stattnl  to  1«<  sulTcriiifi  from  lilies,  hut 
in  a  ooiupiinitivcly  mild  form.  A  civic  uprising  in  liMHi  liiul 
given  her  for  three  years  an  uprij^ht  and  capaltlc  Mayor. 

MinneapoUs  (Mumesota),  popuhition  in   1H90,  H)l,7li8  — 

"There  has  Iwoii  for  sovorul  years  piisl  a  very  (hsn|)iilal>l«>  King, 
whit'h  has  come  into  power  by  capturiiiK  ihc  macliiiicry  of  t  hi-  DciiUM-ral  i(f 
party,  through  (1)  (lUiBciit  work  in  the  ward  caucnscs ;  (2)  by  ils  activo 
aUiance  with  the  liquor  dealers.  Kanil)l»'rs,  and  so  forlli,  an<l  I  he  support 
of  'lewd  fellows  of  the  baser  sort,"  reKardless  of  national  political  prefer- 
ences; (li)  by  a  skilful  and  plausible  ciianipionsliip  of  'labor'  atid  a 
capture  of  the  labor  vote. 

"The  Boss  of  this  gang  is  thoroughly  disliked  and  distrusted  byllm 
responsible  and  reputable  element  of  his  party  in  Minnesota,  l>ut  they 
tolerate  him  on  account  of  his  popularity  and  because  they  cannot  break 
him  down.  He  has  operatni  chielly  through  control  of  the  ]H^\'u^^^ 
system.  Instead  of  suppressing  gambling  houses,  for  example,  he  has 
allowed  several  of  them  to  run  under  police  protection,  himself  sharing 
in  their  large  gains.  Until  recently  the  liquor  saloon  licenses  have  been 
SiVK)  (£100)  a  year.  He  and  the  heads  of  the  police  department  ha\c 
allowed  a  number  of  places  to  retail  licjuor  .somewhat  secretly  outside 
the  police  patrol  limits,  within  which  we  restrict  the  liquor  tiaflic,  and 
from  these  illicit  publicans  the  Ring  has  collected  large  sums  of  money. 

"The  Ring  has  seemed  to  control  the  majorify  in  the  Common  Coun- 
cil, but  the  system  of  direct  taxation  and  ol  checking  expenditure  is  .so 
open,  and  the  scrutiny  of  the  press  and  public  so  constant,  that  there  has 
been  little  opportunity  for  actual  plunder.  In  the  awarding  of  contracts 
there  is  sometimes  a  savour  of  jobbery,  and  several  of  the  councilmen 
are  not  above  taking  bribes.  But  they  have  been  able  to  do  compara- 
tively little  mischief :  in  fact,  nothing  outrageous  has  occurred  outside  of 
the  iM)lice  department.  The  Ring  has  lately  obtained  control  of  the 
(elective)  Park  Board,  and  some  disreputable  jobs  have  resulted.  Ko 
there  have  been  malpractices  in  the  department  of  health  and  hospitals, 
in  the  management  of  the  water  system  and  in  the  giving  away  of  a 
street  railway  franchise.  But  we  are  not  a  badl.v-plundered  cit.v  by  any 
means;  and  we  have  just  succeeded  in  taking  the  control  of  the  polic^e 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  Ring  olfieials  and  vested  it  in  a  Metropolitan 
Police  Board,  with  excellent  results.  Two  of  the  Ring  are  now  under 
indictment  of  the  county  grand  jury  for  malpractices  in  office." 

In  1910,  population  301,408,  things  had  improved  in  Minne- 
apolis.    A  trustworthy  corresponder  t  wrote  in  1909  :  — 

"  Olc'  party  lines,  while  not  exactly  obliteraitd,  have  become  indis- 
tinct in  all  elections,  whether  municipal,  state,  or  national.  In  fact  the 
hold  of  the  party  over  its  meml>ers  has  become  a  very  uncertain  thing 
and  consequently  the  control  of  the  party  machinery  no  longer  suffices 
to  bring  victory  at  the  polls.  No  one  boss  or  political  ring  can  frame 
a  set  ^){  candidates  and  force  it  on  a  party  since  the  voters  have  now 
a  direct  vote  upon  all  candidates  for  office,  except  those  elected  for  tht 


niAi-.  i,xcv     K\'ri:\S|(>N    OF   IdNcs  AND   IIOSSKS 


rj«» 


State,  at  whicli,  ijiidcr  the  luitiiary  law,  it  is  ;i  cniiiiiioii  praiticc  for 
votiTs  hcli.iiuini;  lo  the  iiiiiiorily  parly  to  part  i<-ipat.-  in  llic  iininina- 
tioii  of  tlic  caiididatcs  in  llif  maj<)rit.\  parly.  The  [.raclicc  is  idiilrarv 
U>  law,  and  In  indiilm,  i"  it  llif  voter  must  forego  the  ri^'lit  of  taking 
part  in  tlie  nomination  of  candidates  of  liis  own  party.  Tlie  Voters" 
Jjtmmie,  whicli  attempts  to  pre\cnl  llie  election  of  inconipi  lent  men  to 
the  City  Coiineils  .•md  to  the  Hoard  of  County  Commissioners  Ity  pul>- 
lishinn  the  reeonis  of  all  candid.iles  foi  oUice  a  id  l>y  makint;  reeom- 
in.iidations  to  voters  irrespective  of  parly  conditions,"  lias  also  been  a 
fnrce  in  local  jiolilii-s. 

"  .Minnea;iolis  has  no  real  political  Loss.  There  h.-ive  been  jxilitical 
rinKs,  and  these  still  exist,  ImiI  in  a  niodilied  form.  The  r.al  jtower  in 
j)<)litics  in  the  city  is  l.elieve<l  to  he  in  the  hands  of  some  prominent 
(Mjrporations." 

St.  Paul,  popiilalion  in  ISiK),  i:};},ir)(5,  in  1910,  214,7-14  — 

"There  is  no  n-^ular  \Uuk  in  St.  Paul.  It  has  for  many  years  l.<-(>n  in 
tlio  hands  of  a  clicpie  of  municipal  Democratic  politicians,  who  are  fairly 
trood  citizens,  and  have  committed  no  very  outrageous  depredations. 
T\w  city  is  run  upon  a  narrow  jiartisan  plan,  hut  in  its  main  policies  and 
oxpendituros  the  views  of  leadin*,'  citizens  as  formulated  in  the  (Miamher 
of  C(mimerce  almost  invariably  jirevail. 

"The  Uint,'s  of  Western  cities  (adds  my  informant)  are  not  delilx-r- 
ately  organized  for  plunder  or  jobbery.  They  jjrow  out  of  our  party 
politics.  Certain  of  the  worst  elementsof  a  party  find  that  their  superior 
diliKeticeand  skill  in  the  manipulation  of  precinct  and  ward  caucuses  put 
them  in  control  of  the  local  machinery  of  their  party  organization.  The 
success  of  their  party  gives  them  control  of  municipal  alYairs.  They  are 
generally  men  who  an>  not  engaged  in  successful  trade  or  professional 
life,  and  make  city  politics  their  business.  They  soon  find  it  profitabh; 
to  engage  in  various  small  s.-hemes  and  jobs  for  i)rofit,  but  do  not  usually 
I)orpetrate  anything  very  bold  '  <•  bad." 

I  have  taken  tlie  two  eities  of  Minneapolis  and  St.  Paul 
heeause  they  illustrate  the  diflVrenees  whieh  one  often  finds 
between  i)laces  wlujse  population  and  other  conditions  seem 
very  similar.  The  centres  of  these  two  eities  are  only  ten 
miles  apart;  their  suhurhs  have  heeuii  to  touch;  they  will 
soon  be,  in  a  material  sense,  one  city.  Miiuie.'ipolis  is  younjj;er, 
and  has  grown  far  more  rapidly,  and  the  manufacturing  ele- 
ment in  its  population  is  larger.  But  in  most  respects  it 
rese?T)l)les  its  elder  sister  —  they  .-ire  e\-trem(>!y  jealous  of 
one  another  — so  closely  ^hat  an  Old  World  observer  who  has 
not  realized  the  swiftness  with  which  phenomena  come  and  go 
in  the  West  is  surprised  to  find  the  political  maladies  of  the 
one  so  mucli  graver  than  those  of  the  other. 


130 


THE  PARTY  SYSTKM 


PART   III 


1*^ 


r 


It  has  Ihhmi  sirii  how  things  sto<):l  in  1887.  In  ISO.i  thoy 
had  ehang(>tl  for  the  hottor  in  both  cities.  The  Boss  of  Minne- 
apolis had  vanislieil,  and  the  party  opposed  to  that  h"  hail 
adornetl  was  in  power.  The  munieipal  mhninistration,  »f  nut 
free  from  reproach,  wa.s  comparatively  free  kom  scantlals. 
St.  Paul  showed  a  marked  improvement.  A  mayor  had  been 
eleete<l  on  a  "reform  ticket,"  imd  the  municipal  clique  formerly 
dominant  luvl  l)e(>n  broken  up.  Rut  no  one  could  feel  sure 
that  these  gtiins  would  i)e  preservetl. 

In  19()9  Miimeapolis  having  (as  al)ove  reiwrted)  done  much 
to  reform  her  ways,  it  was  stated  that  the  situation  in  St.  Paul 
had  changed  much  less.  Th(>  former  political  cliciue  still  held 
power.  A  Boss  had  for  some  time  been  reigning,  but  tiie  |)olice 
administration  was  described  as  efHcient.  Such  are  the  vicis- 
situdes of  cities. 

Tlie  great  city  of  San  Francisco,  capital  of  th<>  "  Pacific  slope," 
witli  a  poi)ulati(m  in  P.UO  of  11(»,<.)12  people,  was  for  years  ruled 
by  a  formitlal)le  l)oss  wlu),  through  an  energt'tic  lieutenant, 
ccmnnanded  tlie  Fire  Department  of  the  city,  and  u.sed  its  ;{.">() 
paid  employes  as  a  sort  of  imetorian  guard.  He  controlled  the 
city  ('lections,  dominated  the  ofhcials.  was  a  i>ower  in  State 
politics,  tami)ered  with  the  administration  of  the  criminal  law. 
At  last  steps  were  taken  to  have  him  and  his  grand  vizir  indictt d 
for  i)eculation,  whereupon  they  l»oth  Hed  to  Canada,  and  the 
city  escaped  the  yoke.  But  the  eonditicms  which  produced 
bos.silom  remaining,  it  fell  before  long  under  a  still  worse  yok(>. 
In  1907  tliere  was  a  local  revolution,  due  to  tlie  discovery  of  cor- 
ruption on  tlie  part  of  prominent  ofhcials  ior  which  two  were 
iiniirisoned.  but  the  phenomena  of  that  uprising  and  the  events 
that  have  followed  cannot  yet  be  with  projiriety  described 
in  these  pages.     In  1013  there  was  an- honest  government. 

Pittsburg,  iwpulaticm  (in  '910)  r)33,90."),  has  luul  a  chetjuered 
history.  No  city  has  been  more  swayed  by  Bosses  of  ability 
antl  audacity.  Lately  a  strong  and  able  major  gave  it  a  good 
administration,  the  results  of  which  have  tendol  to  raise  the 
standard  which  the  people  expect ;  but  whether  that  standard 
will  be  maintained  seems  still  doubtful.  In  1910  several  mem- 
bers of  the  city  government  were  convi(  te<l  of  corruption. 

In  cities  of  the  second  rank  (say  from  ten  thousand  to  one 
hundred  thousand  inhabitants)  some  of  the  same  mischiefs 
exist,  but  on  a  smaller  scale.    The  opportunities  for  jobbing 


CHAP.  Lxiv     KXTKNSIOX   OF   KIXOS  AND   BOSSKS 


v.n 


are  lirnit(>(|.  The  offices  are  iKiderHtely  paid.  Tfio  popula- 
tion of  new  immigrants,  iM.liti  'illy  inconipetent,  and  therefore 
ea.sily  fH'rvertihIe,  hears  a  sm..ller  ratio  to  the  native  Ameri- 
cans. TJie  tnen  i)rominent  \>v  tlieir  wealth  or  capacity  are 
more  likely  to  he  known  to  the  mass  of  the  voters,  and  may 
nave  m()r(<  leisure  to  join  in  lof  d  i)()litics.  Hence,  although  we 
find  rinRs  in  many  of  thesi;  cities,  they  are  less  jxiwerful,  less 
audacious,  less  corruijt.  'Hiere  are,  of  course,  (hirereiices  between 
one  city  and  another,  <lifferences  .sometimes  explicahlc  hy  the  hi.-<- 
tory  and  th(>  cliaracter  of  its  popidation.  A  very  IukIi  authority 
wrote  me  in  1887  from  Miciiisaii,  a  State  above  the  averaRe -" 

"  I  have  heard  no  chiiPfjo  of  tlie  roi},'n  of  Bossc^s  or  I{iiij,'s  f„r  tlie  'pur- 
poses of  jwuhition'  ill  any  of  the  .Mties  or  towns  of  Mi(  lii^jan  or  Indiana 
or  indetHl  in  more  than  a  few  of  our  cities  u.-ntrallv.  and  thos..  for  the 
most  part  are  the  larj,',.  .-ii  i,>s.  [n  eertain  .-as.-s  rinusor  Losses  liave  man- 
aged pohtieal  wun|)aif;ns  for  parti.san  purposes,  and  soinotinies  to  sucli  an 
extent,  .say  m  Detruil,  that  jrood  .•iti/.ms  have  h..en  c.vhided  from  oflic,. 
or  hav."  dcHin.'d  to  run.  Hut  rohh.'ry  was  n-.t  the  aim  of  the  rings  In 
not  a  few  of  our  cities  tiie  li(|u.,r-.siluon  keepers  have  combined  to  'run 
polities  so  a-s  Ut  gain  control  an.l  secure  a  muni.ipal  management 
friendly  to  them.  That  is  in  |.art  the  explanati(,n  of  the  great  upri.sing 
of  the  Proiuhition  party." 

Detroit  (popidation  in  l!)l(),  4()."),7()())  was  described  in  1909 
a.s  improving  steadily,  owiiitr  to  an  anmsiMl  public  sentiment 
for  good  Kovermnent  whi.-h  is  forcing  higher  .standards  on  the 
l)r()fessional  politicians. 

Denver,  now  a  city  of  2i;?,381,  has  obtained  an  unenviable 
noton    y  for  th(>  iJivvaleiice  of  corrupt  influences  in  its  politics 
but  the  administration  of  its  alVairs  seems  to  be  effici(>nt. 

The  cities  of  New  York  State-  si-em  to  sufTcr  more  than  thos(. 
of  Xew  England  or  the  NWsl.  .\lbaiiy  (a  place  of  100,000 
people)  long  groaned  under  its  IJings,  i)iit  as  the  seat  of  the 
New  York  legislature  it  has  Ihm'm  a  focus  of  intrigue.  Buffalo 
(with  400,000)  has  a  large  population  of  fonign  origin  and  obeys 
a  bo.ss.  Rochester  and  Troy  are  ruled  by  local  cliques  •  the 
latter  was  at  one  titne  full  of  IVllows  who  went  to  serve  as 
"repeaters"  at  Albany  elections.  Syracu.se  is  smaller  and  said 
to  be  more  pun>  thaii  PvOcIh  st(  r,  but  lias  sometimes  shown 
some  serious  symptoms  of  the  same  disease.  CMev(>land  is  a 
Idrger  place  than  any  of  these,  but  having,  like  the  rest  of 
Northern  Ohio,  a  better  (luilitv  of  jioimlation.'its  rings  have 
never  carried  things  with  a  high  hand,  nor  stolen  i)ublic  money 


i:i2 


TIIK   I'AIITY  SYSTEM 


PAHT   III 


\i<  - 

I? 
I  11' 


1* 


and  it  is  fortimat*'  in  having  a  strong  n()n-i)«)litifal  cotnmprcial 
organization  of  go«Ml  citizens  wlio  keep  an  cyi-  on  the  city  gov- 
crnincnt.  Tlie  same  may  !)(•  said  of  such  New  England  cities 
as  I'rovidenco,  Augusta,  Hartford,  Uorcesler,  Lowell,  though 
neither  Roston  nor  New  Haven  iiav(!  i)een  free  from  rings. 
The  system  more  or  les^  exists  in  all  tlu-se,  l»ut  the  bosses  have 
not  ventured  to  exchule  cspectahh'  outsiders  from  office,  nor 
ii;u-e  tliey  rohl.i'.l  ihe  cily,  dehaviched  tlie  legislature,  retained 
their  power  by  electioti  frauds  after  tiie  maimer  of  their  great 
models  in  New  ^■o^k  and  Philadelphia.  .\nd  this  seems  to 
hold  true  also  of  the  Western  and  Southern  cities  of  mcnlerate 
size.  A  seasiile  suiuirl)  of  one  great  Ea.stern  city  once  pro- 
duced a  siii<;ularly  audacious  Boss,  who  combined  that  |x)sition 
witli  tl\ose  (if  head  of  tlw  police  and  sup(<rintendent  of  the 
prin(ii)al  Sumhiy-scliool.  He  had  tampered  freely  with  the 
election  returns,  giving  his  support  sometimes  to  (me  party 
sometimes  to  anotiier,  and  had  apjiarently  been  al)le  to  "turn 
over"  tlie  vote  of  the  place  at  liis  pleasure.  A  rising  of  the 
'  <i'.)d  citizens  "  at  last  succeed(>d  in  procuring  his  conviction 
a;>.  !  imprisonment  for  election  offences. 

As  regards  Ohio  a  judicious  authority  said  — 

"  Ring's  ;irc  iiiiuli  Ics^  likely  to  exist  in  the  smaller  cities,  t!i<»u«h  a 
IM)|)uliiti«>ii  of  ;!lt,(»!);)  or  -lO.tMH)  iiiiiy  o.-ciisionaily  siipixirt  them.  \V<! 
shoi.id  hardly  liti.!  tiiem  in  a  city  l>eio\v  KMKK):  any  corruption  tlioro 
woiilil  lie  occasional,  not  systematic." 

From  Missouri  I  was  informed  tiiat  — 

"  We  have  few  or  no  rin^rs  in  cities  under  (M>.(KK)  iiihaltitanls.  Tho 
smaller  cities  are  not  favoiiralili;  to  such  kinds  of  <'()ntrol.  .\b'n  know 
one  another  too  well.  There  is  no  larf,'e  lloatinj?  irresixHisihlo  following 
as  in  larjjt!  cities." 

A  .-similar  answer  from  Kentucky  adds  that  rings  have  never- 
theh'ss  l)eei\  lieaiil  of  in  cities  so  small  as  Lexingt(m  when  it 
had  22,000  inhabitants  and  I'Vaiiklort  with  less  than  half  that 
population.  In  these  three  States  the  facts  seem  to  l)e  still 
nuieh  as  formerly  stated. 

In  (juite  small  towns  and  in  the  rural  districts —  in  fact, 
wluTcver  there  is  not  a  numicipality,  but  government  is  either 
by  a  town  me(>ting  and  selectmen  or  by  township  or  county- 
officials  —  the'  dangi'i-ous  conditions  are  reduced  to  their  mini- 
nmm.     The  new  immigrants  arc  not  generally  planted  in  large 


niAP.  i.xiv     KXTKXsrOX   OK   UlNdS  AND   HOSMKS 


\X{ 


nmssrs  I)u1  scaltcnMl  uiuoiin  tlic  imtivc  |(()|)ul;iti»)ri.  \vl  jsi-  luiliits 
and  iiunlcs  of  Ihinkinu;  llic.v  xtoii  acciuirc  The  (li-niuiiis  and 
'Scandinavians  who  settle  in  the  country  <iistri(ts  have  heen 
anions  the  lu-st  of  their  laee,  and  form  a  vahiahle  element. 
The  country  voter,  whether  native  or  foreij;n.  is  exposed  to 
fewer  temptations  than  his  hrother  of  the  city,  and  is  less  easy 
either  to  lead  or  to  drive.  He  is  parsimonious,  and  pays  hi.s 
county  or  town  odicials  on  :i  iiiu<;ardly  sc.'dc.  \  Hoss  has 
therefore  no  occupation  in  -uch  a  phnc.  Mis  t  ileiits  woidd  Ik^ 
wasted.  If  a  Uin-;  exi-1  ^  in  a  Miall  city  it  is  little  more  tliai\ 
a  cli<|in-  of  local  law\ers  v.lio  coniliine  to  <:(  t  hold  of  the  local 
offices,  each  in  hi^  turn,  and  to  s( cmc  a  <e;it  for  one  of  theni- 
selv«'s  in  the  Stale  Iciiisjature,  where  there  may  lie  pickinfjs  to 
l)e  had.  It  is  not  ( ;u  y  to  draw  the  line  between  such  a  clicjue, 
which  one  may  find  all  the  world  over,  and  a  true  Hinn  :  hut 
i)y  whichever  name  we  (all  the  weed,  it  d xs  little  harm  to  the 
crop.  Here  and  there  howe\(T,  one  iiMcts  witli  a  genuine  Uoss 
even  in  these  seats  of  rural  innocence.  1  know  a  New  Kufjland 
town,  with  a  population  of  al out  t(  n  thou.-and  people,  which 
was  kmj;  ruled  hy  such  a  local  wirepuller.  I  do  not  think  he 
stole.  Hut  he  had  f!athen>d  a  i)arty  of  voters  roiuid  him,  hy 
whose  helj)  he  carried  th(>  offices,  and  got  a  chaiu-e  of  perpe- 
trating jol)s  which  enriched  himself  uid  sujjplied  work  for  his 
supporters.  Th(>  circumstances,  however,  were  exceptional. 
Within  the  taxing  area  of  the  town  there  lie  many  villas  of 
wealthy  merchants,  who  do  business  in  a  neiglil ouring  city, 
Imt  are  taxed  on  th<ir  suniner  residences  here.  The  finids 
which  this  town  has  to  deal  with  were  therefore  much  larger 
than  would  he  the  case  in  n;ost  towns  of  its  size,  while  nuuiy 
of  the  rich  taxpayers  are  not  citizens  liere.  lut  vo.e  in  the  city 
where  they  live  during  the  winter.'  lltMice  they  could  not  go 
to  the  town  meeting  to  heaid  the  Hoss,  hut  hail  It;  grin  and  pay 
while  they  watched  his  g.-imhoN. 

Speaking  generally,  the  country  places  and  the  smaller  cities 
are  not  ring-ridden.  Tiure  is  ;i  tendency  everywhere  for  the 
local  party  organizations  to  fail  into  the  hands  of  a  few  men, 
perhaps  of  ()n(«  man.     !?ut  t!ii-  !i;r>nriis  not  so  much  from  un 

•It  will  Im'  rcniciiilMiid  th:it  it.  tln'  I'liiiiil  Sf:itcs,  flioufih  n  niiin  iiiiiy  pay 
taxes  oa  his  real  ostiitc  in  iiny  inimlMr  of  Sfutcs  or  countifs  or  oitics,  lie  can 
vote,  even  in  purely  loial  (l.ctioii-*  '.r  (.n  piucly  lo<'al  niatters,  in  one  plane 
only  —  that  in  which  he  is  Ik  lit  to  n  sMc  In  tliis  respect  the  principle  of  "no 
taxation  without  representation"  has  Ix'cn  iKuored. 


I 


134 


TIIK   PAIITY    SYSTKM 


PAHT  III 


I  ] 


I'  i 


intent  to  cxcludf  otliiTs  iiiiii  misiisr  |M)VV<t.  as  iM'ciiiisr  tin-  work 
is  li'ft  t<»  tluisf  wliii  have  <oiii(>  sort  of  iiitcnst  ill  doinK  it,  tlmt, 
iitiiiit'ly,  ol'  litiiiK  tlit'iiisflvcs  noiniiiutcd  to  an  olficr.  Such 
piTsons  arc  >rMoiii  protVssioiial  officc-scckrrs,  l>ut  lawyrrs, 
lariiuTs,  or  storr-kct'iM-rs,  who  arc  fr\in\  to  a<l(l  soim-tirmn  to 
tlu'ir  iiifoiiif,  ami  have  tlic  iiii|n)rtain<',  not  so  contfriiptiMc  in 
a  village,  of  sittiiiK  in  tin-  State  lrni>laf lire.  Nor  docs  iniich 
ImriM  result.  The  administration  h  fairly  good  ;  the  taxjmycrM 
are  not  rohhed.  If  a  leading  citizen,  '.vho  does  not  WeltniK  to 
the  niananinfi;  circle,  wishes  to  get  ji  nomination,  he  will  proln 
al)ly  succeeil  :  in  fact,  no  one  will  care  to  exchule  him.  In 
tiiany  places  there  is  a  non-party  '"citizens'  committee"  which 
takes  things  out  of  tiie  liaiids  of  the  two  organizations  by 
running;  as  candidates  respect. aide  nu-n  irrespective  of  party. 
Such  canilidat.'s  lieiierally  siici-jn-d  if  the  local  party  nianimers 
have  ortViided  pu!>lic  sentiment  l)y  hail  nominations.  In  short, 
tlu'  materials  for  nal  riii^  giivernment  do  not  exist,  and  its 
nietlHMls  are  inauplicalile,  outside  the  large  cities.  No  one 
nc(Hls  to  fear  it,  or  does  fe;ir  it. 

What  has  l)c«"i  said  refers  chi(>fly  to  the  Northern,  Middle, 
and  VVcstern  Sl.'l  s.  T'  .>  circumstances  of  the  South  are  dif- 
ferent, hut  t!i<y  illustrate  e(iually  wfll  the  general  laws  of  ring 
growth.  In  the  ."-ioutiiern  cities  there  is  scarcely  any  |M)pulation 
of  European  immigrants.  The  lowest  class  consists  of  negroes 
and  "|M)or  whites."  The  negioes  are  ignorant,  and  woidd  he 
dangerously  plastic  material  in  the  h.ands  of  unscrupulcais 
wirepullers,  as  was  amply  shown  after  the  Civil  War.  Hut 
they  have  hitlierto  mostly  helonged  to  the  Hepuhlican  i)arty, 
ami  the  Democraiic  jjarty  has  so  comphtely  regained  its  a.s- 
cendency  that  the  liosses  who  contr(»lle<l  the  negro  voic  can 
do  nothing.  In  most  parts  of  the  .<outh  the  men  of  ai)iUty  and 
standing  have  intereste  1  themselves  in  politics  so  t;ir  ;ts  to 
dictate-  the  lines  of  i)aity  action.  Their  |M>sition  whet  self- 
government  was  restored  and  the  ( arpet-haggeis  iiui  u-  !•< 
overthrown  forced  them  to  excrlioM.  Sometimes  tr**  u~-  <fr 
tolerate  a  Ring,  l>ut  they  do  not  sufi't-r  it  to  do  s«'riim~  ai.>«tiM»^: 
and  it  is  usually  jjlad  to  uiHiii-Kite  one  of  th''';;.  f-r  :?!>  ^«;- 
whom  they  recommend.  The  ol  I  traditions  of  s<icial  1  ad(->^hir) 
have  survivtnl  l)etter  in  some  parts  (,f  the  South  th.-m  isa  tae 
North,  so  that  the  jioorer  part  of  the  white  populatio-  is  '>tt»r«^ 
apt  to  follow  the  suggestions  of  eminent  local  citizesar  as'.i  'o 


MiAi'.  i-xiv     i;.\Ti:\SI(»\    OK       INTis   AND   MOSSKS 


I.Ci 


pliicc  IIhiii  at  its  licad  \\\hu  (lny  will  :u(»|)t  tlic  position. 
Moreover.  Ilie  South  is  a  (•oinparati\  i  ly  poor  nuiiitry.  Less  is 
to  lie  naineij  from  odiec  (iiicliKliii;^  iiieiiiliersliip  of  a  le^i.-latiire). 
either  ill  the  way  of  salary  or  imlirecf ly  throiiM;h  jolihiiiK  <'<>ii- 
traets  or  iiilliienciim  leni-latioii.  The  prizes  in  the  profession  of 
polities  JHiiiK  fewer,  the  profession  is  not  |)rose(Ute<|  with  the 
same  eanie-tiM>-'  ami  |)erfeetioii  of  organization.  There  are, 
however,  .some  (•itie>  where  (•on(litioii>  >imil;ir  to  those  of  larKc 
Nortln'rii  ritie~  reappear,  an<l  there  |{iiiu,-anil-Hoss(|om  reap- 
pears .ilso.  New  Orleans  i>  the  I.est  example  it  hasustroinr 
Hinn  ami  in  .\rk;iii-as  and  Texas,  where  there  never  wa>  u 
plantation  aiistoerac)  like  that  <if  the  .'^lave  States  on  the 
.\tliiiitie  eoa-t,  rintjs  are  pretty  mimerou--,  thonu;h,  ;is  the  cities 
are  small  and  seldom  lich  tiieir  exploit-  attr.iet  little  attention. 
That  in  (lalveston  fell  when  the  (  ommission  form  of  city  go v- 
(Tiiiiient  was  a<lopted. 


I 


CHAPTER  LXV 


SPOILS 


U>.- 


An  illustration  of  Oxcnstjonia's  dictum  roRardinR  the  wisdom 
with  wliich  tlie  world  is  governed  may  ho  foimd  in  tho  fact  that 
the  {greatest  chan^(>s  arc  often  those  introduced  with  the  least 
notion  of  their  conse(iuence,  and  the  most  fatal  those  which 
encounter  least  resistance.  So  the  system  of  removals  from 
Federal  office  wliich  he^an  in  the  days  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
though  disapproved  of  l)y  several  amonp;  the  leading  statesmen 
of  the  time,  includins  ("lay.  Wel)ster,  and  Calhoun,  excited 
comparatively  little  attention  in  the  country,  nor  ditl  its  advo- 
cates foresee  a  tithe  of  its  far-reachins  results. 

The  Constitution  vests  the  right  of  appointing  to  Federal 
offices  in  the  Presid(>nt.  re(iuiring  the  consent  of  the  Senate  in 
the  case  of  the  more  imiwrtant,  and  permitting  (^ongress  to 
vest  the  appointment  of  inferior  officers  in  the  President  alone, 
in  the  courts,  or  in  the  head.s  of  departments.  It  was  assumed 
that  this  claus(>  gave  officials  a  teimre  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
President  —  i.e.  that  lu>  had  the  legal  right  of  removing  them 
without  caus(>  assigned.  Rut  the  earlier  Presidents  considered 
the  tenure  as  being  practically  for  life  or  during  good  behav- 
iour, and  did  not  remove,  exc(>pt  for  some  solid  reason,  persons 
appointed  by  their  predecessors.  Washington  in  his  eight 
years  displaced  only  nine  persons,  and  all  for  cause,  John 
Ailams  nine  in  four  years,  and  those  not  on  political  grounds. 
Jefferson  in  his  eight  years  removed  thirty-nine,  but  many  of 
these  were  persuus  whom  .\dams  hail  unfairly  put  in  just  before 
quitting  office  ;  and  in  the  tw(>nty  years  that  followed  (1808-28) 
th(>re  were  but  sixteen  removals.  In  1820,  however,  a  bill  was 
ru!i  tlirou?;!i  Congre.-s  with  hardly  any  <li-;cus<ion,  fixing  four 
years  as  the  term  for  a  large  number  of  the  more  important 
offices,  and  making  tliose  ti-rms  expir(>  shortly  after  the  inau- 
guration of  a  l'n>sid<Mit.  This  was  ominous  of  evil,  and  called 
forlli  the   stroii'i;  di-plrasiire  of  botii  JefTersoii   and   Madison. 


CHAP.    LXV 


SPOILS 


137 


The  Presidont,  however,  and  his  heads  of  departments,  did  not 
remove,  so  the  tenure  on  good  behaviour  generally  remained. 
But  a  new  era  l)egan  with  Mie  hot  and  heady  Jackson,  who 
reached  the  presidential  chair  in  1829.  He  was  a  rough  West- 
erner, a  man  of  the  people,  borne  into  power  by  a  popular  move- 
ment, incensed  against  all  who  were  c<)nn(>cted  with  his  pre- 
deces.sor,  a  warm  friend  and  a  bitter  enemy,  anxious  to  repay 
services  rendenMl  to  iums(>lf.  Penetrated  by  extreme  theories 
of  equality,  he  proclaimed  in  his  Messag»>  that  rotation  in 
office  was  a  {)rinciple  in  the  Republican  creed,  and  obeyed  both 
his  doctrine  and  his  passions  by  disi)lacing  five  hundred  post- 
masters in  his  first  year,  and  aj^pointing  partisans  in  their 
room.  The  plan  of  using  office  as  a  mere  engine  in  partisan 
warfare  had  already  been  tried  in  New  York,  where  the  stress 
of  party  contests  biu\  led  to  an  early  development  of  many 
devices  in  party  organization  ;  and  it  was  a  New  York  adherent 
of  Jackson,  Marcy,  who,  speaking  in  the  Senate  in  1832,  con- 
densed the  new  <loctrine  in  a  i)hrase  that  has  become  famous 
—  "To  the  victor  belong  the  spoils."  ' 

From  1828  to  a  few  years  ago  th(>  rule  with  both  parties  has 
been  that  on  a  change  of  President  nearly  all  Federal  offices, 
from  the  embassies  to  European  Courts  dowii  to  village  post- 
masterships,  are  deemed  to  be  vacant.  The  pn>s(  iit  hoklers 
may  of  course  be  continued  or  reappointed  (if  their  term  has 
expired)  ;  and  if  the  n(>w  President  belongs  to  the  same  party 
as  his  predecessor,  many  of  them  will  be;  but  they  are  not 
ii(>kl  to  have  either  a  legal  of  a  moral  claim.  The  choice  of  the 
President  or  departmental  head  has  been  absolutely  free,  no 
quahfications,  except  the  citizenship  of  the  nominee,  being 
required,  nor  any  check  iiiipost-d  on  him,  except  that  the  Senate's 
consent  is  needed  to  the  more  important  posts.- 

The  want  of  knowledge  on  the  part  of  the  President  and  hi- 

'  IJoforc  Is-.'O  Governor  C'liiito!)  roiiipl  linr.!  "of  ;iii  orRanizod  ami  disri- 
plincd  corps  of  I'cdcral  officials  intirfcriiis:  iii  St:ifc  clirtioii.s."  Marcy's  speech 
was  u  defence  of  thi'  s\st<'m  of  p:irtis:iii  rciiioviils  asid  sliort  terms  from  the 
example  of  his  own  .-fate.  "They  |the  X,  w  York  i)oliticians|  when  contend- 
hjK  for  victory  avow  the  intention  of  enjoying  the  fruits  of  it.  They  see  notl;- 
in»£  wrong  in  flie  rule  th;it  to  the  victor  lieloim  the  spoils  of  the  enemy." 

=  .See  on  this  sul>ject.  ('h:i|iter  \'.  in  \(;1,  I. 

The  Act  of  IS'JO  as  ixtrnded  liy  siiliscM|uent  Icitishition  applies  to  more  than 
<)»M)(»  offices.  Its  tnischiif,  hou ever,  was  not  confined  ti>  the  IcKal  vacatiiiK  of 
these  posts,  hilt  has  hiin  lari'.  !\  ,ilso  in  estahlishinc  a  custom  applying  to  i 
'ar  lari^er  mimlHT  of  minor  pl.irr.,. 


138 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PABT   III 


4 

t ' 

i  r 
it 

m 


ministers  of  tiie  persons  who  applied  for  phicos  at  a  distance, 
obliged  them  to  seek  uiformution  and  advice  from  those  who, 
belonging  to  the  neighl)ourhood,  could  <;ive  it.  It  was  natural 
for  the  senators  from  a  State  or  the  representative  in  Congress 
from  a  district  witiiin  wliieh  a  vacant  office  lay,  to  recommend 
to  the  President  candidates  for  it,  jiatural  for  tin;  President  or 
his  ministers  to  he  guided  Ijy  this  recommendation,  of  course, 
in  both  cases,  only  when  they  In'Miged  to  the  same  i)arty  as  the 
President.  Thus  the  executive  Itecame  accustomed  to  atimit 
the  rights  which  the  pjiiticians  claimed,  and  suffered  its  pat- 
ronage to  be  prostitute  I  to  the  purpose  of  rewarding  local 
party  service  and  conciliating  local  party  supjMjrt.  Now  and 
then  a  President,  or  a  strong  ^Minister  controlling  the  Presi- 
dent, has  proved  native;  yet  the  usage  contiimes,  lieing 
grounded  on  the  natural  wish  of  the  executive  to  have  the 
good-will  aiul  help  of  the  senators  in  getting  treaties  and  ap- 
pointments confinnel,  and  on  the  feeling  that  the  party  in 
every  district  must  be  strengthened  by  a  distribution  of  good 
things,  in  the  way  which  the  local  leader  thinks  most  service- 
able. The  essential  features  of  the  system  are,  that  a  place  in 
the  public  service  is  hell  at  the  al)solute  pleasure  of  the  ap- 
pointing authority;  that  it  is  invariably  l)estowed  from  party 
motives  on  a  party  man,  as  a  reward  for  party  services  (whether 
of  the  apfwintee  or  of  some  om?  who  pushes  him) ;  that  no 
man  expects  to  hold  it  any  longer  than  his  i)arty  holds  ix)wer ; 
and  that  this  gives  him  the  strongest  personal  reasons  for 
fighting  in  the  party  ranks.  Thus  the  conc(>ption  of  office 
among  politici;uis  ca'.ne  to  be  not  the  ideal  one,  of  its  in\oIving 
a  duty  to  the  community,  nor  the  "practical"  one,  of  its  being 
a  snug  berth  in  which  a  man  may  live  if  he  does  not  i)ositively 
neglect  his  work,  but  the  p(>rverted  one,  of  lis  being  a  salary 
paid  in  respect  of  party  services,  past,  j>resent,  and  future. 

The  politicians,  howevcT,  could  hardly  have  riveted  this 
system  on  the  country  l)ut  for  certain  notions  which  had  be- 
come current  among  tlie  mass  of  the  people.  "Rotation  in 
office"  was,  and  indeed  by  most  men  still  is,  held  to  be  con- 
formable to  the  genius  of  a  democracy.  It  gives  every  man 
an  ecjual  ciiance  of  j)ower  and  salary,  reseml)iing  herein  the 
Athenian  and  Horentine  system  of  choosing  officers  by  lot. 
It  is  supposed  to  stimulate  men  to  exertion,  to  foster  a  laud- 
able ambition  to  serve  the  country  or  the  neighbourhood,  to 


CHAP.    LXV 


SPOILS 


13d 


prevent  tlie  gnnvtli  of  an  official  ca-stc,  with  its  habits  of  rou- 
tine, its  stilfncss.  its  arr(>gancc.  It  reccjgnizes  that  equality 
which  is  so  dear  t(j  the  Anieiican  mind,  biikhng  an  official 
remember  that  ho  is  tlie  servant  of  the  pe'>i)le  and  not  their 
master,  like  the  l)ureau(ri)ts  of  Europe.  It  forl)ids  him  to 
fancy  that  he  iias  any  rij^ht  to  be  where  he  is,  any  ground  for 
expecting  to  slay  tiiere.  It  ministers  in  an  odd  kind  of  way 
to  that  fondness  lor  iiu\<lty  and  cliange  in  persons  and  sur- 
roundings wliicli  is  natiuul  in  tiie  constantly-moving  communi- 
ties of  the  West.  The  habit  which  grew  up  of  electing  State 
and  city  officers  for  .sliort  tenns  tended  in  the  same  direction. 
If  those  whom  the  j)eoi)le  itself  chose  were  to  hold  office  only 
for  a  year  or  two,  why  should  those  who  were  appointed  by 
Federal  authority  have  a  more  stable  tenure?  And  the  use  of 
patronage  for  i)()litical  i)urposes  was  furtlier  justified  by  the 
example  of  England,  whos(>  govc-uiient  wa.s  believed  by  the 
Americans  of  tlie  Jackson  and  \an  Buren  generation  to  be 
worked,  as  it  had  been  largely  worked,  by  the  Patronage  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  in  his  fvmction  of  distributing  places  to  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  ( '<jnimons.  and  honours  (such  as  orders  of 
knighthood  and  steps  in  the  peerage)  to  members  of  the  House 
of  Lords,  ecclesiastical  preferm(>nts  to  the  relatives  of  both.' 

Another  and  a  i)otent  rea.son  why  the  rotation  plan  com- 
mended itself  to  the  Americans  is  to  be  found  in  the  belief  that 
one  man  is  as  good  as  another,  and  will  do  well  enough  any 
work  you  set  him  to,  a  belief  haf)pi!y  e\press<>d  by  their  old  enemy 
King  (ieorge  the  Third  wiien  lie  said  that  ''every  man  is  good 
enough  for  any  place  h(>  can  get."  In  America  a  sj)iart  man  is 
expected  to  be  abh>  to  <lo  anything  tiiat  he  turns  his  hand  to, 
and  the  fact  that  a  tnan  has  worker  1  himself  into  a  j)laci-  is  some 
evidence  of  his  smartness.  He  is  a  "practical  man."  This  is 
at  bottom  Cieorge  the  Third's  idea;  if  you  are  clever  enough 
to  make  people  give  you  a  place,  you  are  clcvt-r  enough  to  dis- 
charge its  duties,  or  to  con((>al  the  fact  tliat  you  are  not  dis- 
charging them.  It  may  be  added  that  most  of  these  PVderal 
places,  and  those  which  come  most  before  the  ej-es  of  the  ordi- 
nary citizen,  require  little  sn(>(.i:d  fitness.  Any  careful  and 
honest  man  does  fairly  well  for  a  tide-waiter  or  a  lighthouse 

■>:..«■  of  r„ursP  tl„.  t:,!,los  liivo  I.,^.-n  turn..!,  at,.:  the  ■  samples  of  tho  prac 
tu-ally  ..Tcmovah!  KnJi  h  .ivil  .rvir,.  :vvl  -,i  t'l  ■  ,„,n->Ptitivo  ontnnr,.  ox- 
aminaUons  in  Lnglaiifi  ar.'  c\U\  a;;ainHt  tin;  Aiui-ritau  system. 


140 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAKT   III 


X 


■■h 

s.p- 


n 


ki't'pcr.  Alilf  :iii(l  iictivc  iiicn  luitl  no  pircat  interest  in  advocut- 
ing  appoiiitiiu'iit  by  merit  or  security  of  tenure,  for  they  seldom 
wanted  plaees  themselves  ;  and  they  had,  or  thought  they  had, 
an  interest  in  jol)l)inK  their  poor  nlatives  and  unprosperous 
friends  into  the  jjuhlic  service.  It  is  true  that  the  relative  or 
friend  ran  the  risk  of  heing  turned  out.  But  hope  is  stronger 
than  fear.  The  prospect  of  getting  a  place  affects  ten  people 
for  one  who  is  affected  l)y  the  prospect  of  losing  it,  for  aspirants 
are  many  and  plac<'s  relatively  few. 

Hitherto  we  have  been  considering  Federal  offices  only,  the 
immense  majority  whereof  an;  such  petty  post.-'  as  tho.se  of  post- 
master in  a  village,  custom-house  officer  at  a  seaport,  and  so 
forth,  although  they  also  includes  clerkships  in  the  departments 
at  Washington,  foreign  ainba.ssador.ships  and  consulates,  and 
governorships  of  tlie  Territories.  The  .system  of  rotation  had, 
however,  laid  such  a  hold  on  the  mind  of  the  country  that  it 
soon  exteruUnl  itself  over  State  offices  and  city  offices  also,  in 
so  far  as  sudi  offices  remained  appointive,  and  were  not,  like 
the  higher  administrative  posts  aixd  (in  inost  of  the  States  ami 
the  larger  citie>;  tiie  judicial  offices,  han<le(l  over  to  popular 
election.  Thus,  down  to  that  very  recent  time  of  which  I  .shall 
speak  presently,  appointm<'nt  by  favour  and  tenure  at  the  pleas- 
ure of  the  appointer  became  the  rule  in  every  sphere  and  branch 
of  government.  National,  State,  and  municipal.  It  may  seem 
.strange  that  a  people  so  eminently  practical  as  the  Americans 
aciiuiesced  in  a  system  which  perverts  public  office  from  its 
proiKT  function  of  serving  the  public,  destroj's  the  prospect  of 
that  skill  which  cot'U's  with  experience,  and  gives  nolx)dy  the 
least  security  tiiat  lie  will  gain  a  higher  post,  or  even  retain  the 
one  lie  holds,  by  displiiyiug  conspicuous  efficiency.  The  expla- 
nation is  that  a  liuinistration  used  to  b(>  conducted  in  a  happy- 
go-lucky  way.  tliat  the  citizens,  accustomed  to  help  themselves, 
relied  very  litlh'  on  th.'ir  functionaries,  and  did  not  care  whether 
they  were  skilful  or  nol,  and  that  it  w-as  so  easy  and  so  com- 
mon for  a  man.  who  fell  out  of  on(>  kind  of  business  to  take  to 
and  make  his  living  by  anotlK  r,  that  deprivati(m  seemed  to 
involve  little  h.-irdship.  However,  the  main  reason  was  that 
there  was  no  party  and  no  set  of  persons  specially'  interested  in 
putting  an  end  to  tiie  system,  whereas  there  soon  came  to  be 
a  set  specially  concerned  to  defend  it.  It  developed,  I  might 
almost  say  created,  tlu;  class  of  professional  ])olitician.s,  and 


CHAP.    LXV 


SPOILS 


HI 


they  maintainpcl  it,  hpcauso  it  exactly  suited  them.     That  great 
and  growiiiR  vohiine  of  political  work  to  he  done  in  managing 
primaries,  conventions,  and  elections  for  tlu>  city,  State,  and 
National  governments,   whereof   I   hav(>  already  spoken,'  and 
which  the  advance;  of  democratic  sentiment  and  th(!  needs  of 
party  warfare  evolved  from  1820  down  to  about  1850,  ..ceded 
men  who  .should  give  to  it  constant  and  undivided  attention. 
The.se  men  tlu;  plan  of  rotation  in  olfice  i)rovi(led.     Per.sons 
who  had  nothing  to  gain  for  themselves  would  .soon  have  tired 
of  the  work.     The  inemhers  of  a  permanent  civil  service  would 
have  had  no  motive  for  interfering  in  politics,  because  th(>  [)oliti- 
cal  defeat  of  a  public  officer's  friends  would  have  left  his  jwsi- 
tion  the  same  as  b(>fore,  and  the  civil  service  not  being  all  of 
one  party,  but  composed  of  p<>rsons  api)ointed  at  different  times 
by  executives  of  different  lines,  would  not  have  acted  together 
as  a  whole.     Those,  however,  whose  bread  and  butter  depend 
on  their  party  may  l)e  trusted  to  work  for  their  party,  to  enlist 
recruits,  look  after  the  organization,  play  electioneering  tricks 
from  which  onlinary  party  spirit  might  recoil.     The  class  of 
professional  jwliticians  was  therefore  tlie  first  crop  which  the 
Spoils  Sy.stem,  the  system  of  using  public  office  as  private  prize 
of  war,  l)ore.     Rosses  were  the  second  croj).     In  the  old  Scan- 
dmavian  poetry  the  special  tifle  of  the  king  or  chieftain  is  "the 
giv(T  of  rings."     H(>  attracts  followers  and  Howards  the  services, 
whether  of  the*  warrior  or  tlie  skald,  by  liberal  gifts.     So  the 
Bo.ss  wins  and  hold  power  by  the  bestowal  of  patr()nag(\    Place's 
are  the  guerdon  of  victory  in  election  warfare  ;   he  divides  this 
spoil  before  as  well  as  after  the  battle,  promising  the  higlier 
("lective  offices  to  the  stroii!.<>st  among  his  fighting  men,  and 
dispensmg  the  minor  appointive  offices  which  lie  in  his  own 
gift,  or  that  of  his  lieutenants,  to  combatants  of  l,.ss  note  but 
equal  loyalty.     Thus  the  chi(>ftain  consolidaK's,  extends,  forti- 
fies his  pow(<r  by  n-warding  his  supporters.     II,.  garrisons  tlie 
outposts  with  his  squires  an<l  henchmen,  who  are  bound  fast 
to  him  by  the  hope  of  getting  something  more,  and  the  fear  of 
losing  what  tliey  liave.     Most  of  these  appointiv.«  offices  are 
too  poorly  paid  to  attract  al)|.>  men  :  l)ut  thev  form  a  stoppin-^- 
.stone  to  the  higher  ones  obta.      1  by  popular  eh>ction  ;    ami 
the  desire  to  get  them  and  keep    ,.em  provides  that  numerous 
rank  and  file  which  the  .\merir-in  svstem  re<iuir<>s  to  work  the 
Machine.     In  a  country  like  Kngland  office  is  an  object  of 


142 


TlIK  PARTY  8YSTKM 


PART  III 


1- 


desire  to  a  few  proiiiinont  men.  Imt  only  to  a  few,  l)ecauHo  the 
places  which  are  vucatrd  on  :i  chnn^('  of  Kovornment  are  less 
than  sixty  in  all,  while  vucaneies  in  other  places  happen  only 
by  death  or  promotion.  Hence  an  insi};nificant  nunil)er  of  per- 
sons out  of  tlie  whole  ])opulation  have  a  |)ersonal  pecuniary 
interest  in  the  triunii)h  of  their  party.  In  lOnRland,  therefore, 
one  has  what  may  be  called  th(>  general  olliccrs  and  hemUiuar- 
ters  staff  of  an  amiy  of  profes.sional  jtoliticians,  but  few  subal- 
terns and  no  privates.  And  in  EuKland  many  of  these  Reneral 
officers  are  rich  nu'n,  independent  of  official  salaries.  In 
America  the  privates  are  i)roiK)rtione<l  in  number  to  the  officers. 
They  are  a  great  host.  -Vs  nearly  all  live  by  politics,  they  are 
held  toRcther  by  a  strong  ywrsonal  motive.  When  their  party 
is  kept  out  of  tlie  spoils  of  the  Fe(l(>ral  government,  as  the 
Democrats  were  out  from  1H()I  to  188"),  they  have  a  second 
chance  in  the  State  spoils,  a  third  chance  in  the  city  spoils ; 
and  the  prosj)cct  of  wimiing  at  least  on(>  i>f  these  two  latter  bets 
of  places  maintains  tlieir  discipline  and  whets  their  appetite,  how- 
ever slight  may  be  their  chance  of  capturing  the  Federal  offices. 

It  is  these  spoilsmen  who  have  depraved  and  distoited  the 
mechanism  of  politics.  It  was  they  who  packed  the  primarii  s 
and  ran  the  conventions  so  as  to  destroy  the  freedom  of  i)opular 
choice,  they  wiio  contrived  and  (>\(cuted  the  election  frauds 
which  disgrace  some  States  and  cities,  —  repeating  and  balli»t 
stuffing,  obstruction  of  the  polls,  and  fraudulent  covmtings  in.' 

In  making  every  administrative  appointment  a  matter  of 
party  claiin  and  jtcrsonal  favour,  tlie  system  has  lowere<l  the 
general  tone  of  f)ubli('  morals,  Tor  it  has  taught  men  to  neglect 
the  interests  of  the  cotiiinunity,  an<l  made  insincerity  rii)(>n  into 
cynicism.  Nobody  supposes  tliat  merit  has  anything  to  do  with 
promotion,  or  belie\es  the  i>retext  alleged  for  an  appointment. 
Pontics  has  been  turned  into  tlie  art  of  distributing  salaries  so 
as  to  secure  the  maxiniiun  of  support  from  friends  with  the 
minimum  of  offence  to  opponents.  To  this  art  able  men  have 
been  forced  to  bend  their  minds:  on  this  Presiih'uts  ami  min- 
isters haw  spent  those  ho\n-s  which  were  demanded  by  the 
real    problems   of   iho    country.-     The    rising   politician   must 

'  The  fact  that  in  f'aiiada  tlic  civil  service  i^  pcrinaiicnt  has  dniihtlosn  much 
to  ilo  with  the  alwcnco  of  such  a  rcpuhir  party  Machine  as  the  I'nited  States 

-(•resident  (larfi.ld  said  "one-third  of  the  workinu  hours  of  senators  and 
representatives  is  scarcely  sufTir'ient  to  meet  the  demands  in  reference  to  the 


CHAP.    t,XV 


SI'OILS 


143 


tliiiik  of  ohsciirc  supporters  seeking  petty  places  as  well  as  of 
thoHo  greater  iiijpoiiitincnts  hy  which  his  knou-lcilRc  of  men 
and  his  honesty  deserve  to  l)e  judjjed.  It  is  }mrdly  a  earieature 
when,  in  J.  U.  Lowell's  satire,  the  intendinR  presidential  candi- 
date writes  to  his  maritime  friend  in  New  JOnglaml,  — 

"  If  you  ii'n  "><■  inside  tlii'  Wliiti-  Iloiisf, 
Vmir  head  wiili  ilc  I'll  kiiiiUT  "nint, 
Uy  jjilliii'  you  inside  tlin  liulit-hoiise, 
Down  to  the  end  of  Jiiulam  pint." 

After  this,   it  seems  a  small  tiling  to  add  that  rotation  in 
ofliee  has  not  improved  t)ie  (|uality  of  the  civil  service.     Men 
selected  for  their  services  at  electii  ns  or  in  primaries  have  not 
proved  th<'  most  capai)le  servants  of  tiie  public.     As  most  of 
the  posts  they  fill  need  nothing  more  than  .such  ordinary  Im.si- 
ness  qualities  as  tlie  a\  ( lajie  American  possesses,  the  mischief 
has  not  come  hon.e  to  the  citizens  generally,  hut  it  has  sonu"- 
tinies  heen  serious  in  the  higher  jjrades,  .sudi  as  the  d<>part- 
ments  at  Washinjiton  and  sdti  e  of  the  greater  custom-hou.ses.' 
Moreover,  the  official  is  not  fn  .>  to  a1t(  nd  to  his  official  duties. 
More  important,  bei  .■aisc  more  influential  on  his  fortunes,  is  the 
duty  to  his  party  of  looking  after  it-  interests  at  the  election, 
and  his  duty  to  his  chiefs,  the  Ho>s  and  Hing,  of  seeing  that 
tlie  candidate  they  favour  jicts  the  party  nomination.      Such 
an  official,   wlioni   dcnoc  latic   theory   sicks   to   remind   of  his 
dependetice  on  the  jMiMic,  does  n(.t  feel  him.seif  hound  to  the 
puf)lic,  hut  to  tlx'  city  l!o>s  or  senator  or  congressnum  who  has 
procured    his    appointment.     Cratitude,   duty,  service,   are   all 
for  the  patron.     So  f;tr  from  making  tlie  official  zealous  in  the 
performance  of  his  functions,  insecurity  of  tenure  has  di.scour- 
agf!d   sedulous   ai)plic;ition    to    work,   since   it   is  not  by   such 
application    that  office  is  retained  and  promotion  won.     Tlie 
administration  of  some  among  the-  public  di'partments  in  Fed- 
eral and  city  government  in  more  fx'hind  that  of  j)rivate  enter- 
prises than  is  the  case  in  Kuropean  countries;    the  ingenuity 
and  executive  talent  whicli  the  nation  justly  boa.sts,  are  lea.st 
visible  in  national  or  mutiicipil  l)usiness.     iu  short,  the  civil 

sppointment.s   to  office.  .   .   .     With  a   judicionrt  sv!>t.-m   of   civil   wrvirp,   thp 
business  of  tlic  ilcjnirtnients  roiiM  l.r  lutt,  r  done  at  half  the  ruM." 

iSonK-tiuK«  th«>  t'vii  was  so  nmrli  f.lt  iliat  a  suU.rdiiiat.'  of  expt'ripiipe  was 
always  retmnwl  for  the  s;ike  of  teachiuK  thod.'  who  tiuiie  in  by  political  favour 
•Jow  to  carry  on  the  work. 


Itl 


TIIK   PAllTY  SYSTKM 


PAIIT    III 


11: 


■fe 


-r. 


service  is  not  in  Aniericii,  ant  I  cuimut,  uiuler  the  system  of 
rotation,  U'conie  a  career.  IMace-iumtinK  is  the  career,  and  an 
office  is  not  a  pui)lic  trust,  l)ut  a  means  of  reciuitinf;  party 
services,  and  also,  under  the  methiHl  of  jussessments  previously 
dcscribcHl,  a  source  whence  party  funds  may  be  raised  for  eh'c- 
tion  purposes. 

Some  of  these  evils  were  observed  as  far  back  as  ISiili,  when 
an  Act  was  passed  by  ConRress  recjuirinp;  clerks  a|)|X)inte<l  to 
the  departments  at  U'a.sliinKt')n  to  pjiss  a  (lualifyin^  (>xamina- 
tion.'  Neithei  this  nor  subseciueiit  leji;ishitive  «'fTorts  in  the 
...1  •  direction  produced  any  improvement,  for  the  men  in 
office  who  ought  to  have  given  eiT(>ct  to  the  hiw  were  hostile 
to  it.  Similar  causes  defeatcMl  tlie  system  of  competitive  ex- 
amination, inaugurated  by  an  Act  of  Congress  in  1871,  when 
the  present  agitation  for  civil  service  reform  had  begun  to  lay 
hold  of  the  pul)lic  mind.  Mr.  Hayes  (1H77-81)  was  the  first 
President  wlio  seems  to  have  honestly  desired  to  reform  the 
civil  service,  but  the  opjwsition  of  the  politicians,  and  the 
indifference  of  (\)ngress,  which  had  legislated  merely  in  defer- 
ence to  the  pressure  of  enlightened  opinion  outside,  proved  t(M) 
much  for  him.  A  real  step  in  advance  was,  however,  made  in 
1883,  by  the  passage  of  the  so-called  Pendleton  Act,  which 
instituted  a  board  of  civil  service  commissioners  (to  be  named 
by  the  President),  directing  them  to  apply  a  system  of  com- 
petitive examinations  to  a  consideral)le  number  of  offices  in  the 
departments  at  Washington,  and  a  smaller  number  in  other 
parts  of  the  country.  President  Arthur  named  a  good  com- 
mission, and  under  the  rules  framed  by  it  progress  was  made. 
The  action  of  succeeding  Presidents  has  l)een  matter  of  some 
controversy ;  but  w^iile  admitting  that  less  has  been  done  in 
the  way  of  reform  than  might  have  been  desired,  it  is  no  less 
true  tliat  nuK  h  more  has  l)een  done  tlian  it  would  have  been 
safe  to  expect  in  1883.  Both  Mr.  Cleveland  and  Mr.  Roose- 
velt largely  extended  the  .scope  of  the  Act.  In  the  so-called 
"classified  service,"  to  which  tlie  examination  system  is  applied, 
some  ren\ovals  for  political  reasons  have  from  time  to  time 
been  made,  l)ut  the  ponentagt'  of  >U(h  removals  is  far  smaller 
than  in  the  unclassified  service.     Honest  efforts  have  been  made 

'  To  have  m.idc  i)Iao<>8  tonnhic  duriiic  good  hi'haviour  would  have  been  open 
to  thi'  objection  that  it  niiuht  prevent  the  dismissal  of  iucompetent  men  against 
whom  uu  specific  churce  could  bo  proved. 


niAP.    L\V 


SPOILS 


ur 


iiy  iTf.-iil  I'lv-i.lnits  1,,  pivvci.l  (lir  iiitni>i.,ii  i.l'  polilir.  uiul  to 
cMloirc  tl..'  rule  fli.-it  rivil  s.-iViUits  in  1Im-  cl.-issifird  MTvic-  shall 
not  take  an  active  part  in  (ainpuiKiis. 

Tli(-  Act  of  IKSH  oii^riiialiy  applic.l  to  only   I  l,(MM)  posts.     It 
has  since  l.ecn  so  extende.l  tliat  now  ont  ol*  ;{(i7,7<M  .■niplciyees 
m  the  civil  xrvi.'c,  2;{I,1M()  are  sul.ject  to  comp.-titive  ( xmn'ina- 
.tK.n  under  civil  service  rules.     Of  tli..s..  ,,ot  sui.ject  to  exami- 
nation  !>M»:.  a:e  presidential  appointees.  72(IL>  of  whom  are  first 
second  an<l  third  cla>s  p<.stma>ler.s.  ;!7,7 1 L' are  fourth  class  |M)st- 
nia,steis,  and  lh.-  l.ulk  of  the  reii  aii.der  minor  emplovees,  larK(>lv 
luhourers.'      riie  salaries  of  thos..  covere,!  I.y  the  A<"t  amount  to 
v<-ry  much  more  than  hail  of  t  lie  total  sum  pai.l  in  salaries  |,v  the 
Kovernment.       Its  moral  enct.  however,  has  been  even  Kn-ater 
than  this  proportion  repi(>ents,  and  entitles  it  to  th(.  (lescrip- 
lion  friven  oi  it  at  the  tiire  as  "a  sad  Mow  to  the  i)essimists  " 
Puhhc  sent  iiiK  lit  is  m<;re  and  n.ore  favoural.h-,  and  thou>?li  the 
lower  .sort  oi  "  prof,  ssioiuds"  wen  incensed  at  so  frreat  an  inter- 
ference \Ml!,  tli.ir  methods,  and  (-(.nj-ress  now  and  then  (as  in 
ihv  cas..  of  the  (  Vnsus  l,il!  of  1<!()!))  ,hows   im,)erf..et  synipatliy 
with   the  i.ri.'MipIe,  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  leading  men*  in   liotli 
purtu's  .seem  now  disposed   to  .suj.port   it.     It    strengthens  the 
hands  of  any  J'nsid.nl  w)h.  may  desire  reform,  and  has  stimu- 
lated  the  civil  s.  rvK  <■  rel.,rm  leovement  in  States  and  munici- 
IKihties.     iJetucen  ]SKA  an.!  !(t|0  seven  States  (\,.w  York   Mas- 
sachusetts, W  isconsin,  lllinoi>,  Colora.Io,  \ew  .Jersey  and'ohio) 
ha<i   adopted  th.^  merit   system,  which  has  also   !„,.»    adopted 
I.y    n<-arly   one    hun<!red    cities.     Xevertheless.  th..re  remain  a 
finat   many  po.-ts,  ,. veil   in   the   1,1^1,,. ,•  \atio„al   Civil  Service 
within  tin-  Spoils  <-ateKory  which  in  liuropean  countries  would' 
Ih'  ixTinanent  non-i)ulitical  posts. 

Some  time  must  yet  pass  ix-fore  the  result  of  these  chances 
upon  the  purification  of  politics  can  I.e  fairlv  judKe<l.  It  is  for 
the  ,,r..sent  enough  to  say  that  while  the  state  of  thinRs  al.ove 
<icscrihe.|  was  generally  true  l.oth  of  IVderal  and  of  Stat.'  and 
my  admini>tration  from  ISIjO  till  IS,S;{,  there  is  m.w  rea.s„n  to 
liopc  that  the  piacti.-e  of  appointin^r  f„r  short  terms  an.l  of 
rchisine  to  ivanpoi.t,  or  of  di^ml..i„«  in  order  to  fill  va,-aneies 
It.  politi.-al  a.lhen.nts.  has  been  shaken.  \.,r  .-an  it  I.e  ,loul,te.l 
tliat  the  exteiiMon  of  examinations  will  ten.l  more  and  more  to 
exclude  men-  spoilsni.'ti  from  the  puLli.-  service. 

'  Kcjx.rt  of  Civil  S.rvicc  ( 'otiiriiission  for  1909. 


CHAPTER  LXVI 


Ml 


1st 


M -: 


ELECTIONS   AND  TllKIR   MACHINERT 

I  cANNcyr  attempt  to  (U'scrilM«  the  eoinplicated  and  varying 
election  laws  of  the  dilTerent  States.  But  the  metho<ls  of  eon- 
ducting  elections  have  so  lurRely  itilUietieed  the  development  of 
Machine  polities,  and  th<'  recent  elmnges  in  them  have  made 
so  much  stir  and  seem  likely  to  have  such  considerable  results, 
that  the  subject  must  not  ;):iss  uim<»ticed. 

All  expenses  of  iireparinp;  the  polling  places  and  of  paying 
the  clerks  and  otlier  election  oflicers  who  n'ceive  luid  (-ount 
the  votes  are  borne  by  the  community,  not  (as  in  Britain)  by 
the  candidates. 

All  elections,  whether  for  city,  State,  or  Federal  offices,  an^ 
in  all  States  conducted  l)y  ballot,  which,  however,  was  mtro- 
duccd,  and  was  long  regarded,  not  so  much  as  a  device  for  pre- 
venting bribery  or  intimidation,  but  ratlier  as  the  (luickest  and 
easiest  mode  of  taking  the  votes  of  a  multitude.  Secrecy  had  not 
been  specially  aimed  at,  nor  in  iioint  of  fact  generally  secure.l. 

An  election  is  a  far  more  (H)ini)licute<l  affair  in  America  than 
in  Europe.  The  number  of  elective  offices  is  greater,  antl  as 
terms  of  office  are  shorter,  the  numb(>r  of  offices  to  be  voted 
for  in  any  given  year  is  much  greut(>r.  To  save  the  expense 
of  numerous  distinct  pollings,  it  was  long  usual,  though  by  no 
means  universal,  to  take  tlie  pollings  for  a  variety  of  offices  at 
the  same  time,  that  is  to  say,  to  .>l<'ct  Finleral  officials  (presi- 
dential electors  and  congressmen).  State  offi<ials,  county  offi- 
cials, and  city  officials  on  one  and  tlie  same  day  and  at  the 
same  polling  booths.  Presidential  electors  are  chosen  only 
once  in  four  vears,  congressmen  onc(>  in  two.  But  the  number 
of  State  and'county  and  city  places  to  be  filled  is  so  large  that 
a  voter  seldom  goes  tu  the  polling  booth  without  having  to 
cast  his  vote  for  at  least  eight  or  ten  persons,  candidates  for 
different  offices,  and  sometimes  he  may  vote  for  thirty  or  more. 
This  gave  rise  to  the  system  of  slip  tickets.  A  slip  ticket 
is  a  list,  printed  on  a  long  strip  of  paper,  of  the  persons  stand- 

146 


^°*''-  ■-'^y    KLKCTIONS  AND  THKIU  MACHIXKriY  Hv 

ing  in  th..  same  intcn'st,  that  is  to  .say,  recoinr.icn.UHl  l,y  the 
Hume  party  or  iH.liticul  urouj)  for  the  iM)st.s  to  ho  filial  uo  at 
any  .-lec-tio,,.'     For  numy   yars,   the   univcrMil   practice   was 
for  each  sucli  votmu  ticket  to  hv  pria1c.l  and  i.ssu,.,!  |,v  a  nartv 
orKanization.  a.ul  to  hv  th.-n  .li.stril.ut.d  at  th.'  polling  i.ootl.s  l.v 
tho  party  agents  to  the  vot.-is  an.i  placed  hy  tlu'in  it.  tl.c  l,ox 
The  voter  usually   votc.l  the  ticket  as  he  reciv..!  it,  that  is 
to  .say   he  vote.l  ,o  hloc  for  all  the  nanus  it  contained.     It  was 
ind.-CHl  open  to  h.,n  to  nio,lify  it  l,y  .striking  ..ut  certain  nanies 
(   .scratchniR   )   and   writing  in  others,  or  hv  placiiiK  over  a 
name  a  hit  of  ,,ap(>r,  KUMune.l  at  the  hack  for  the  puriHJse 
(called  a     paster    ),  on  which  wis  printed  the  name  of  sonie 
other   candid.-ite.     Hut   the   always   potent    ten.lency   to   vote 
the  party  list  as  a  whole  was  naturally  .str.mRer  when  that 
whole  h.st  fo.uid  itseU  on  the  same  (.hre  of  ,,aper  in  the  voter's 
ha,jd.s  than  it  would  have-  hee.i  had  the  paper  contaimnl  in 
alphahetical  onler  the  names  of  all  the  can.iidates  whomsoever 
makms  it  neces.sary  to  pick  and  choose  anions  them      This' 
however,   was  the  least  of  the  evils  incident  to  the  .system! 
W  hen  (as  oft(>n  hapi)ened)  the  two  gnvit  ,)a-ties  had  had  names 
on  their  respective  State  or  city  tick(>ts,  the  ohvious  remedy 
was  the  formation  of  a  "Citiz.'us'-  or  '•  In.h-pen.lent"  orRani- 
zation  to  run  Letter  men.     The  hea\  y  ,.xp,.„s,>  of  ,,rinting  and 
distrihu  lUK  the  tickets  was  a  serious  oh.^tacle  to  ^h(.  niaking  of 
.such  independent  nominations,  uhilc  the  "regular"  ticket  di.s- 
trihuters  did  all  in  th..ir  power  to  impede  the  distrihution  of 
he.se     mdepend.-nt  tickets,"  and  Kcnerally  to  confuse  and  mis- 
lead the  independent  voter.     The  expenses  whi.-h  the  regular 
parties  ha.l  to  hear  wer(>  made  hy  their  leaders  a  pretext  for 
evyms    "election    assessments"    on    candidates,    aiul    therehy 
(see  ante,  p.  121)  <.f  virtually  selling  nominations.     And,  finally 
the  ahsence  of  secrecy,   for  the  voli-r  coul.l   he   followed   hy 
watchful  eyes  from  the  moment  when  he  received  the  party 
ticket  from  the  party  .listrihuter  till  h,-  dropped  it  into  the 
box,  opened  a  wide  door  to  i)rihery  and  intimidation.     A  crow- 
iriK  sense  of  these  mischiefs  roused  at  leuRth  the  zeal  of  re- 
formers.    In  188.-,  a  hill  for  the  intro.luction  of  a  reallv  --ret 
hallot  was  pres.-nted   to  the  l.-islature  of  Miehij^HU.'and  in 
iS8S  such  a  measure,  reseml.ling  i,,  its  outlines  the  hallot  laws 

to  bo  filled,  but  UMKilly  more  tluiu  a  ilo^.a.  ;,nd  oft.M  far  more. 


148 


THK   PAUTY  SYSTKM 


PART    ICT 


il 


I.M 


J- 


.w 


of  Vustriirni  Hiul  those  of  tlu>  rnit.^l  KiiiK-lom.  wiis  rim.t(.<l  m 
MassiK  luisctts.     The    unprcc(Ml.>iit.-.l    scale    oti    wlu.h    ir.niu  y 
WHS  illeKitimalcIv  iiscmI  in  tlu'  prcsi.i.iitiiil  •lertioii  ot   IHHS  fuu 
vokcl  Koncnil  uiarm.  aii.l  sticnKtlHiu.l  tlu-  liaiuls  ot   ..•turin,  rs 
so  much  that  secret,  or.  as  they  are  culled,  "Auslraliuu.    (.Ihcia 
ballot  laws  are  now  in  force  in  all  the  States  except  (  leorma  ..lul 
South  Carolina  ;  hut    a  Tennesse.>  ami  North  ( "..foli,:t  the  l.allot, 
law  is  not  state-wide,  /.-.  applies  to  certain  counties  only.     .Mi^- 
<ouri  and  New  .lersev  have  half-way  nu-asuns  en.bcKlynu;  cer- 
tain features  of  the  .\ustrnlian  system.'     It  may  cause  surprise 
that  the  Southern  States,  conununities  whi.-h  lived  m  alarm  at 
the  l'irv;e  ne«ro  vote,  did  not  so<.n.r  seize  so  simpl.'  a  metho<l  of 
virtuallv  excluding  the  hulk  of  that,  vote,   hut   the  rea.son  is 
tlouhtless  to  he  f.)und  in  the  fact  that  a  secret  ballot,  unac- 
coinpanie<l  bv  provisions  for  illit.'rate  voters,  w.nild  have  ex- 
cluded inunv  whites  also,     (leorj^ia  and  South  Carolma  may 
probablv   ere    lonf?    follow  tlu-ir  sisters   in   the   enactmeni  .1 
secret  ballot   laws,  an.l  the  strenj^th  of   the  movenwi.t   l^  wit- 
nessed  by  t lie  fact    that    in  eh-v.u   States   proviMons  on   lb..' 
subject  have  been  einbtxlied  in  the  constitutions. 

The  new  laws  of  these  forty-six  States  are  of  varying  merit. 
Nearlv  all  the  laws  |)rovid<'  for  the  official  printing  of  the  vot- 
ing piilMTs,   for  the  inclusion   of  the   names  of  all   candidates 
uiMMi  the'smne  paper,  so  that  the  voter  must  hims..lf  i)lace  his 
mark  a>?ainst  those  he  .lesires  to  >upport,  an.l  for  the  <le|M.sit- 
injr  of  the  paper  in  the  box  l)y  the  voter  in  such  manner  as  O 
protect  him  from  observation.     Thus  secrecy  lias  been  iu>arly 
overvwhere  s<-cured,  and  while  ind.'pendent  can<lidat(>s  have  a 
better  chance,  a  heavv  blow  has  been  struck  at  bribery  an.l  in- 
timi.lati.m.     The    practice   ..f    "p.'l'Hi"!,'"    th.>   balL.ts   at   the 
polling  pla.'c  bv  th.'  ajreuls  ..f  th.-  parties,  whi.h  ha.l  reachcl 
p(.itent..us  ,lim.-nsi.)ns  in  \.-w  York,  has  in  m..st  pla.-es  .lisap- 
peare.1,  while  the  extinction  .)f  th.-  h.>a.l  ..f  .  xixMises  incurr.M 
for  this  purposes  as  well  as  f..r  balL.t  printuifi.  has  .limimshe.1 
th.>  i)retext   f.)r  levvins  a.ss(>ssments.     Kle.-tions  are  far  more- 
orderly  than  thev  were,  because  more  s.-cret,  an.l  because  the 
atten.iant   crowd'  of   those   who   p<m1.I1.-   aii-l   hang   about  tlu- 
polls    disposed  to  turbulence  and  r<>ady  l.)r  mtimidati....,  has 
been'  much   reduce.1.     Aiul   it  is  an  in.-i<l<-ntal  ^ain  that   th.' 

'  VV.'st  VirKinia  p.Tiuit8  the  votir  to  ch.,..so   iKtwccu   tl.r   oim'Ii.  scuLmI,  or 
at'crct  ballot. 


CII 


Af.  i.vv.     KM;(  TIONS   AN;»   TIIKIU    MACIIIN'KliV 


149 


mnsi    ii!;rii>r,ilit    (•!;!>-   iil    Noli 


I-.   ^vlio  ill   till'   .Wirtli  ai 


n'«'«'nt  imiiiinr.uiN,  hivr  Imth  in  >,)iiic  Stales  dcpriv.Ml  (.1  il 
votes,  in  otiicrs  ^tiiiiiilattd  (a-  liappciicd  to  tl 


<•   ii^uallv 


icir 


If  more  inttllincnt 


lU'Krocs  III  part-  ol  the  S(»iitln  to  improve  tlicir  (Hliication,  ami 
fit  tlu'iiix'lvcs  to  \(,t(..  !;\.  II  wIhtc  provision  is  made  for  tin 
VotinK   of   illit.Tat.s,    a    r,  ilairi   .lismacc.    which    citizens   d 


t 


e-<ire 


0  escape,  at tacli,-s   to  hiiii    win.  i^   loiird   to  have  recourse  to 
this  provision.     Xo  ..nr  proposes  to  revert  to  the  ol«l  system 
nor  has  the  iiinemiitv  i.l  arlliil  iM.liticiaiis  succeeded,  to  aiiv  Kreat, 
extent,  in  eva.hiiji  the  sahitaiy  provi>ioiis  of  the  new  .statutes 

So  miieh  t..r  uhai    iiki.n    he  call.-d  the  machinery  of  voting. 

Ih.r.'  .lie.  hour,,  r,  -evei..i  other  <|iiesiions  that  may  he  asked 
re-anhnu  an  .irtioii  >yslem.  One  is,  whether  it  is  honestly 
••••"•'•'ed  (Hit  hy  the  olhci:Js  .>  To  this  (juestion  no  general 
Hi.Mver  can  h,.  mvcii.  hecau.se  then-  are  the  wi.lest  pos.sihie 
.hllereiifcs  helwcii  dilferent  Statr.>  ;  dilfcrences  <|iie  chiefly  to 
the  variation.,  in  their  election  laws,  hut  i.artiv  al.so  to"  the 
••ondition  of  the  piihlic  coiiMJeiic,..  In  some  States  the  ofliciui 
conduct  of  ejcclioii.  is  now  hrlievcl  to  he  ah.solut.'ly  pure 
owMiK.  one  is  loll.  f.  the  exc'lleiice  of  a  minutelv  careful  law' 
III  others.  \i:uu\s,  such  as  hajlot  .iuthw^  an.l  false  comuinR, 
are  .said  to  he  co/niiioii,  not  only  in  <-itv.  hut  also  in  State  and 
more  rarely  in  iMderal  ele.ii.M.s.  I  have  no  data  to  determino 
how  widely  frauds  prevail,  for  i  heir  existence  can  rarelv  he  proved 
an.l  th.'y  <.ften  escape  del,,  tjon.  They  are  .sometimes  suspected 
where  they  do  not  exist.  It  i.  ho.vever  clear  that  in  .some  States 
they  are  fre(|ueiit  eiiouuii  to  eonslitule  a  serious  reproach.' 

.\liother  (|Ue>tion   i^  :     Doc.  11.,-  eh'ction  machiaerv  prevent 

iiitimid.-ition.    hriheiy.    neixonation,    repeating,    and   "the   other 

frauds  which  the  aKcnts  of  can.lidates  or  parties  seek  to  perpe- 

'  Th..y  w.r..  s,„.,ially  fnviumt.  ,,m,1  mh-  not  vxtiuct.  ii.  some  ..f  tl.<-  .South.rn 

;,;',  r'  ''"\"'f    "■'"  ,""/'■  'i-''  l"""-<    r..,...„t  a.n.n.l,n..nfs  to  tl„.  Staf  .•on,ti- 

.t.o MS  In.,    .l..|,,.m-,l  tl,..   ,:..t   .uajnritx    of  tl„.  ,..  «ro,...  fr,,,,,  tl„.  s„lTr:.u.,.,      It 
«x,    ,..r,.  tlm     1...  „s,.  of  ••,i>su..  I.allots-  w..,.  ,„„.,   ,.,„„,„„„.      j   „,,,.  tol.l  i„ 

ui', . vT: , "  '•■'•  ',■'.•■';""■'^''^"'  '"'■"•■'-  ""■>•,■  p,<r,.  si,,,.,,  ti...  i.,tr...iu..tio,.  ..r 

'Ilo     l„,x  „.tl.  votir.i:  ,,;,,„.rs  l,.f„r..  tl...  voti,,^  l„.ur..,„  i„  tl...  „.omin«.     Mu-r 
!'"■„'■''■•■,","■'  "'    '.^"i-  '"•■"Iv   1-H.  ,.l,...ti Ui,.,  ,..  i„   .V„w  v,.H.  Citv.  ul.o,.,    .-' 

ai...iM.st  the  .■l,.,t.«n  laws,  a>.,|  .  ..,,.-,aally  for  i„  n„itti,.j-  "  n.,>,.at,Ts "  to  vot.- 
o.  a.-..,,,n,.a..v.,.«  vot.Ts  i„to  il,,.  >  ,1,  „„  .,  fals,.  pr..,..,,,,.  of  th,.ir  l.!i,.,!„..s^ 
r  |.h>>,...|  „„.a„:,,.,ty.  an,!  for  ,■1,,..  „^  i„  ||„.  ,o,u.ti„^  „f  tl„.  vot.  s,  Manv 
V.  ...  ,.„,v„.t,.,i  H,.,,,.,,,,,;;  iK.s  1„  „  i,r..f„...|v  i.ra.tis,.,!  i„  \,.w  York  un.l  (it 
^M.,  )  lari:,.|y  |,v  ,,rof,.s...o,.al  ,.ri,..ii.als.  in  -o„i,.  si.l.s  .,„„.„t  ..|,.<-fi„ns.      How- 

1  11,..  ,,lli,  lal  ii,ana«..iii..|.t  of  ..l,.,.li,,i,s  ha.  tli.r,.  ami  ,.ls,nvl„.r  .  iniprov,.,] 


-•V.  r 


150 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


1 1    ■,.■ 


trate?  Here,  too,  there  are  great  differencos  between  one 
State  ami  city  and  anotiier,  (iiCferences  due;  botii  to  tlie  iaws 
and  to  tile  ciiaructer  of  tiie  population.  Of  intimidation  tliere 
is  now  l)ut  little,  save  in  a  few  cities,  where  roughs,  or  occa- 
sionally even  the  police,  are  said  to  molest  a  voter  suppo&etl  to 
belong  to  the  other  party,  or  to  l)e  itu-lined  to  desert  their  own 
party.  But  till  the  enactment  of  the  secret  ballot  laws,  it 
sometimes  hapi)enwl  that  employers  ejideavourcnl  to  senil 
their  workingmen  to  the  po]k  in  a  body  in  order  to  secure 
their  votes;  and  the  dislike  to  this  was  one  of  the  motives 
which  won  popular  favour  for  these  laws.  Repeating  and  per- 
sonation are  not  rare  in  dense  populations,  where  the  agents 
and  officials  do  not,  and  cannot,  know  the  voters'  faces ;  and 
these  frauds  are  sometimes  organizcnl  on  a  grand  scale  by 
bringing  bands  of  roughs  from  one  city  to  another. 

Bribery  is  a  sporadic  disease,  but  often  intense  when  it  occurs. 
Most  parts  of  the  Union  are  pure,  as  pure  jus  Scotland,  where  since 
1868  there  has  been  only  one  election  petition  for  alleged  bribery. 
Other  parts  are  no  better  than  the  small  l)oroughs  -  (  S.'.ithern 
England  were  before  the  Corrupt  Practices  Act  of  loci.'  No 
place,  however,  not  even  the  ixxirest  ward  in  New  York  City, 
sinks  below  the  level  of  such  constituencies  as  Yannouth  or  Sand- 
wich used  to  be  in  England.  Bribery  is  s(>ldom  practisfnl  in  Amer- 
ica in  the  same  way  as  it  used  to  be  at  Home,  by  distributing 
small  sums  among  a  large  muss  of  poor  (>lectors,  or  even,  as  in 
many  English  boroughs,  among  a  section  of  voter-;  (not  always  the 
poorest)  knowTi  to  be  venal,  and  accustomed  to  reserve  tlieir  votes 
till  shortly  before  the  close  of  the  poU.  Tlie  .Vmerican  practice 
has  been  to  give  sums  of  from  .S20  to  Sot)  to  :ui  active  It  »cal  "worker," 
who  undertakes  to  bring  up  a  certain  number  of  voters,  perhai)s 
twenty  or  thirty,  whom  he  "owns  "  or  can  get  at.  He  is  not 
required  to  account  for  the  money,  and  spends  a  comparatively 
small  part  of  it  in  direct  bribes,  though  something  in  drhiks  to 
the  lower  sort  of   i-lector.     This  kintl  of  expenditure   belongs 

'Tbo  British  rciutuI  lUitioii  of  ISSO  kuvc  rise  to  tio  less  thiin  !).">  ix-titioiis 
impuKiiinK  rt'turii.s  on  tin-  Knuiiul  of  sonii'  form  of  (•omiption.  and  nmny  were 
sustained.  After  the  cli-ction  of  IssCi  ttnTc  wis  not  a  single  prtition.  AftiT 
that  of  1«H2  thrrc  were  ton  petitions  siiii'ninK  eornipt  prai-Ui-es,  and  in  iUnv  of 
these  the  election  was  <Ieel!iri'd  void  on  the  ground  of  sneh  prnetiees.  More 
recent  elections  have  broujrht  very  few  ])etitions,  and  the  luironKhs  in  which 
brilx-ry  still  exists  are  prol)al)ly  less  than  a  dozen.  This  itiiprovenient  nuist, 
however,  Ix-  partly  aserilied  to  thi>  Heilistrilmtion  Act  of  Iss',,  which  extin- 
guished the  small  IxjruuKhs. 


CHAP.  Lxvi    ELECTIONS  AND  THEIR  MAPHINERY 


151 


to  the  category  rather  of  paid  canvassing  tlian  of  bribery   yet 
sometimes  the  true  European  species  occurs.     In  a  New  H^n- 
shire  ruraJ  town  not  long  ago,  $10  were  paid  to  each  of  two 
hundred  doubtful  voters.     In  some  districts  of  New  York  the 
frient  s  of  a  candidate  will  undertake,  in  ca.se  he  is  returne<l   to 
pay  the  rent  of  the  poorest  voters  who  occupy  tenement  houses 
and  the  candidate  subsequently  makes  up  the  amount '    The 
expenses  of  congressional  and  presidential  elections  are  often 
heavy,  and  though  the  larger   part,   goes  in   organization   and 
demonstrations,  meetings,  torchlight  processions,  and  so  forth 
a  part  is  hkel\-  to  go  in  some  illicit  way.     A  member  of  Con- 
gress for  a  p(K)r  district  in  a  great  city  tokl  me  that  his  ex- 
penses ran  from  .$8000  up  to  .^10.000,  which  is  just  about  what  a 
parliamentary  contest  us,m1  to  cost  in  an  English  lx)rough  con- 
stituency of  (K,ual  area.     In  America  the  number  of  voters  in  a 
congressional  distri:>t  is  more  than  five  times  a.s  great  as  in  an 
average  English  conMituency,  but  the  official  expenses  of  polling 
b<    *hs  am!  clerks  are  not  borne  by  the  candidate.     In  a  corrupt 
di.   .  ct  along  the  Hudson  Kiver  above  New  York  I  have  heard  of 
a.sMmich  as  §50  (MM)  being  spent  at  a  single  congressional  election 

T^J'iuwI'"'  ."""'•■  •^''^'■"■*'  °^  ^'"'  ^-^^^  t'"^  '•'^f'^"^*''^  <"<l  not  exl 
ce,Hl  ^200().  In  a  presidential  (>l(>ction  great  sums  are  spent  in 
doubtful,  or,  a.s  they  are  called,  "  pivotal,"  States.  Indiana  was 
drenched  with  money  "  in  1880,  much  of  it  contributinl  by  great 
corporations,  and  a  large  part  doubtless  went  in  bribery  What 
part  ever  dot>s  go  it  is  the  hanler  to  detennine,  because  elections 
are  rarely  unpeaclu'd  on  this  ground,  lK>th  parties  tacitly  agreeing 
that  bygones  shall  be  bygones.  The  election  of  1SS8  was  one 
o  the  worst  on  record,  so  large  wa.s  the  (>xp(«nditure  in  doubtful 
Mates.  In  that  year  well-infonne«l  Americans  came  to  perceive 
that  bnbery  at  elections  was  a  growing  evil  in  their  country, 
though  even  now  tli(>y  think  i1  less  noxious  than  either  Bossism  or 
election  frauds. 

This  alarm  has  favounnl  the  movement  for  the  enactment 
ot  laws  against  corrupt  j)ractices.     Alon^  than  half  the  States 

2-tJZ      1    f^""  ."V":  """'"-  •x-'hH.   waiti,.«  to   tH.   .K.uKht.  'hut   were 
'1  «.i|.|«Mnt.-.i,  fl„.  purtu.s  Imvina  ,,ur,..,!  n„t  in  h.,v  «!,<■„,.      Thi-tv  U  :;  gnod  deal 

..i.'.r'il'tv  ."'■';  "!  "/.'"'  i^.^"-:. '"f"^-  th.'  v„t..rs.  Imln-ry  dirniniBhos.     I„  the 
I'T  thp  Lutxnir  rut.didatc,  ui.d  woul.l  .i<,t  \h-  l,„u«ht  «™igni 


r 


ir.2 


THK  PARTY  8YSTKM 


PAIIT    II. 


have  now  posscnl  such  statutes.  Now  York  miuin-s  every  viui- 
(lidate  aiul  the  treasurer  of  every  iM)litical  coiiuiihtee  to  tilv  an 
itemized  statement  of  receipts  and  ex|)enditure.  Every  i)ayinent 
excoedinR  So  must  he  accountwl  for  in  detail ;  and  expenditures 
are  restricted  to  certain  purposc^s.  Th(>  provisions  vary  from 
State  to  State ;  on  the  wlioh;  they  seem  to  he  working  for  Rood 
The  practice,  so  seneral  in  America,  of  comUictinR  elections  hy  a 
party  committee,  which  makes  its  payments  on  behalf  of  all  the 
candidates  running  in  the  same  intenvsts,  renders  it  m(>n»  difficult 
than  it  is  in  Britain  to  fix  a  definite  limit  to  the  exiiendituro, 
either  hy  a  candidate  himself  or  upon  the  ( wiiduct  of  the  election. 
However,  some  of  the  n(>w  laws  attempt  ttiis,  fixinp;  a  low  scal(>  for 
"  ciunpaign  expenditunvs,"  and  imposing  s(>vere  penalties  on  the 
receiver  as  well  ay  givt^r  of  any  bribe,  wh(>ther  to  vote  or  to  ro 
frain  from  voting  a  form  in  which  briliery  seems  to  be  pretty 
frequent.  OtluT  but  much  lighter  i>enalties  are  imposnl  on  thc^ 
practic(>  of  treating.  It  simmus  proliable  that  the  I'low  struck  at 
electoral  corruption  i»y  tiie  secret  ballot  laws  will  Im-  followed  up 
by  a  general  limitation  of  ex!)!'uditures.  Another  iiniH)rtant 
advance  has  been  made  by  a  fe  leral  law  which  recjuires  the 
publication  of  thestims  receivml  I)y  party  Co.iimittecs  in  Fcnleral 
elections,  and  by  another  whicli  seeks  to  end  the  pernicious 
habit  into  which  large  cor,K)rations  had  fallen  of  making  con- 
tributions, usually  kept  secret,  to  party  ctunpaign  expenditure. 

On  the  whole  the  shadows  hav(«  not  darkened  ;  the  presidential 
election  of  H)12  cost  relatively  less  than  i)receding  cont(>sts  l..id 
done  for  many  y«*ars.  The  Republican  National  Conunittee 
returned  its  total  receipts  at  .SIM)4,S2S,  wliil(>  those  of  tlie  Demo- 
cratic National  Committee  were  Sl.l  ■)<.>,4U).  and  \Uu-<r  of  the 
Progressive  N;itioiial  ( 'ommitt'c  .*<t')7»),(»72.  Tlnse  fiv,ures,  how- 
ever, tlo  not  include  tlic  sums  nccivrd  ;md  cxpciided  l)y  Miitc 
conunittees,  i)art  of  which  went  to  the  conduct  of  the  Nation:il 
campaign. 

It  is  always  difficult  to  estimate  the  exact  val-.ie  of  laws 
which  propose  to  etTect  by  nu  chanical  methods  itforni>  which 
in  themselves  are  largely  moral.  This  much,  however,  may  be 
said,  that  while  in  all  countries  ti.en-  is  a  proi)ortion  ( varying  from 
age  to  ;igr-  and  cuutitry  to  cuiintry!  rrf  goiHl  i:!-;!!  wh<>  v,ii!  act 
honourably  whatever  tlie  law.  and  similarly  a  projiortion  of  ba<l 
men  who  will  try  to  break  or  evade  the  best  laws,  there  is  also  a 
coiisi<leiable  number  of  men  standing  between  the-e  two  classes, 
wluisi'  tentltMuy  to  evil  i^  not  (oo.-troug  to  l)r  rrpressul  by  law, 


CHAP,  hxvi      ELKC^TIONS  AND  THEIIi  MArillNERY 


153 


and  in  whom  u  moral  st-nsf  is  sutRciontly  present  to  be  capable 
of  stimulation  and  (Mlucation  by  a  jjtMxl  la.v.  Although  it  is  true 
that  you  cannot  make  men  moral  by  a  statute,  you  can  arm  good 
citizens  with  weapons  which  imjjrove  their  chances  in  the  unceas- 
ing conflict  with  the  various  forms  in  which  political  dishonesty 
appears.  The  value  of  weapons,  liowever,  depends  upon  the  energy 
of  thos('  who  use  them.  These  improved  Ballot  acts  and  Corrupt 
Practices  acts  netnl  to  be  vigorously  enforced,  for  the  disposition, 
of  which  there  have  been  some  signs,  to  waivt;  the  penalties  they 
impose,  and  to  treat  election  frauds  and  other  similar  offences  as 
trivial  matt(>rs,  would  go  far  to  nullify  the  effect  to  be  expected 
from  the  statutes. 

Strong  arguments  have  been  adduced  in  favour  of  another 
refonn  in  election  laws,  viz.,  the  trial  of  contested  elections,  not, 
as  now,  by  tlie  legislative  body  to  which  thv  candidate  claims 
to  have  been  chosen,  but  by  a  court  of  law.  The  detenninations 
of  a  legislature  are  aim*  st  invariably  colounnl  by  party  feeling, 
and  are  usually  decidinl  by  a  j)arty  majority  in  favour  of  the  con- 
testant whose  admission  would  increas(>  their  strength.  Hence 
they  obtain  little  respect,  while  corrui)t  or  illegal  practices  do  not 
receive  their  due  condemnation  in  tiie  avoidance  of  the;  election 
they  have  tainted.  Against  these  con.xiderations  there  must  be 
set  the  danger  that  ihv  judges  wlio  try  such  cases  may  sometimes 
show,  o"-  be  thought  to  show,  political  partisanship,  and  that  the 
crtnlit  of  the  bench  may  tlius  suffer.  The  .>xjH>rience  of  England, 
where  disputed  parliaTueutary  elections  have  since  18()7  been  trie<l 
by  judges  of  the  superior  courts,  and  municipal  ehrtions  since  188,^ 
by  county  court  judges,  does  not  wholly  dispose  of  this  api)reheii- 
sion ;  for  it  happcMis  every  now  and  then  that  judges  are  accusal 
of  partiality,  or  at  least  of  an  unconscious  bias.  Still,  British 
opinion  prefers  the  preseni  system  to  the  old  one  under  which 
("onunittees  of  tlie  House  of  Commons  tried  el(>(tion  pt'titions. 
In  the  United  States  the  validity  of  the  <l(-(ti.)n  of  an  executive 
officer  .sometimes  coi!te<:  before  tlic  courts,  and  the  courts,  as 
a  rule,  decide  such  cases  with  t'liiriiess.  The  l)alance  of  rea.son 
and  authority  seems  to  lie  with  tlose  who.  like  ex-S|)eaker  Heetl, 
iiave  advocate<l  tlie  change.  It  was  jn'oposed  as  a  con.stitutional 
amendment  !)y  the  legislature  of  Nt  v,  York  to  t!if>  voters  in  1892, 
but  rejectcHJ.     Latterly  it  seems  to  hnve  droppe<l  out  of  sight. 

Xot.sati.sfie<l.  however,  with  the  piirili(  atioii  of  elect ioi\  methiKls, 
s()i>'e  few  reformers  <i<>  further,  ;md  li;ne  pniposetl  to  render  the 
i)allot  box  a  more  com|)lete  representation  of  tlu-  will  of  the  pi-oplc 


154 


THE  PARTY  8YSTBM 


PART  III 


by  making  voting  compulsory.  Tlu?  i(l(>a  is  not  quite  new;  in 
BoraeGreek  states  citizens  were  compelle<l  tt)atten(i  tlie  Assembly  ; 
similar  provisions  wert;  to  be  found  in  parts  of  the  Unitetl  States 
in  last  eentury,  while  in  modern  Switzerland  several  cantoiKs  line 
electors  who  fail  to  vote  at  elections  or  when  lawi  are  i^roposed 
under  a  referendum.  Tlie  Swiss  evidence  as  to  tlu^  merits  of  the 
plan  is  not  uniform.  In  St.  (lallen,  for  in.stanc»;,  wlieie  it  was  intro- 
duced so  far  b  x-k  as  1835,  it  seems  to  have  worked  well,  while 
in  Solothurn  it  proved  ineffective,  and  was  ultimately  alwlishtKl. 
On  the  whole,  however,  tlie  effect  woukl  seem  to  have  been  to  bring 
out  a  comparatively  heavy  vote,  sometimes  reaching  83  and  even 
84  [H'r  cent  of  the  rc^istcre  i  electors,  though  it  deserves  to  be 
noticed  that  the  cantons  in  which  the  plan  exists  are,  .speaking 
generally,  those  in  which  political  life  is  anyhow  mo.>!t  active.^ 
In  the  United  States,  l^owevcr.  abstention  from  voting  does 
not  a{)pear  t-.  l)e  a  very  .serious,  and  certainly  is  not  a  growing, 
evil.  City  ami  State;  elections  sometimes  fail  to  draw  even  three- 
fourths  of  the  voters  to  the  pt)lls  ;  l)Ut  in  the  presidential  election 
of  1880,  a  year  coinciding  witli  that  of  the  national  census,  and 
therefore  suitabk'  lor  investigation,  84  per  cent  of  the  qualified 
voters  in  the  whole  United  States  actually  tendere<l  their  votes, 
while  of  tlie  remaining  10  per  cent  fully  tliree-fourths  can  be  ac- 
counteil  for  by  illness,  old  agt;,  necessary  causes  of  absence,  and,  in 
the  case  of  the  Southern  negroes,  intimidation,  leaving  not  more 
than  4  per  cent  out  of  the  total  number  of  voters  who  may  seem  to 
have  stayed  awa>  from  pure  indifference."  This  was  a  good  result 
as  compared  with  ( lermany,  or  with  the  Unitcnl  Kingilom,  where 
77  per  cent  is  considered  a  pretty  high  proix)rtion  to  secure, 
though  at  some  recent  British  eU'ctions  the  figure  has  gone  al)Ove 
80  per  cent.  In  the  i)n  sid(>ntial  eUn'tion  of  1S92  tiie  total  number 
of  votes  ea.st  .sIiowchI  only  about  half  the  increa-sc  on  1888  which 
the  estimatec  growth  of  population  tiught  to  hav(>  given.  This 
abstention,  however,  may  have  been  largely  due  not  to  indiffer- 
ence, but  to  an  unwillingness  in  one  jjiirty  to  sup{)ort  tlu>  party 
candidate.  In  the  election  of  19(M)  the  i>ercentages  varied  much 
in  different  States,  but  do  not  seem  to  ha\'e  reaclunl  on  an  aver- 
age, 80  per  cent.     In  1912  the  total  popular  vote  was  about  a 

'  {  (luotc  from  ii  papiT  iiy  M.  Simon  I)i'|>toiK<^  in  lUr  liciKiitn  Heoue  (JiniruU- 
for  March.  IS!t;j. 

Tho  plan  is  now  \>viue  trird  in  Kcluiuni. 

'-'  Thf  -ul'jict  is  <x;imin<(l  witli  <;iri'  ;inil  iiriitrnrss  t).v  Professor  A.  B.  Hart 
in  hi;-  I'mrliriil  ICstmi/s  mi  Amtrii:nii  fjov<jriiiii(.i(t. 


CHAP,  ixvi      KLKCTFONS  AND  TIIKIR  MACHIXKRY 


155 


million  and  ;i  I.;. If  mon-  tlian  in  l«»()().     Tl 


w  nirrcMscd  |)n)p<»rti()n 
to  tlu'  popclntiiiii  of  aliens  and  disfranchised  negroes  makes  it 
difficult  to  form  an  estimate. 

Th(>  |)laii  of  compelling  men  to  vote  on  pain  of  being  fined  or 
mcuriinK  .soiiic  disability  is  not  likely  to  l)e  adopted,  and  one  of 
tlu'  urnumeut-  aj-aiu^t  it  is  indicated  by  the  cause  suKgestetl  for 
the  alKstentioa^  ..f  l.'S<)2.  It  is  not  desirable  to  deprive  (lectors 
displea.sed  by  liic  nomination  of  a  candidate  of  the  power  of  pro- 
testing again>1  him  by  declining  to  vote  at  all.  At  present,  when 
had  nominations  are  made,  indef)endent  voters  can  express  their 
(lisapproval  by  icfusiug  t(j  vote  for  these  candidates.  Were  vot- 
ing compulsory,  they  would  probably,  .so  strong  is  party  .spirit, 
vote  for  those  l)ad  men  rather  th.ni  for  their  opjjonent.s,  not  to 
a<ld  that  the  opponents  might  i)e  i^wally  objectionable.  Thu.s 
the  power  of  party  leaders  and  of  the  Machine  gineruUy  might  be 
increased.  I  doubt,  however,  whether  such  a  law  as  .suggested 
could,  if  enacted,  be  cifectively  enforced  ;  and  it  is  not  well  to  add 
another  to  the  H.st  of  half-e.\ecuted  .statutes. 

The  abuse  of  the  right  of  appointing  election  officers  can 
hardly  be  calltnl  a  corrupt  practice;  yt  t  it  has  in  .some  places, 
and  notably  in  New  York  City,  cause(i  serious  mischiefs.  There 
election.-;  were  for  a  time  under  the  contnd  of  the  Police  Hoard, 
but  this  plan  gave  rise  to  great  al>uses.  and  now  elections  have 
by  statute  been  placed  in  charge  of  a  Special  Hoard  of  four  Com- 
missioners, two  of  whom  must  l)e  Hepul-licans.  two  Democrats, 
there  being  also  in  each  district  four  election  inspectors,  again 
two  Republicans  and  two  1  )cinocrats.  with  a  ballot  clerk  from  each 
party.'  The  selection  of  sliojjs  or  other  buildings  as  jjolling  places 
is  made  l>v  the  Hoard  on  the  reconniiendation  of  the  parties,  each 
being  allowed  a  half  share. 

The  particular  form  of  evil  here  doi  ribed.  n(»w  checked  in 
some  States,  still  flourishes  like  a  green  liay  tvvv  in  others.  Hut 
on  the  whole,  as  will  have  been  gather^  |  fmm  this  chapter,  the 
record  of  recent  progress  is  eiicoiiraginji:,  and  not  lea.sf  encourag- 
ing in  this,  that  the  less  honest  politicians  themselves  have  l)een 
forced  to  accept  and  pass  measures  of  reform  which  public 
opinion,  jmviously  a[>at!:<-tit'  or  ifiw^^ratit,  had  b(i>n  arou.se(i  by 
ai  few  energetic  voices  to  demand. 


'This  Mt.atulory  ni'otMiiti.ni  of  \y.\ri\  :is  .1  i|iiiilifi''iifiim  fur  otficf  is  not  un- 
iiHijiil  ill  .\iiii-rii'it,  ImviiiL'  U'cii  fuuinl  ih'.t-  .ir\  ti,  .•n-iiti'  an  approach  to  ciiuahty 
of  liistrihution  iM'tw.cii  tlic  |..iiti.'^  m'  t!i"  p.i-ts  of  ilnfion  oificcrH,  for  the  fair- 
uiss  of  whos*!  action  it  wa>  issrntial  that  there  should  Ix-  some  sort  of  Kua.'autee, 


CHAPTER  LXVII 


CORRUITION 


No  iinprossiou  roRanl'mp;  AiiH'rifan  politics  is  moro  Renorally 
(lifTiiscd  in  Kuroix'  tliiiu  that  coiituiiicd  in  the  <iiu'stion  wiiioh 
the  traveller  who  has  returned  from  the  I'liitj'd  States  heeoines 
so  weary  of  heing  asked,  "Isn't  everylxnly  eorrupt  there?"  It 
is  an  impression  for  whieh  the  Atnerieans  themselves,  \vith  tlieir 
airy  way  of  talking  about  their  own  country,  their  fondness  for 
broad  effects,  their  enjoyment  of  a  good  story  and  humorous 
pleasure  in  exsiggerations  generally,  are  largely  resixinsible. 
European  visitors  wlio,  generally  belonging  to  the  wealthier 
classes,  are  generally  reactionary  in  politics,  and  glad  to  find 
occasion  for  disparaging  jHjpular  government,  eagerly  catch  up 
and  repeat  the  stories  they  are  told  in  New  York  or  San  Fran- 
cisco. Europ(>an  readers  take  literally  tl»(>  highly  colouretl 
pictures  of  tome  American  novels  and  assume  that  the  descrij)- 
tions  there  given  of  certain  men  and  groups  "inside  politics" 
—  descriptions  legitimate  enough  in  a  novel  —  hold  true  of  all 
men  and  groups  following  that  unsavoury  trade.  Europeans, 
moreover,  and  Englishmen  certainly  not  less  than  other  Euro- 
peans, have  a  useful  knack  of  forgetting  their  own  shortcomings 
when  contemplating  those  of  their  neighbours  ;  so  you  may  hear 
men  wax  eloquent  over  the  depravity  of  transatlantic  iwiliticians 
who  will  sail  very  near  tiie  wind  in  giving  deceptive  ph'dges  1(! 
their  own  constituents,  who  will  support  flagrant  jol)s  done  on 
behalf  of  tlicir  own  party,  who  will  accept  favours  from,  and 
dine  with,  and  nreive  at  their  own  houses,  financial  speculators 
and  members  of  the  legislature  wh()S(>  aims  are  just  as  I»ase,  and 
whose  standard  is  just  as  low  as  Ihose  of  the  worst  congressman 
that  ever  came  to  pusli  his  fortune  in  W  ashingtfm. 

I  am  sensible  of  the  extreme  difficulty  of  estimating  the 
amount  of  corruption  that  prevails  in  the  FnitcHl  States.  If  a 
native  .\merican  does  not  know  —  as  few  do  —  how  deep  it  goes 
nor  how  widely  it  is  spread,  much  less  can  a  stranger.     I  have, 


CHAP.    LXVII 


rORIlUPTlON' 


157 


however,  suhmitte<l  the  inipressioiLs  I  formed  to  th(>  judRinent 
of  some  fair-minded  an.l  exf)erienced  Aincrican  friends,  and  am 
ussuhhI  by  them  that  these  impressions  are  suhstantiallv  eorreet ; 
that  is  to  say,  that  th<-y  K've  a  view  of  the  faets  sueh  as  they 
have  themselves  formed  from  an  observation  ineomparahly 
wider  tlian  that  of  a  European  trav.-lier  could  l»e. 

The  word  "eorruption"  needs  to  Im-  aiialvzed.'     It  is  used  to 
cover  several  .litferent  kinds  of  political  unsoundness. 

One  sense,  the  most  ohvious,  is  the  taking  or  givinK  of  numey 
hrilM's.  Another  sense  is  the  taking  or  givins  of  bribes  in  kind, 
e.g.  the  allotment  of  a  certain  (|uantity  of  .stock  or  shares  in  a 
company,  or  of  an  interest  in  a  profitable  contract,  or  of  a  land 
Rnint.  The  oHenee  is  essenlially  the  sanje  as  where  a  money 
bribe  pa.sses,  but  to  most  |)eo|)|e  it  does  not  seem  the  same, 
partly  becaus(.  tlu-  taking  of  money  is  a  more  unmistakable 
sellmg  of  one's  self,  partly  because  it  is  usually  uncertain  how 
the  bribe  given  in  kind  will  turn  out,  and  a  man  excuses  him- 
self by  thinking  that  its  value  will  depend  on  how  he  develops 
the  interest  he  has  obtained.  .\  third  sense  of  the  word  in- 
cludes tlu>  doing  (,f  a  job,  cij.  promising  a  contractor  that  he 
shall  have  the  clothing  of  the  police  or  the  chaining  of  the 
city  thoroughfar(>s  in  return  for  iiis  political  support;  giving 
official  advertisements  to  a  particular  newspaper  which  puffs 
you;  promising  a  railroa<l  jjresideiit.  whose  subscription  to 
party  funds  is  hopeil  for.  to  secure  the  defeat  of  a  bill  seeking 
to  regulate  the  freight  charges  of  his  ro;i<l  or  threatening  its 
land  grants.  Thes(>  cases  shade  off  into  those  of  the  la.st  pre- 
ceding group,  but  they  s<-em  less  black,  because  the  act  done  is 
one  which  would  |)rol.ably  be  done  anyhow  by  soine  one  <'lse 
from  no  bett<-r  nioti\e,  and  because  the  turjiitude  consists  not 
in  getting  a  private  gain,  but  in  misusing  a  public  position  to 
secure  a  man's  own  politic.il  .idv.iiicc  nienl.  Hence  the  virtue 
tliat  will  resist  a  bribe  will  often  succumb  to  these  tempta- 
tions. 

There  is  also  the  sense  in  which  llie  liestowal  of  places  of 
power  and  profit  from  personal  motives  is  said  to  be  a  corrtipt 
exercise  of  patronage.     Opinion  lias  in  all  counlries  been  lenient 

;  Thf  trrtii  "uniff  li:i-;  within  tlir  pn -.rut  ..utiiry  .stit.lisli.Ml  itsrif  .-is  Ihiit 
uliirh  trrliiii.Mlly  .|.'s.ril..s  the  <'..rru|)t  tMkiiii!  .,f  moii.'V  l.v  pul.lir  ..m.ial». 
■Hid  Its  frr.|iioht  us.'  U-M\{\>>  nut  t.>  :.  s|.iv.i,l  .,f  th.-  niMl:i(l.v,  i)ut  nitli.T  t.)  tin- 
i!r..\Mii!i  «riisitiv.u.b.s  of  tlic  public  n,ii.vi.  ii< c  and  tli.'  \nun-  caniot  .-ITort.s  tn 
.il)atf  tilt;  evil. 


158 


TIIK  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


to  such  action  when  the  place  is  given  as  a  reward  of  party 
services,  but  the  Hne  between  a  party  and  a  personal  service 
cannot  be  easily  drawn. 

Then,  lastly,  one  sometimes  hears  the  term  stretched  to  cover 
insincerity  in  professions  of  jwlitical  faith.  To  give  pledges 
and  advocate  measures  which  one  inwardly  dislikes  and  deems 
oppo.sed  to  the  public  interest  is  a  form  of  misconduct  which 
seems  far  less  gross  than  to  sell  one's  vote  or  influence,  but  it 
may  be,  in  a  given  instance,  no  less  injurious  to  tiie  State. 

Although  these  two  latter  sets  of  cases  do  not  fall  within  the 
proper  meaning  and  common  use  of  the  word  "corruption,"  it 
seems  worth  while  to  mention  them,  because  derelictions  of 
duty  which  a  man  thinks  trivial  in  the  form  Avith  which  cus- 
tom has  mafle  him  familiar  in  his  own  country,  where  perhaps 
they  are  matter  for  merriment,  shock  him  when  they  appear 
in  a  different  form  in  another  country.  They  get  mixed  up  in 
his  minfl  with  venality,  and  are  cited  to  prove  that  the  country 
is  corrupt  and  its  politicians  profligate.  A  European  who  does 
not  blame  a  minister  for  making  a  man  governor  of  a  colony 
because  he  has  done  some  back-stairs  parliamentary  work,  will 
be  shocked  at  seeing  in  New  York  some  one  put  into  the  cus- 
tom-house in  order  that  he  may  organize  primaries  in  the 
district  of  the  congressman  who  has  got  him  the  place.  Eng- 
lish members  of  Parliament  condenm  the  senator  who  moves 
a  resolution  intended  to  " placate;''  the  Irish  vote,  wliile  they 
forget  their  own  professions  of  anient  interest  in  schemes 
which  they  think  economically  unsound  but  likely  to  roust*  the 
flagging  interest  of  the  agricultural  lijbourer.  Distinguishing 
these  senses  in  which  the  word  "corruption"  is  use<l,  let  us 
attempt  to  inquire  how  far  it  is  chargeable  on  the  men  who 
compose  each  of  the  branches  of  the  American  Federal  and 
State  government. 

No  President  htus  ever  \m'n  seriously  charged  with  pecuniary 
corruption.  The  Presitleuts  luive  l)('en  men  very  different  in 
their  moral  standard,  and  sometinuvs  neither  scrupulous  nor 
patriotic,  but  money  or  money's  worth  they  have  never  touched 
for  -iemselves,  great  as  the  temptations  must  have  been  to 
pei'MiUS  with  .>mull  means  and  heavy  cxpt'iiscs.  They  have 
doubtless  often  made  bad  api)ointments  from  party  motives, 
have  sought  to  strengthi^n  themselves  l)y  the  use  of  their  pat- 
ronage, have  talked  insincerely  and  tolerated  jobs;    but  all 


cbap.  lxvii 


CORRUPTION 


Lift 


these  thinRs  have  also  l)ooii  .l.nc  within  tlu'  last  thirty  years 
by  sundry  Enjriish,  French,  ai,  Itahan  prime  ministers,  *sonio 
of  whom  have  sinee  Ixvn  eanoni/cd. 

The  standard  of  honour  maintained  hy  the  Presi(h'nts  has 
not  always  been  maintained  l.y  the  leadiuR  members  of  their 
achmnistrations.  several  of  whom  were,  thouRJi  .lonc  in  recent 
years,  suspe.  te.1  of  complicity  in  railroad  jobs,  and  even  in 
frau.ls  ui)on  the  rey.nue.  Tlu-y  may  not  Iuut,  probably  they 
dul  not,  put  any  part  .)f  th  jjlunder  into  their  own  pockets 
but  they  have  winked  at  the  mis<h.c<!s  of  their  subordinates' 
am  allowcHl  the  parly  funds  to  be  replenished,  not  by  direct 
malversation,  yet  f)y  renderinR  services  to  influential  in<iividuals 
or  corporations  which  a  strict  sense  of  public  duty  would  have 
forbidden.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  fair  to  say  that  there 
seems  to  be  no  cas,.  since  the  war-  although  theVe  was  a  bad 
case  in  Presulent  Huchanan's  (*abin,>t  just  before  the  war  — 
in  which  a  member  of  the  Cabimt  has  received  money  or  its 
e<piivalent,  as  the  pric..  of  «Mther  an  executive  act  or  an  appoint- 
ment, H;hile  inferior  ofhcials.  who  have  been  detectnl  in  so  <loinK 
(and  this  occasionally  hapjxus),  have  been  dismissed  and  dis- 
gracetl.' 

Next  as  to  C^onRress.  It  is  particularly  hard  to  discover  the 
truth  about  (  ongn-ss,  for  few  of  the  abundant  suspicions  ex- 
cittHl  and  accusati(ms  brought  against  senators  or  members  of 
the  House  have  been,  or  could  have  be,.n,  sifted  to  the  bottom 
Among  nearly  five  hundred  men  th(>n«  will  be  the  clean  ami 
the  unclean.  The  opportunities  for  jjHvate  gain  are  large  the 
chances  of  detection  small :  few  members  keef)  their  seats  for 
hve  or  six  successive  congresses,  and  one-third  are  changwl 
every  two  years,  so  the  temptation  to  make  hav  while  the  sun 
shines  is  all  the  stronger. 

There  are  .several  fonns  which  temi)tation  takes  in  the  Fed- 
eral legislatur...  One  is  alTorded  by  th<-  p«,sition  a  member 
holds  on  a  committee.  All  bills  and  many  resolutions  are 
referred  to  some  one  of  the  committees,  and  it  is  in  the  com- 
mittee-room that  their  fate  is  ,)racti(ally  d,>cid,Ml.  In  a  .small 
U;dy  each  member  has  greut  power,  an.l  the  exercise  of  power 

■The  so-<-allod  Whiskey  Rinu  „f  isT.'i  ,h„|  ,h,.  SfMr  H„ut,.  ^mnK  of  a  lator 

^^i^Cu^:^"""  "'  'f '"'"'■".'.'■"  ""■  l>-t  of  miuor  oflicen.  in 
w«-  i>cw  xoric  Lubtom  Office  were  dwrjvcred  in  1909. 


160 


TIIK   PAUTV  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


(UH  obwrvitl  Jilrt:Ml> )  '  is  salVKimnU-.!  I.y  littlr  n«H|M>iisiljility. 
n«'  may  iimtfrially  mlviuic*'  u  hill  proii»)l«il  l>y  :iu  iiiHiu-utiul 
inajiufufturiT,   or   finuiKMiT,    or   railroiul   pn-sidont.     Ho   iiu-y 
obstruct  it.     He  may  iulp.  or  may  op|)osi',  a  hill  (lircctt-tl  aRainst 
a  railroad  or  other  wealthy  e()r|K)ration,  which  ha«  somethiiiK 
to  Rain  or  lose  from  Ftnleral  lenislatioii-     No  small  part  of  the 
business  of  '  'oagress  is  what  would  be  calle<l  in  England  pri- 
vate business;    ami  although  the  individual   rai  roads  which 
cirtne  ilirectly  into  relation  with  the  Fe»leral  government  arc 
not  numerous,    -the  Rreat  transcontinental  lines  which  have 
receivtnl  land  Rrants  or  otlu-r  subventions  are  the  most  imjwr- 
tant,  —  questions  atTectinj?  these  roads  have  frtHjueiitly  come  up 
and  have  involvtnl  large  amounts  <»f  money.     'I'he  tariff  on  im- 
ports ojM'ns  another  enonnous  sphere  in  which  legislative  inter- 
vention affects  private  pecuniary  interests;    for  it  makes  all 
the  ilifference  to  many  sets  of  maimfacturers  whetlur  <luties  on 
certain  classes  of  rikkIs  are  raise«l,  or  maintained,  «»r  lowered. 
Hence  the  (kM)rs  of  Congress  are  U'sieginl  by  a  whole  army  of 
commercial  or  railroml  men  and  their  svgents,  to  whom,  since 
they  have  come  lo  form  a  sort  of  profession,  the  name  of  Lol)- 
byists  is  given.''    Many  congn>ssmen  are  iwrsonally  interested, 
and   lobby   for  themselves  among  their  colleagues    from  the 
vantage-ground  of  their  official  i)ositions. 

Thus  a  vast  deal  of  solicitation  and  bargaining  goes  on. 
liobbyists  offer  considerations  for  help  in  i)a.ssing  a  bill  which 
is  desired  or  in  stopping  a  bill  which  is  feareil.  Two  members, 
each  of  whom  has  a  bill  to  get  througli,  or  one  of  whom  desires 
to  prevent  iiis  railroad  from  Ix'ing  interfcnnl  with  while  the 
other  wishes  the  tariff  on  an  article  which  he  manufactures 
kept  up,  n'ake  a  compact  by  which  each  aids  tlie  other.  This 
is  Log-rolling :  You  help  me  to  roll  my  log.  which  is  ttK)  heavy 
for  my  unaided  strength,  and  I  help  you  to  roll  yours.  Some- 
times a  member  i)rings  in  a  bill  directeil  against  some  railroad 
or  other  gr;*at  cor|H)ration,  merely  in  order  to  levy  blackmail 


'  So!>  ChiiptiT  XV.  in  Vol.  I 
'  I   ri'iiH'inlKT  to  have  hcunl 


on  thr  roniinittccs  of  ConKri-ss. 

iif  the  uovcriior  of  a  Wistfrn  Tirritory  who. 


vvhiii  h'.'  '.unie  Eu.'^t.  u«<''l  t"  l''>rro«  nioiiiy  from  the  hrad  of  !i  uri-iit  riiilway 
which  tr:ivor»«-<l  his  Tfrritory.  sayini:  lie  woiil.l  olilim'  thr  railway  wlirn  it 
found  oiTu.-ioii  to  ask  him.  His  i)o\vir  of  ohliuiiiu  iiiiluil<-<l  thf  rinht  to  veto 
liitl.-*  |jas.s«"l  l>y  tin-  Territorial  li-Kislaturi-.  This  (loviTiior  was  an  cx-Hoss  of 
an  Ka-stcrii  State  whom  his  parly  had  provi.led  for  I.y  iMstowiiiK  the  Kovernor- 
ihip  on  him. 

»S*.f  atUe,  Note  (B)  to  ChapUr  XVI.  in  Appenilix  to  Vol.  I. 


niAI*.    LXVII 


rOJtRlPTfOX 


lUI 


U|J<)n  it.  Tliis  is  tcchiin  ully  tiilhnl  a  Strike.  An  tiiuni'iit  mil- 
road  pn-sidfiit  told  me  ihut  lor  son  a-  yours  u  ci-rtuin  st'iiutor 
rei 


3Kularly 
bill  he  caini'  struiKht  to  New  York,  fullwl  ut  thr  railroad  oHi 


this  trii-k.     Whiii  lu'  luwl  hrounht  in  hi- 


Ct'S, 

raw 


and  awkcnl  the  prcsidt-nt  what  he  would  Kive  him  to  with«l 
the  bill.  That  tin-  ("apitol  and  the  hotels  at  \Va.shinKtoa  are 
a  nest  of  such  intrigues  and  machinations,  while  ('ongres.s  is 
.sitting,  is  adriittt^l  on  all  hands;  but  how  many  of  the  mem- 
bers are  tainted,  no  one  ean  tell.  Sometimes  when  moiu-y 
passes,  it  Roi's.  not  to  the  memlwr  of  Congress  himself,  but  to 
.some  Ho.ss  who  can  an<l  does  put  pressure  on  him.  Sonutimes, 
aRain,  a  lobbyi.st  will  demand  a  sum  for  the  pur|)ose  of  bribing 
a  member  who  is  reall>  honest,  and,  havinj?  ascertainj-d  that 
the  m4ini)er  is  koIuk  to  vote  in  the  way  desirtnl,  will  keep  the 
sum  in  his  own  fHjeket.  Brii)ery  often  takes  the  form  of  a 
transfer  of  stocks  or  shares,  nor  have  even  free  pa.sses  on  rail- 
roads been  scorned  by  some  of  the  m«»re  needy  legislators. 
The  abuse  on  this  iiea<l  had  grown  so  .serious  that  the  U'stowal 
of  passes  was  forliidden  [on  inter-State  linesj  by  Federal  statute 
in  1887,  and  is  now  forbidden  by  the  constitutions  of  many 
States.'  In  1883  portions  of  a  corresixmdeii.  e  in  tlu'  years 
187G-78  between  Mr.  Huntington,  one  of  the  proprietors  and 
directors  of  the  Central  (now  Southern)  Pacific  Railroad,  who 
then  represented  that  iwjwerful  coriK)ration  it  Washington,  and 
one  of  his  agents  in  California,  were  publislunl ;  and  from  these 
it  appeared  that  the  comi)any,  wlujse  land  grants  were  frwjuently 
threatened  by  hostile  bills,  and  whicli  was  exp4)se(l  to  the  com- 
petition of  rival  enterprises,  which  (because  they  were  to  run 
through  Territories)  Congress  was  askinl  to  sanciion,  defended 
itst'lf  by  constant  dealings  with  .senators  and  repre-'iitatives  — 
dealings  in  the  course  of  wliich  it  offered  money  ai.  i  bonds  to 
th().se  whose  support  it  necKled.'- 

'  All  linos  travcrsiiiK  the  territory  of  more  than  >»>'  State  arc  subjort  to 
the  |)«)W('r  of  ('oiikd-s  to  "regulate  coiuiiieri'i' "  As  ,  frif  passes,  see  the 
instructive  remarks  of  the  Iiiti  r-Stale  Comtie ne  ('(unniis-iuii  in  their  First 
Report.  The  KTant  by  the  St,iti>  of  free  passes  on  '•:ii|wa.\s  to  iiieinlH-rs  of  the 
ChainlMTs  has  led  to  almsj-s  in  Italy. 

'Mr.  HlintinfCton  ''omite-nt:^  fittl.N  ii:i  tin-  v-iuniti- r  T)f  varitui.-i  iiiiin!n-rn  t;i 
lK)th  Houses,  and  deseriU's  not  only  his  own  operation.-,  but  those  of  .Mr.  Scott, 
his  able  and  active  opi>on<Mit.  who  had  tin-  un  at  advantai;.  if  iM-inn  able  to 
eoniniand  pas.ses  on  tM)nie  railways  ninniiii:  out  of  Washiniston  In  one  lettir 
he  use.s  a  eraphic  and  characteristic  nictaplior :  Si-ott  has  swili-hed  otf  (i.i.  off 
the  (Jentral  I'acifii-  trai-k  and  on  to  his  own  railroad  tra>-k)  S<'nator*  S.  and  W., 


182 


TIIK   I'AUTV   SYSTKM 


PAIIT   III 


It  (i(M>s  not  serin,  from  whiit  one  hriirs  tin  tlir  H|Mit,  tliut 
money  is  oft«'n  j^ivcii,  (»r,  1  should  mtluT  say,  it  seems  ihiit  tlie 
men  to  whom  it  is  n'ven  are  lew  in  numlier.  Mnt  eonsiderti- 
tionH  of  Home  kind  pretty  often  piiss,'  so  that  corruption  in 
l)oth  t*'e  first  and  second  «)f  the  ul)ove  senses  must  he  luhnitted 
to  exist  and  to  alTeet  a  iM)rtion,  thouxl)  only  a  smiill  ]M)rtion,  of 
ConKross.'  .*  position  of  some  d«'licacy  is  occiipie<l  by  eminent 
Uwyers  who  sit  in  ('onKn-*s  and  receivt-  retainers  from  |M)Wer- 
ful  cori)orations  whose  interests  may  !«•  affected  Ity  congres- 
sional legislation,  retainers  for  which  they  arc  often  not  expe<'ted 
to  render  any  forensic  siTvice. '  There  are  various  ways  in  which 
memlMTs  of  CouKress  can  use  their  |M>sition  to  lulvance  their 
|)erHonal  interests.  They  have  access  to  the  executiv<',  and 
can  obtain  favours  from  it  ;  not  so  much  iiecause  the  executive 
cares  what  legislation  tliey  pass,  for  it  has  little  to  do  with 
legislation,  but  that  the  memi)ers  of  the  ('al)inet  are  on  their 
promotion,  and  anxious  to  stand  well  with  jM-rsons  whose  inllu- 
ence  covers  any  considerable  local  area,  wlio  may  perhaps  be 
even  able  to  control  tln'  delegation  of  a  State  in  a  lumiinatinK 
convention.  Henc«'  a  seiuitor  or  conj^ressman  may  now  and 
then  sway  the  ex<>cutiv«(  towards  a  course  it  w«tuld  n(»t  otln'r- 
wise  have  taken,  an<l  the  resultiiiK  Kain  to  himself,  or  to  some 
person  who  has  invoked  his  influence,  may  be  an  illicit  gain, 
probably  not  in  tlH>  fori..  «)f  money,  but  tis  a  job  out  of  which 
.somethinR  may  be  made.  Again,  it  has  b<>en  hitherto  an  imiwir- 
tant  part  of  a  member's  duty  to  obtain  places  for  his  c<mstitu- 
ents  in  the  Ffnleral  civil  service.  There  are  still  many  such 
places  not  subject  to  the  civil  service  rules.  Here  there  has  lain 
a  vast  fiel<l,  if  not  for  jiecuniary  t^ain,.  for  appointments  are  not 


but  you  know  tlicy  can  l)i'  Bwitr-hod  hark  witli  the  iiniixT  iirra/iRPnirnts  when 
tlicy  siri-  waiitiMJ." 

The  |{f|M)rt  iif  till-  r.  S.  Paiilii-  H.iilwa.T  ( '(iiiiiMisiiin  says  of  tlu'si'  tratisac- 
tiolin,  "TliiTi-  is  tio  rouMi  for  iloubt  llmt  :i  larnc  |M)rtii>ti  of  the  sum  of  .Sl.hlS.OCK) 
wa.t  uwd  for  tlir-  piiriHW  nf  infliii'in'iiiir  li-t'i-'lMtioii  and  of  i)r<-vciif iiii;  tho  pas- 
«iiK<"  if  iiifusurcs  (l('<-iiio<l  to  be  lioKlilc  to  tli''  in»  ristM  of  tht>  ronipaiiy.  and  for 
tho  piirpow  of  in.'liiciiciiiK  cliTtioiis."    -Hi'pcirt,  p.  S4. 

'  Till'  pn'sidcnt  of  a  urt'at  Wostcrii  liailniail  told  nic  that  conKTCKHini-n  usivl 
to  ronii'  to  the  I'ofnpaiiy's  office  to  liuy  its  land,  and  on  si-<>inK  the  prici'-list 
r.'ould  nay,  '  hut  isn't  tlicn-  a  <tiscoiint  ?  ^lurrly  \ou  can  kivi>  the  land  chcaixT 
to  a  friend.      Von  ktiow  I  shall  l>c  your  frii'iid  in  Conu'rcss,"  and  so  forth. 

•  .\inonK  thi'  inv'-sticntions  which  disclnscd  the  cxisfi'ni'c  of  hrilx'ry  nmonK 
momlKTS  of  f 'oiiKrcss,  the  most  prominent  sinre  that  of  ISfjCi-oT  are  thoHc  of  the 
Credit  Mohilier  and  the  Paeifie  Mail  easoH. 

•See  Vol.  I.,  p.  V2l,  note. 


CHAP.    I-XVII 


couuriTiox 


103 


H<)l(l,  yet  for  ihr  Knitiliciitiuii  of  iMTsorml  uiul  piirty  intrn-KtH. 
Nor  <lo<'H  thr  iiiiscliicf  stop  witli  the  inakinu  of  inferior  upixtint- 
iiM-ntrt,  for  tlif  liul)it  <tf  iKMoriiiK  puldic  duty  wliicli  is  forninl 
hluntM  iiji'Ii'h  scum-  of  fioii<»iir,  uikI  iiiakrs  tliciii  muvv  !i|)t  to  yield 
to  Home  Kroshcr  form  of  tfniptulion.  Similur  causes  pnKluced 
Hiiiiilur  cfTecIs  duriiij;;  last  ci-iitury  in  Ijijrhind,  and  it  is  suid 
that  tin-  Frencli  Icuislatnre  now  sullers  from  the  like  muhidy, 
inemliers  of  tlie  Cjiaml'  r  heinp;  incessanlly  occupied  in  wheed- 
liriK  or  tlireati-ninj.'  i'    cutive  into  conferring  places  and 

decorations  uiH)n  '  .,  ,r    un.-tili      ♦• 

\il  service  attain  a  h'Vel 
land  or  (lermany.  The 
lall,  and  in  most  States 
.  .IX  s  of  defaulting  State 
■  Afi,  one  part  of  the  couti- 
•  liusiness  with  a  govern- 
oii's  or  excise,  or  with  a 
'(H»r  law  or  school  authority, 
I'u.'X  honest  men  to  deal  with 
agents  to  conduct  u  piece 
of  private  commercial  i)usinc.ss.  Instances  of  di>honesty  an; 
more  noticed  when  they  occur  in  a  pul.Iic  department,  l)ut 
they  seem  to  he  little  (if  at  all)  more  frc(iuent.' 

It  is  hard  to  form  a  neiieral  juil«mciit  rcKardinji  the  State 
lepiislatures.  hecause  they  dilTer  so  much  amonj:  themselves. 
Those  of  Massachiiselts,  X'ermoiit.  and  several  of  the  Nortk- 
western  States,  such  as  .Michijfan,  arc  pure,  /.«•  the  memhers: 
who  would  take  a  l>nl)e  are  I,u1  few,  and  those  who  wou'd 
pu-^h  throuKli  11  jol)  for  sonic  otht  r  >u\\  of  consideration  a  com- 
paratively small  fraction  (.rilic\\!iuli'.'  l/.m  i;.  th(  North-west, 
however,  a  we:'.lt':y  M';.i>  }y\-  <r'v:it  ad'/i'i't  <  s  in  seciiriiifr  a  Ki-d- 
«'ral  senatorship  at  the  hands  of  the  le<ris;  lire.''  Some  States, 
includiiiR  New  York  :iiid  l*cMn>yK ania,  .,vc  so  liad  a  name 
that  iH'oplc  are  surpris.  d  win  u  a  ^ood  ;.( i  i.as>c.>,  ami  a  strong 
governor  is  ke])t  constaniiy  at  work  vcttiing  hills  c<irruptly 
ohtaine»l.  Several  causes  have  coiitrihutcd  todegradt-  the  lcgi>- 
laturc  of  New  W.rk  State.     The  \s<i..iih!y  hnviv.jf  hut  l.'M)  tnem- 

'-  ol   iiKtl|>racti,'f  in  tin-  Ciifi- 


The  rank  and     ,■    o; 

ii,   (■.•..■,  ; 

of  Integrity  lu-     .,Ji    i..; 

l!l.-'      ..■       ! 

State  civil  se  \  i  ■•    i-     ly 

1  ■  1 1  .  i  \ ,  \ 

one  hears  li*:  u         '  .  . 

,1'  ,  ii  .    \' 

trea.surers  a'     i    i    i  ,  ■■< 

'  ,..      'I', 

try  with  an       ■  r 

'  '     ..  i,< ;    ; 

ment   depart  Pit  i  i         •  I 

(■\- 

State  treasurer'.-,  'ifli, ,  ,  < 

■r    ,.  '.\ !'   ■!   ,'( 

has  as  nmch  extx-d. 

,  .  ,'■  tiiMiii,. 

as  he  lias  of  finding     . 

\ '  .  ill  \ 

'  Thrro  tiiivc.  ''hwcvit,   liciri  mhii'    ^iiimi-  > 
tonis  at  till'  seaports. 

-  Thi'  new  Wi'stcrn  li'tfislatmi's  var>  ).'i.  illv  In. in  tmi''  to  tiim 
ihty  iiri'  (|uitf  pun- ;  tlir  next  ilrctiou  imili  r  soiih'  >li'iii:iKi)Ki>' 
l>riii(t  ill  a  iT'Uvil  of  iiii-(liii\  oiis  acKciiliin  i '. 

'  folorudi)  some  while  ago  ami  luoie  -erently  llliiioi.-i  are  ■ustau<-e3 


Soiiicliriii  s 
lupulsc  may 


1.64 


TllK  PARTY  SYSTEM 


1  t 


PART  III 


bers,  and  the  Senate  51,  each  member  is  worth  buying.  There 
are  in  the  State,  l)esidea  New  York,  scveial  considerable  ring- 
govemed  cities  whence  l)ad  members  come.  There  are  also 
immensel;.'  powerful  corporations,  such  as  the  great  railroa<ls 
which  traverse  it  on  their  way  to  the  West,  (ireat  corfwrations 
are  everywhere  the  bane  of  State  iK)litics,  for  their  management 
is  secret,  Iwing  usually  in  the  hands  of  one  or  two  capitalists, 
and  their  wealth  is  so  large  that  they  can  offer  brilx's  at  which 
ordinary  virtue  grows  pale.  They  have,  morcovt^r,  in  many 
cases  this  excu.sc,  that  it  is  only  by  the  use  of  money  they  can 
ward  off  the  attacks  constantly  made  upon  them  by  denuigogues 
or  blackmailers.  The  Assembly  includes  many  honest  men, 
ttn«l  a  few  rich  men  who  do  not  necnl  a  <lmtccur,  but  the  pn>por- 
tion  of  tainted  men  is  large  enough  to  |K)llute  the  whole  lump. 
Oi  what  the  briJM'-takcr  gets  he  keeps  a  part  for  himself,  using 
the  rest  to  buy  the  doubtful  voti-s  of  purcha.sable  peoph';  to 
others  he  pro.nis<'s  his  assistance  when  they  ujhhI  it,  and  when 
by  such  log-rolling  he  has  secunnl  a  cousidj'rable  backing,  he 
goes  to  the  honest  men,  among  whom,  of  course,  he  has  a  con- 
siderable acquaintance,  puts  th(«  matter  to  th(>m  in  a  plausible 
way,  —  they  are  probably  plain  farmers  from  the  rural  dis- 
tricts,—  and  s()  gains  his  majority.  Each  great  corporation 
keeps  an  agent  at  Albany,  the  capital  of  the  State,  who  has 
autliority  to  buy  off  the  promoters  of  hostile  l)ills,  and  to  em- 
oloy  the  rtHjuisite  professional  lobbyists.  Such  a  lobbyist,  who 
may  or  may  not  Ih^  himself  a  member,  bargains  for  a  siun 
ilown,  -l^oOOO  or  $1(),(X)0,  in  case  he  succchmIs  in  getting  the  bill 
in  (jucstion  passe<l  or  defeated,  as  tlw.  case  may  be;  uid  when 
tli(>  session  ends  he  comes  for  his  money,  and  no  (juestions  :ire 
jisketl.  This  sort  of  thing  now  g«)es  on,  or  has  lately  g<»ne  on, 
in  several  other  Stat(>s,  though  nowhere  on  so  grand  a  scale. 
N'irgiiiiu,  Maryland,  California,  Illinois,  Missouri,  are  all  more 
or  h>ss  impure;  I.^)ui.'<iana,  midvr  the  influence  of  its  lottery 
company  (now  liapi>ily  at  an  end),  was  even  wors<'  than  New 
York.'  Hut  the  lowest  iM)int  was  reachcHl  in  s(»nie  of  the  Southern 
States  sliortly  after  the  war,  when,  the  negroes  having  receive* I 
the  suffrage,  the  white  inhabitants  wen'  still  (>.\cluded  as  rebels, 
and   the  executive   government    was   eonductetl   by   Northern 


'  Tlir  New  Viiik  IcL'ifliitiiri'  1i;ifi  Immm  IhIii'M'))  tii  li;i\c  iiiipriiviil  of  late  ycsim, 
:inil  |iriili:il.l\  inav  iir  iiupriiv-iiK,  ttiouKli  a  univc  raw  ol  curniptioii  wuu  un- 
lartliid  ill   IIHWIO. 


\4^ 


r;'  >  ».    LXVII 


COIJUfPTION 


KWS 


(•ur|M'l-l»uw!;rrs  uiulor  the  pnttoctioii  of  FiMlcral  tr(M)ps.  Iiv 
some  Statt's  the  treasury  was  pilfercil ;  hugt!  State  dehts  were 
run  up;  negrm's  voteii  fanns  to  themselves;  all  kinds  of  rob- 
liery  and  jobbery  went  on  uneheek(«d.  South  Carolina,  for 
instance,  was  a  perfect  Tartarus  of  corruption,  as  much  below 
the  Hades  of  Illinois  or  Missouri  as  the  heaven  of  ideal  purity 
is  al>ove  the  ordinary  earth  of  Hoston  and  Westminster."  In  its 
lesislature  there  was  an  old  «larkey,  jet  black  and  with  vener- 
able white  hair,  a  MetlKMJist  preaclier.  and  influential  among 
his  brother  stat«'smeii,  who  kept  a  stall  for  legislation,  where 
he  dealt  in  statutes  at  i)rices  varying  from  $I(K)  to  «10().  Since 
those  days  there  has  been  a  |M'aceful  revolution  for  the  better 
at  the  South,  but  some  of  its  legislative  ImkHcs  have  still  nmch 
hn'way  to  nuike  up. 

Of  city  governments  I  have  s|H)ken  in  previous  chapters. 
They  are  usually  worse  when  tin-  population  exceeds  lfK),()(K), 
and  includes  a  large  |)n)|)orti(m  of  recent  immigrants.  They 
are  generally  pure  in  smaller  places,  that  is  to  say,  nearly  as 
pure  as  those  of  an  av<rage  Knglish.  French,  or  (Jennan  city. 

The  fonn  which  corruption  usually  takes  in  the  fjopulous 
cities  is  the  grant  at  a  wholly  inade<iuate  price  of  "franchises" 
(esiMH'ially  mon()|M)lies  in  the  use  of  public  thoroughfares),— 
a  fnniuent  and  scandalous  praetice,-  —  the  jobbing  of  contracts, 
and  the  In'stowal  of  places  upon  personal  adiierents,  both  of 
them  faults  not  unknown  in  large  Kuro|)ean  numici|)alities,  and 
.said  to  be  specially  rife  in  Paris,  though  no  rifcr  than  under  I^mis 
NaiMjUnm,  when  the  reconstruction  of  the  city  under  Prefect 
llaus.sman  provided  une<iualled  o|)|M»rt unities  f«)r  the  enrich- 
ment of  individuals  at  the  pultlic  expense.  Knglish  .small 
local  authorities,  and  even,  though  much  more  ran'ly,  town 
councils,  do  s<Hne  {|uiet  joblx  ry.  No  l']in«i|M:ui  city  has.  how- 
<'ver,  witnesse<|  scaiulals  ap|)roacliiiig  tlio>e  of  New  Y(»rk, 
where  the  public  was  in  1S(»!>  70  nibbed  on  a  vast  scale,  and 
accounts  w  -re  .syst«'matically  c<H)ke<l  to  conc«'al  the  thefts,''  ov 
the  malversations  that  occurred  in  comiection  with  the  IMiila- 
<lelphia  City  Hall  and  with  the  erection  of  the  Pemisylvania 
State  Capitol  at  Ilarrisburg. 

'  T&9<rov  (tf(p$'  .\tifu  Saov  oipav6i  iar    liirA  -,alrjf:    Ili.iil  \1II.  Iti. 

'  A  iiotoriotiH  ••aw  wan  tlii-  salr  li\  the  \cw  York  alilrniu'ii  (if  thf  riRht  to 
lay  a  tniniwiiy  in  Hroailway.  Nearly  tin-  wlicilc  luiriilMT  were  iiulictol,  ttiiil 
wiiiic  wiTi-  |>\iiiis)ii-il  l)V  iiMiirixiiiiiii'iit. 

"  Stf  CliapUr  LXXXVlll.  .j««/. 


166 


THE   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAHT   lit 


On  a  review  uf  tho  whoh;  matter,  tin*  following  conclusii'ns 
may  be  foun<l  not  very  wide;  of  the  truth. 

Bribery  exists  in  Congress,  but  is  confine*  1  to  a  few  members, 
say  five  per  cent  of  the  whole  number.  It  is  more  conunon  in 
the  legislatures  of  a  few,  but  only  a  few,  States,  practically  ab- 
sent froni  the  higher  walks  of  the  Federal  civil  service,  rare 
among  the  chief  State  officials,  not  fretjuent  among  the  low<r 
officials,  unknown  among  the  Fetiera!  judges,  rare  among  State 
judges.' 

The  taking  of  other  considerations  than  money,  such  as  a 
share  in  a  lucrative  contract,  or  a  railway  pass,  or  a  "gocxl 
thing"  to  be  securwl  for  a  frien<l,  pn^vails  among  legislators  to 
a  somewhat  larger  extent.  Ileing  less  coarsely  paljjuble  tlian 
the  receipt  of  inoiiey,  it  is  thougiit  more  venial.  One  may 
roughly  conjecture  that  from  fifteen  to  twenty  per  cent  of  tiie 
members  of  Congress  and  perhaps  rather  more  of  an  average 
State  legislature  would  allow  themselves  to  be  iufiuence<l  l)y 
inducements  of  this  kind. 

Malversation  of  pul)lic  funds  occurs  occasionally  in  cities,  less 
frequently  among  Federal  or  State  officers. 

Jobbery  of  various  kinds,  i.e.  the  misu.se  of  a  public  jmsition 
for  the  benefit  of  irchviduals,  is  not  rare,  and  in  hirge  cities 
common.  It  is  often  disguistnl  as  a  desire  to  render  some  ser- 
vice to  the  party,  and  the  same  excuse  is  soiuetimes  found  for 
a  misaijpropriution  of  public  money. 

Patronage  is  usually  disfx-ns'-d  with  a  view  to  party  considera- 
tions or  to  will  pcrsuiud  sii(,,K)rt.  Hut  tiiis  remark  is  equally 
true  of  Kngland  uiid  France,  the  chief  dilTerence  l»eing  that 
owing  to  tlie  ^iiort  ttrni>  and  fnKjueiit  removals  the  (juantity 
of  patronage  i-  relalivt']\  fiieater  in  the  Tnitefl  States. 

If  this  is  nut  a  lnjjrlit  pictuic,  neither  is  it  so  dark  as  that 
which  ino^^t  Fuiojxans  liavc  drawn,  and  which  tlie  loose  lan- 
guage of  nianx  .'vnicricans  --a  net  ion.-.  Wiiat  makes  it  seem 
dark  is  tiic  contrast  lietwccn  the  tlcfic.'cncies  which  tiie  govern- 
ment show-  in  this  respi-ct,  and  the  excillcncc,  on  the  one  hand, 
of  tlie  fiainc  of  the  Constitution,  on  tlir  other,  of  the  tone  and 
sentiment  of  the  people.     The  Kiiropeai,  reader  may,  howev(>r, 

'  .s<-i^ttl.ii  -  "  If  iifti'h  r  li:irirf(l  with  liii\iim  tlii'iii-«'lv(>^  into  the  S<t.  .to;  liul, 
!«)  f:ir  :i>  I  'inilil  a-ii  i  f.-iili.  it  >li<l  ii>>t  ultiii  li.'i|i|i<'ii  thiit  i\  .  :tii<lii|:iti'  fiir  th<' 
S«'niitc  (lircilly  hnl  rcl  iikiiiImt-  of  tlu'  Stiitc  l'm>l;iliii  i'.  ih.duli  fri'iiuciitly  In- 
Iiiadr  111  :n  \  >  (pfiti  ilml  i.  ri-  to  tin  |i:irt\  cicrtiun  fiiiid.  i.wil  to  i|cfr;iy  thf  ••It'c- 
tiiiu  t'X|M'iis(  .-<  of  thr  lui'iiil'i  I-  of  ilii   |iart>  iloiiiiuunt  iit  tt.-<-  .stutc  IcKi.^lature. 


CHAP.    bXVH 


CORRUPTION 


167 


complain  that  tlic  picturt;  is  vanuc  in  its  outlines.  I  cannot 
niako  it  more  (Icfinitc.  The  facts  an*  not  easy  to  juscertain.  and 
it  iri  lianl  to  say  what  standard  one  is  to  apply  to  tlunn.  In  the 
cjisj!  of  America  men  an;  inclined  to  apply  a  rigid  standard, 
Itecauso  she  is  a  repulilic,  iirofessing  to  have  made  a  new  de- 
parture in  i)olitics,  and  setting  hefore  her  a  higher  ideal  than 
most  European  monarchies.  Yet  it  nuist  he  remembere*!  that 
in  a  new  and  large  country,  where  the  temi)tations  are  enonnous 
and  the  persons  tem|)te<i  have  many  of  them  no  social  position 
to  forfeit,  the  conditions  are  not  the  most  favourable  to  virtu*'. 
If,  recognizing  the  fact  that  tlie  path  of  the  politician  is  in  all 
countries  thickly  set  with  snares,  we  leave  ideals  out  of  sight 
and  try  America  \>y  tiie  average  concn'te  standard  of  Europe, 
W(>  shall  fin<i  that  while  her  legislatures  fall  much  below  the 
level  of  purity  juaintained  in  England  and  Cicrmany,  and  also 
below  that  of  France  and  Italy,  the  Ixxly  of  her  higher  Federal 
officials,  in  spite  of  the  evils  flowing  from  an  uncertain  tenure, 
is  not,  in  point  of  integrity,  at  this  moment  markt-dly  inferior 
to  tin-  administrations  of  most  European  countries.  This  is 
perhaps  less  generally  true  of  most  of  the  State  officials;  and 
it  certainly  camiot  be  said  of  tlio>e  who  administer  the  business 
«)f  the  larger  cities,  for  the  standard  of  purity  ha*-'  ihere  sunk 
to  a  point  lower  than  that  which  the  municipalities  of  aiiy 
European  country  show. 


■ 

ff 

JJ 

!    „ 

1 

;:i 

p 

1^ 

h 

I, 

1 

1 

CHAITEU   lAVIII 


TIIU   WAK  A(iAIN.ST  BO.SHDOM 

It  must  not  Iw  sup|kks(hI  tlio  inhubitaiits  of  riiif;-rul(Hl  citk^ 
tamely  sui>mit  to  their  tyrajits.  The  Americans  are  indeed, 
what  witli  iheir  ^(mmI  nature  and  what  with  the  prtHx-eupation 
of  the  most  aetive  men  in  their  private  i)usiness,  a  lonR-sufTering 
p»H)pIe.  Hut  patience  iuis  its  Hmits,  and  when  a  Hinj,;  lias  pushtnl 
paternal  government  ttK)  far,  an  insurrection  may  break  out. 
UiiiKs  have  generally  the  s<'ns<>  to  scent  the  coming  stonn,  and  to 
avert  it  by  makiujc;  two  or  three  j»(M)<1  nominations,  and  promising 
a  nnluction  of  tiixes.  Sometimes,  however,  they  hold  on  their 
course  fearless  and  shameless,  and  then  the  stonn  breaks  ujion 
them. 

There  an*  several  forms  which  a  reform  m()vement  or  other 
popular  rising  takes.  The  recent  hi.story  of  j^reat  cities  supplies 
examples  of  each.  The  first  fonn  is  an  attack  u|K)n  the  pri- 
maries.' They  are  the  key  of  a  King's  |M)sitioii,  and  when  they 
have  been  ca|)tured  their  batteries  can  be  turne<l  against  the 
King  itself.  When  an  assault  uikhi  the  Ixjsses  is  resolve«l  upon, 
the  first  thing  is  to  form  a  committiH'.  It  is.sues  a  nmnifesto 
calling  on  all  gcnxl  citizens  to  attend  the  primaries  of  their  resjM'c- 
tive  wards,  and  there  vote  for  delegates  op|M>s(>d  to  the  Hing.  The 
newspaiMTs  take  the  matter  u|),  and  repeat  the  exhortation.  As 
ea<'h  primary  is  held,  on  the  night  fixiMl  by  the  ward  committee 
of  the  regular  (that  is  the  liing)  organization,  some  of  the  refonn- 
ers  a|)|)ear  at  it,  and  pro|M)se  a  list  of  delegates,  between  whom 
and  the  King's  list  a  vote  of  the  members  of  the  primary  is  tiiken. 
This  may  suc<'eed  insuiiieof  the  primaries,  but  rarely  in  a  majority 
of  them;  Itecause  fas  ex|)lained  in  a  previous  chapter)  the  rolls 
seldom  or  ne\er  include  the  whole  party  voters  of  the  ward,  having 

'  Tlir  niuaik-  lliiii  f-.!!(.\v  iiiUMt  iic  l.tki  ii  >ii!pjiii  ti^  iIh-  .iltiiiiliniis  ncr-iilly 
iiilniclii'i  il.  Ill  iii:iii\  .^i  iir>.  Ii\  till'  iM-w  pinuMrv  l:iw>.  I  .illuw  {\\isr  rl•|ll:l^k^^ 
111  >l,iiiil  U.aiiM    llirv    ,\,  -iiiIm'  w|i:it  ixi-|i,l  liifiin    lliip.--i    law.--,  ami  .itill  ixL-it  iu 

.■«lal(>   lllllt    illlM     lint    .l(l.i|iti-<l   tin  111, 

IfiS 


CHAP.  Lxviii       THE  WAR  AGAINST   BOHSDOM 


109 


been  prepared  hy  the  professionals  in  tlu'ir  own  imprest.  Some- 
times only  on«'-fourth  or  one-fifth  of  the  voters  tire  on  the  primary 
roll,  and  these  are  of  course  the  men  on  whom  the  Ring  can  rely. 
Hence,  even  if  the  j^ood  citizens  of  the  district,  olu-ying  the  call 
of  patriotism  and  the  Keform  Committee.  pres«'iit  tiw-msclves 
at  the  primary,  they  rn;iy  find  so  few  ot  tiieir  nuiiiln'r  on  tlie  roll 
that  they  will  he  outvoted  hy  the  rinKsler.s.  But  the  most  s<'rious 
difficulty  is  tlie  apiitiiy  of  the  respect :ihl(«,  >te;idy-<r(iiiifr  part  of 
the  population  to  turn  out  in  suflicieut  nunilxis.  TInv  have  their 
engagements  of  husiness  or  pleasure  to  attend  to,  or  it  i.-  a  snowy 
night  and  their  wives  jM-rsuade  tliein  to  stay  indoor^.  The  well- 
conduct<Hl  men  of  small  means  are  an  eminently  dom<'sTic  cla.ss, 
who  think  they  do  (juite  (>nouKh  for  the  city  and  the  nation  if  they 
vote  at  the  fiolls.  It  is  still  more  difficult  to  induce  the  rich  to 
interest  themselves  in  conrosc'dly  disajireeahle  work.  They  find 
themselves  at  a  primary  in  strange  and  unconneniul  surroundings. 
Accustomwl  to  he  treatcnl  with  deference  in  their  counting-house 
or  manufactory,  they  are  jostled  hy  a  roijgh  crowd,  and  find  that 
their  servants  or  workmen  are  prohal)ly  l)etter  known  and  more 
influential  than  they  are  tliem.selves.  They  recogni/e  hy  sight 
few  of  the  persons  |)resent,  for,  in  a  city,  ac(iuaintance  does  not  go 
by  proximity  of  residence,  and  are  therefore  at  a  di.sjulvantage  for 
combined  action,  where;is  the  |)r()fessi(»nal  politicians  are  a  regi- 
ment where  every  private  in  each  comoany  knows  his  fellow- 
private  and  oIm'Vs  the  o(fi(<rs.  Hence,  tlie  hest,  perhaps  the  oidy 
chance  of  ca|)turing  a  primary  is  hy  the  action  of  a  group  of  active; 
young  men  who  will  take  the  trouble  of  organizing  the  movement 
by  beating  up  the  nienihers  of  the  party  who  reside  in  the  district, 
and  lM>arding  the  local  hos.M's  in  the  meeting.  It  is  a  rough  and 
toilsome  piece  of  wor'  'mi  ynung  men  find  a  compensation  in  the 
fun  which  is  to  lie  hatl  .)ut  of  the  fight  :  and  when  a  victory  is  wcm, 
theirs  is  the  cre<lit.  To  carry  a  few  primaries  is  oidy  the  first  .step. 
The  contest  has  to  he  renewed  in  the  convention,  where  th«  (xlds 
are  still  in  favour  of  the  professionals,  who  "  know  the  ropes  "  and 
may  |)o.ssihly  outwit  even  a  majority  of  IJeform  delegates.  The 
managing  conunittee  is  in  their  hands  and  tliev  can  gen(>rally 
secure  a  chairman  in  their  interests.  |]xperieiice  has  accord- 
ingly .shown  that  l!iis  rnetlKKl  of  altaikiii^i  llie  Machine  very 
rarely  succeeds;  and  tliiiiiy:h  the  duty  of  attending  the  pri- 
maries continue^  to  lie  |irr.i(litd.  till'  a<l\ici'  --h.'ire-^  the  fate  of 
most  sermons.     Once  in  ;(  \\a.\.  ihr  ie>iM(talilc  voter  will  rou>e' 


170 


THE  PARTY  8YHTEM 


PART   lU 


f 


hiniMolf,  hut  ho  cuniiot  Im"  truxtt'd  to  continiK^  to  tlo  mo  year  uft«r 
year.  Hi>  is  like  tlio>w;  citizen-HolditTH  of  tuu'i(>nt  (JrtHHre  who 
would  turn  ()Ut  for  a  suiunicr  inrotui  into  the  t'ncniy's  (.•ountry, 
but  n'fu.so<l  to  k»H'p  tho  fit-Id  tfirouRh  the  uutuiiui  and  winter. 

A  swond  exiK-dient,  whieh  may  he  tried  insteati  of  the  first, 
or  resorted  t«  after  tlie  first  has  heen  tried  and  faileil,  is  to  make 
an  independent  list  of  nominations  and  run  a  separate  set  of  ean- 
(Hdates.  If  this  strateji;>'  i)e  resoive<i  on,  the  primaries  are  left 
unhe<Hle<l ;  hut  when  the  (>l(H'tion  approaches,  a  eonunittee  is 
formed  which  issues  a  list  of  candidates  for  some  or  uU  of  the  vacant 
offices  in  op|M)sition  to  tlie  "  repular  "  list  issucnl  hy  the  party 
convention,  and  conducts  tl>e  agitation  on  their  hehalf.  This 
saves  all  troul)le  in  primaries  or  conventions,  hut  involves  niuch 
trouble  in  elections,  because  a  complete  campaiiiu  coq)s  has  to  Im) 
organiziHl,  and  a  campaign  fund  raist'd.'  Mon-over,  the  averaKo 
voter,  not  having  followed  iM)litics  cl(»sely  enough  to  c(»mprehend 
hia  true  duty  and  interest,  and  yielding  to  iiis  estahlisluHl  party 
habits,  inclines,  especially  in  State  and  lunleral  elections,  to  vote 
the  "  regular  ticket."  He  starts  witli  a  certain  prejudice  against 
tho.se  who  are  "  troubling  Israel  "  by  dividing  the  party,  because 
he  sees  that  in  all  probability  the  result  will  be  not  t^)  carry  tho 
Independent  ticket,  but  to  let  in  the  candi<lates  of  the  opiX)site 
party.  Hene(>  the  lH)ltiiig  Indeix'iideiits  can  rarely  ho\m  to  carry 
with  them  enough  of  their  own  party  to  enable  them  to  win  the 
('.ction.  Tlie  result  of  their  action  will  rather  be  U>  bring  in  the 
(  iididates  of  the  other  side,  who  may  be  no  Ix'tter  than  the  men 
the  ticket  of  their  own  Hing.  .Vcconhngly,  reformers  have 
<»me  reluctant  to  take  this  courst',  for  tliough  it  has  the  merit  of 
ri  li'ving  their  feelings,  it  exiH)scs  tliem  to  (MJium,  involv«'s  great 
labour,  and  efTects  nothing  rium*  than  may  l)e  obtained  by  one  or 
other  of  the  two  metluxls  which  I  have  next  to  describe. 

The  third  plan  is  to  abstain  from  voting  for  the  names  on  your 
party  ticket  to  which  you  object.     This  is  Scratching.     You  ar(> 

'  "To  run  an  atiti-niMrliiin'  c  aridiilatc  fur  mayor  it  is  iicccssaiy  to  orKaiii/,!! 
a  new  iiiai'liiiK'  at  :iii  <  xiMiisr  of  from  i<(i(l.(H«)  to  S|(Ht,(KMl  (i"IJ.(HM»  to  fl'tl.tHKI), 
with  a  chniH'i'  of  liis  I"  iim  "hoIiI  out'  tln'ii  l>.v  tlii'  miii  vvlio  arc  tiiriit  to  dis- 
tril)Uli'  lii«  liallot.s."  Mr.  .1  \{.  hii^hop  in  a  iiapcr  on  "  Monry  in  City  i:ii<- 
tiolir*."  written  in  l>>>«7.  Now  that  tiic  m  w  l.'iw-inf  m  :irl,\  all  SImIi  h  provide  for 
oflii'ial  votiiiK  Iiapcrs.  lh<-  hi-t-tiMiitiom  i|  ri»lv  ]i;i*  cH-app<arii|.  I.ut  tUf  cxp.iisi' 
of  iceltini;  up  a  n-w  it'-'  'ion  ^nrani/.ation  i-<  still  fii:c.  \  S.im.'  oin-  liii  ^aid  thiii 
the  dilTereniM'  lietwec  n  lunnnii:  as  a  Pirular  (■;ini|iilate  :iiid  lutiiiuii;  on  sour  own 
ueionnt  as  an  iniiepeml.iil  i  iiiili.hile.  i-  like  the  diO'Ten'-e  lietween  travellini- 
tiy  railway  aud  uiukim;  a  new  Kiilwa>  of  jour  own  to  Iravi  1  liy. 


CHAP.  Lxviii       THK   VVAU   A<;AINST   BOSSDO.M 


171 


J 


Hpan-cl  the  tronldc  <»f  riniiiiii«  caiidKliitcs  <.f  your  own,  hut  your 
abstention,  if  th*-  piufics  arc  \u'i\r\y  balanced,  cjnises  the  defeat 
of  th(>  hail  candidates  whom  your  own  fmrty  puts  forward,  an<l 
brinRs  in  those  of  the  other  [)arty.  This  is  a  k»mmI  jilan  when  vou 
want  to  frighten  a  l{inn,  and  yet  c.inn«»t  net  the  more  timid  re- 
fonners  to  ko  the  lenntli  of  voting  cither  an  iii<!cpcndent  ticket 
or  the  ticket  of  ihe  otiier  party.  It  is  cm|)loyc<i  when  a  nnR 
ticket  is  not  had  all  through,  hut  contains  some  fair  names  min- 
glcfl  with  some  names  of  corrupt  or  danKcrous  men.  Vou  scratch 
the  latter  and  theichy  cau<c  their  dcfc.it  :  the  (»tli<r<,  receiviuK  the 
full  strenf!:th  of  the  p.arty.  are  carried. 

If,  however,  indiKiiatioti  afrain-t   a  dominant   Ring  has  risen 
HO  hinh  as  to  overcome  the  party  predilections  of  ordinary  citi- 
zens, if  it  is  ijesired  to  admi?iist(  r  condijrn  ;,iiil  certain  punish- 
ment to  those  who  have  ahused  the  patience  of  the  pi-ople,  the 
refonners  will   t;ike  ;i  more  decided   course.     They   urge  their 
friends  to  vote  the  ticket  of  the  opposite  party,  eitlier  entire  or  at 
least  all  th<'  hetter  name-:  on  it,  thus  ensuriiiK  its  victt)ry.     This 
is  an  efficient   nietlnMl,   hut  a  <lesperate  one,   for  you  put   into 
IH»wer  a  Hins  of  the  p;nty  wliii'h  you  have  heeii  opposing  all 
your  life,  ami  wlnwe  members  .'tre  [Mtssihly  (|uite  as  corrupt  a.H 
those  of  the  Hinir  whicji  controls  your  own  party.      The  pain  you 
l<M)k  for  is  not  thrnfote  t!ie  imiMidiate  j^ain  of  securing  better 
city  govertiment,  luit    (he  ultimate  piin  of  rai-sing  the  general 
practice  of  politics  hytlie  i)uiii-liirient  of  evildoers.     II<>nce,  when- 
ever there  is  time  to  i|o  so,  the  best  policy  is  for  the  reformers  to 
make  ov«  rture<  to  tlie  ojipo-jie  i)arty,  and  induce  them  by  the 
promise  of  supi)ort  to  nominate  l)etter  candidali-s  th;m  they  would 
have  nominate.1  if  |.ft  to  them-.Ive-.     A  uroupof  Molters.  afraid 
of  lieinRcall.Hl  traitors  to  their  party,  will  shrink  from  this  course; 
and  if  they  an-  weak  in  nuinlx  i-,  ihiir  .-ipproaches  may  Ite  repulsed 
by  the  opposition.     P,ut  liw  -cheme  is  alway-  woilh  trying,  and 
has  several  time-  be<>ii  crowned  uirh  sueees>.     By  it  the  reforming 
party  amoiifi  the  nemocniN  of  Baltimore  once  manage<l  to  defeat 
their  Rinu'  in  ;tii  election  of  judiie-.     Tin  y  -ettleil  in  conf(>renc«i 
with  the  Hcpiil>lic:ins  a  non-partis.-m  ticket,  wiiich  gave  the  Re- 
piil'licans  .'who  were  ;i  minorii\ )  a  I  letter  share  of  the  bench  than 
they  c««ili|  have  irot   by  tightiiiir  ;d<ine,   and  which  suhstituteil 
resy>ectah|f  Democrats  for  the  obji  ■»ioiiable  n.unes  on  the  regular 
Democniti-'  ticket.     A   similar  r.imhination  of  the  refonn   Re- 
Iiul)licaits   11  I'liiladelphia  witli  tlic  DiiniKrats,  wiio  in  thiit  i-ity 


!l 


172 


THh;   I'AHTV  SYHTKM 


PART   lit 


•9 


are  in  a  |M>niiaiu>nt  minority,  l(><l  to  tin*  iMvui  of  tin*  Hrpuhlican 
( ia«  Ring  (wlH'n-of  niori"  in  a  luttT  cliaptcr).  TJji.s  nicthutl  Hum  the 
advantage  of  savinKi>x|H'nst',  iMH-auw'  the  Bolters  can  use  the  exist- 
ing machinery  of  the  opiwsite  party,  which  organizes  the  meetings 
and  circulates  the  literature.  It  is  on  the  whole  the  most  promis- 
ing strategy,  but  needs  tact  an  well  as  vigour  on  the  part  of  the 
Ind(>|)endent  leiwU'rs.  Nor  will  the  opposite  party  always  accept 
the  proffere«l  lielp.  Sometimes  it  fears  the  gifts  of  the  (Jret^ks. 
Sometimes  it  ho|)es  to  win  unheliM-d,  and  therefore  will  not 
sacrifice  any  of  its  candidati's  to  the  scruples  of  the  refonners. 
Sometimes  its  chiefs  dislike  the  idea  of  refonn  so  heartily  as  to 
prefer  defj'at  at  the  hands  of  a  King  of  the  other  party  to  a  vic- 
tory which  might  weak«'n  the  hold  of  professionals  upon  the 
Machine  and  lead  to  a  general  purification  of  iwlitics. 

If  the  opposite  party  refuses  the  overtures  of  the  rcformera 
who  are  '  kicking  "  against  their  own  Machine,  or  will  not  purify 
th<'  ticket  sufficii'ntly  to  satisfy  them,  there  remains  the  chance 
of  fonning  a  third  jiarty  out  of  the  best  men  of  lK>th  the  regular 
organizations,  and  starting  a  third  s<'t  of  candidates.  This  is  an 
extension  and  improvement  of  tiie  second  of  the  four  enumerattnl 
methods,  and  has  the  greater  i)romise  of  success  Iwcause  it  draws 
votes  from  lK)th  parties  inst(>a<l  of  from  one  only.  It  has  been 
freiiuently  employed  of  late  y«>ars  in  cities,  generally  of  the  second 
order,  by  running  wliat  is  called  a  "  Citizens'  Ticket." 

Of  course  liolters  who  desert  their  own  party  at  a  city  elec- 
tion do  not  intend  i>ermanently  to  separate  themselves  from  it. 
Probably  they  will  vote  its  ticket  at  the  next  Stat<>  or  presidential 
♦'lection.  Their  object  is  to  shake  the  |)ower  of  their  local  Bo.ss, 
and  if  they  camiot  overthrow  the  Hing,  at  least  to  frighten  it  into 
better  iM'haviour.  This  they  often  effect.  After  the  defeat- of 
some  notorious  can<ndates.  tlie  j(»l)s  are  apt  to  b<"  less  flagrant. 
Hut  such  repentances  are  Uke  tliose  of  the  sick  wolf  in  the  fable, 
and  ex|K'rienc«'  proves  that  when  the  jHililic  vigilance  has  bivn  re- 
lax(Hl,  the  ringsters  of  iMith  parties  return  to  their  wallowing  in  the 
mire. 

The  difficulties  of  getting  g<MKl  citizens  to  maintain  a  sternly 
war  iigainst  the  professionals  have  been  found  so  great,  and  in 
particular  tlu-  .-itteuipt  to  break  their  control  of  the  primaries 
has  so  often  faik-d,  that  n-tniHlit-s  have  been  sought  in  legislation. 
Not  a  few  States  .  tendinl  the  |)ciiahies  attachetl  to  brilnTy  and 
frauds  at  public  eii<-tions  to  similar  otT«'nces  conunitted  at  pri- 


CHAP.  Lxviii       THE  WAR  A(iAI\HT  BOSSDOM 


17;J 


manes  oiwl  noininatinR  j-onvcutionH,  •U'crniiiK  thcw  act»  to  Iw 
a«  m  fact  they  an-,  scarr.Iy  hss  l.urtfiil  t(.  the  community  when 
practised  at  piir«>Iy  vohmtary  ;in<l  private  KathcriiiKs  than  when 
employed  at  elections,  seeiiiK  that  th'  average  electors  follow  the 
n>Kular  nommation  like  m  many  sh.-ep  :  it  is  tin;  caiKlidate's  party 
lalK'l,  not  his  own  characti  r,  that  is  vote<l  for.     And  now,  as  al- 
ready observe*  1,  by  the  laws  reRulatinR  priniuries  passj^l  in  almu>~\ 
every  btate,  brilx-ry  or  any  sort  of  fraud  pnictis<H|  at  a  primary 
election  18  ma.le  an  offence  pimisluJ.le  as  if  it  was  a  final  ..lection*' 
Similar  provisu.ns  prot.rt  tlu.  dehKut.'  t<.  u  conventi(.n  from  the 
candidate,  the  candi.late  from  the  .ieicKate.  and  the  j)arty  from 
l)oth.     Minnesota  le«l  the  way  by  n  set  of  striiiRent  rcKuiations 
makinR  the  annuhiH'iit  or  destruction  of  any  ballots  cast  at  a  party 
incetiiiK  held  f(.r  the  piirpoM-  of  choosing  cither  candidat's  or 
delegates,  or  the  wroiiKfuUy  prcventinR  persons  from  voting  who 
are  entitlwl  to  vote,  or  iMTsonation,  or  "  any  other  fraud  or  wrong 
temhng  to  defeat  or  affect  the  resiih  of  the  electii.n,"  a  mi>de- 
meanour  punishable  by  a  fine  not  exccnling  $.'«KM),  or  three 
years  imprisonment,  or  lK)th  jxiialties combiii(.<|.-     KuroiMums are 
8Urj)rise<l  that  legislation  should  not  only  recognize  jjarties.  but 
should  actually  attempt  to  regulate  the  internal  procenlings  of  a 
lK)htical  party  at  a  perfectly  voluntary  gathering  of  its  own  mem- 
Ihts,  a  gathering  whose  rcsoluti(»ns  no  one  is  bound  to  oU'y  or 
regard  in  any  way.    But  it  was  because  th<>  .Machine  had  succetHli^l 
in  nulhfying  the  free<loi!i  of  the  voter  that  statut<-s  were  fraine«l  to 
protect  even  his  voluntary  action  as  a  nu'inber  (»f  a  r)arty.    That 
such  a  plan  should  iu-  tried  is  a  phenomenon  to  i»e  s(  rioiisly  f)on- 
dered  by  those  who  are  accustonuHJ  to  ])()int  to  .America  "as  the 
country  where  the  principle  <.f  h-aving  things  al..ne  has  worked 
nuxst  widely  and  usefully  ;  an<l  it  is  the  strongest  evidence  of  tlu; 
immense  vigour  of  these  party  orgaiii/atioiis.  and  of  the  author- 
ity their  nominatio?is  exert.  Ihaf  reformers,  foiled  in  the  <'ffort  to 
purify  them  l)y  appeals  to  the  conscience  and  public  spirit  of  the 
voter  himself,  should  have  been  driven  to  invoke  the  arm  of  the 
law. 

The  struggle  betwc^'U  the  professional  politicians  and  tlu; 
refonners  has  Im-cu  going  on  in  the  great  cities,  with  varying 
fortune,  ev(.r  since  1870.     .\s  illustrations  of  the  incidents  "that 

'  S«'  mitf  on  I'ritiiiiry  l,:nv«  d,  (  h^ti'tc  i  |,\    ,,,ii, 

»  Statutes. . f  Mii,n..>..t;i..f  !ss7,  cii,,,. I.,  1\  jj  ■...  KC,  It  is  sin„i(ira.it  that 
tht-W  Wftloiis  apply  ..Illy  Iu  .ili,  ,  ,,|   ,'.(KM(  ii,h.ii,ii:,,iU  i.r  iii.uar.lx. 


J  74 


THE  PARTY  8YHTKM 


PAHT   III 


mark  it  will  l)c  fuuml  in  Hulwcqucnt  chapters,  I  will  here  nay 
only  that  in  ttic  unHlaught.s  uii  the  rinKN,  wiiich  moMt  dectioii-H 
bring  round,  the  rcfonncrH,  th(mgh  they  Heliluin  rapture  the 
citadel,  often  (U*8troy  «oiiu'  o{  the  outworks,  and  frighten  the 
garrition  into  u  iiiont  cautious  and  inoderutc  use  of  their  power. 
After  an  election  in  which  an  "  IndcjM'iulcnt  tick.'t  "  has  rcceivcnl 
considerable  "iupinrrt,  the  Ikjhwjs  are  liisposctl  to  make  U'tter  nomi- 
nations, and,  as  mi  eminent  Si'W  York  professional  (Mr.  Fernando 
VVootl)  said,  "to  pander  a  little  to  the  moral  s^-nsi*  of  the  commun- 
ity." Kvery  campaign  teacln>s  the  reformers  when'  the  enemy's 
w^^  points  lie,  and  gives  thcin  rnon-  of  that  tci  linical  skill  which 
has  hitherto  Ikh-ii  the  streiinth  of  ihe  professionals.  It  is  a  warfare 
of  volunteers  agaii»st  discii)lim><l  tnnips,  but  the  volunt«'ers,  since 
they  are  fighting  for  th(i  taxpayers  at  larg«',  would  sj-cure  so  great  a 
prepoiwh-rance  of  numln'rs,  if  tln'y  could  but  move  the  whole  kxly 
of  re»p<!ctal)le  citizens,  that  their  triumph  will  evidently  dep<>nd 
in  the  long  run  u|)oii  their  own  constancy  and  earnestness.  If 
their  zeal  (UK'S  not  flag ;  if  they  do  not  suffer  thenjs<'lves  to  ImmILs- 
heartem^l  by  fre<iuent  npulses;  if,  not  relying  too  absolutely 
on  any  one  remedy,  they  attack  the  enemy  at  every  point,  using 
every  WM'ial  and  tHlucational  as  well  as  le«ul  appliaiH-e,  tin;  e.xamph; 
of  their  <lisinlH'rite<l  public  s|)irit,  as  well  as  the;  cogency  of  their 
arguments,  cannot  fail  to  tell  on  the  \-oters ;  and  no  Hoss,  however 
adroit,  no  Ring,  however  .stnmgly  entrenched,  will  be  able  to  with- 
stand them.  The  war,  however,  will  not  Ih'  «)ver  wlu-n  the  enemy 
ha8  iH'en  routetl.  .Mthough  nuich  may  be  done  by  legi.slative 
rt;medies,  such  as  new  election  laws,  new  jirovisions  against  cor- 
ruption, a  recoiLstruction  of  th(>  frame  of  city  government,  and  a 
purification  of  the  civil  service,  there  are  certain  internal  and,  so 
tt)  s()eak,  natural  cau.s<>s  of  mischief,  the  removal  of  which  will  need 
jMitience  and  unremitting  diligence.  In  great  cities  — for  it  is 
throughout  chieHy  of  cities  that  we  have  to  think- -a  large 
si'ction  of  tin;  voters  will,  for  many  years  to  coinf,  Ix'  compara- 
tively ignorant  of  the  inetlnxlsof  f ree  govenunent  which  they  are 
set  to  work.  They  will  be  ifjnoraiit  even  of  their  own  interests, 
failing  to  [wrceive  that  wasteful  j-xiM-nditure  injures  those  who  <lo 
not  pay  direct  taxes,  un  well  as  t\um'  who  «lo.  Retaining  some  of 
the  feelings  which  their  luirojx'an  exiM'rience  has  tende<l  to  pro- 
duce, they  will  distrust  appeals  coming;  from  the  lK'st-<Hlucate<| 
classes,  and  be  inclininl  to  listen  to  l(H»se-tongued  demagogues. 
Once  they  have  joined  a  party,  they  will  \  ote  at  the  bidding  of  its 


CHAP.  Lxviii        THK  WAR  AGAINST  HossDoM 


175 


i.K-Hl  Iculors,  huwi'vvr  iMT^mnlly  unw(.rthy.'     Whih.  thin  wctioii 
rcmums  lujincnujs,  riiiKs  uikI  Imw-scs  will  always  have  materials 
r..a.ly  t..  ti.nr  Iwi.uIm.     TIutc  is.  l.ow..v..r,  nus«.i,  to  ..xiH'ct  that 
with  tlM^  pn)nrcs.s  of  tmic  this  section  will  iMronu-  relatively  Hiimller 
An.1  even  now.  larKe  as  it  is,  it  eoul.l  1...  overthrown  an.riioss^lon, 
extirpat.Hl,  were  the  l.e(l,  r  eiti/.ns  to  maintain  unbroken  throuuh 
a  .s<.ru.s  of  el.rtions  that  unity  nn.l  vigour  of  a.-tion  of  whieh  they 
Have  at  rarf  mc.ments,  and  under  tlu-  impulse  ..f  urKent  dutv 
shown  fhen.s,.lves  n.pahle.     In  An.cTiea.  as  evervwher,.  else  in' 
t he  wor ,!,  the  eonunouwealth  aulTerH  more  otten  from  .ipathy  or 
shorts,ght<Mlm.s.s  in  the  riel.rr  .•las.,.s,  who  ou^ht  to  l..ad.  than  fn.m 
iKHoranee  or  rnkies.s,u.ss  in  the  huml.ler  classes,  who  are  Ronerally 
retMly  to  follow  wh.-n  they  are  wisely  and  patriotically  led. 

•SmV-.  Mr    H.>,.....v,lt:  •  \-.,i,.rs  ,,f  t|„.  l:,lH„iritiB  •Im^.s  in  tl...  .ilirn  an-  vi-rv 

v";;:::':iv;::..v""  "v  '""•"'■  '"■":  """•  ^^- ' ..^.'--;i  t::::„;i:i^ 

yirtu.  H  ,M,I.N   t..  Ih.  t;,l.,.„  ,„t..  .MT.Mint  «l,.n  .•^ti.uatiI,tf  privatr  .Imrarti-r     Thim 

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^S  (716)   288- 5989 -Fox 


CHAPTER  LXIX 


NATIONAL  NOMINATIXG   CONVENTIONS 


Iv 

1(1"- 


In  every  American  election  there  are  two  acts  of  choice,  two 
periods  of  contest.  Th(>  first  is  the  s(>lection  of  the  candidate 
from  within  the  party  })y  the  party;  the  other  is  the  struggle 
between  the  parties  for  the  jwst.  Frequently  the  former  of 
these  is  more  important,  more  keenly  fought  over,  than  the 
latter,  for  there  are  many  districts  in  which  the  predominance 
of  one  party  is  so  marked  that  its  candidate  is  sure  of  success, 
and  therefore  the  choice  of  a  candidate  is  virtually  the  choice 
of  the  officer  or  representative. 

Preceding  chapters  have  descrihcnl  the  machinery  which  exists 
for  choosing  and  nominating  a  candidate.  The  process  was 
similar,  and,  subject  to  the  variations  introduced  by  the  recent 
primary  laws,  is  still  similar  in  every  State  of  the  Union,  and 
through  all  elections  to  office,  from  the  lowest  to  the  highest, 
from  that  of  conunon  councihnan  for  a  city  ward  up  to  that  of 
President  of  the  United  States.  But,  of  course,  the  higher  the 
office,  and  the  larger  the  area  over  which  the  election  extends, 
the  greater  arc  the  (efforts  made  to  secure  the  nomination,  and 
the  hotter  the  passions  it  excites.  The  choice  of  a  candidate  for 
the  presidency  is  so  striking  and  peculiar  a  feature  of  the  Ameri- 
can system  that  it  deserves  a  full  examination. 

Like  most  political  institutions,  the  system  of  nominating 
the  President  l)y  a  popular  conv(>ntion  is  the  result  of  a  long 
process  of  evolution. 

In  the  first  two  (^lections,  those  of  1789'  and  1792,  there  was 
no  need  for  nominations  of  candidat(>s,  because  the  whole  nation 

'  Th!>  Prosidciit  is  now  ;ihv;i\--  r-!,<>=.  ri  on  thr-  Tufsday  aftri  the  first  Monday 
in  the  XovcriilxT  of  an  even  year,  whosi'  ruimlxT  is  a  multiple  of  four  {e.g.  1880, 
1HS4,  ISSH),  iitul  comes  into  olTicc  in  tin'  spriuK  followintt ;  but  the  first  election 
WU.S  held  in  the  IjeijinninK  of  17<V,»,  Ixtause  the  Constitution  had  tx-en  then  only 
juat  adopted. 

17G 


CHAP^  Lxix    NATIONAL  NOMINATING  CONVENTIONS       177 

wisluHJ  uii,l  oxm-U'd  (J,.orgo  WashinKtou  to  ho  eloct.Hl.  So  toi^ 
whc;n  lu  1,90  Wushinstou  declared  his  retimnent.  tho  .loini.miit 

Thn!!f«  iT  """■*•''  'T  ^"^  -^^'"^  '^^''""■'^'  ^^'^^  »f  tf»'  other  for 
Thomas  Jefferson,  and  nolxxly  thought  of  setting  out  fommlly 
what  was  so  generally  understood.  ^ 

In  1800  however  the  year  (,f  the  fourth  election,  there  was 
somewhat  k^ss  unammity.  The  prevailing  sentiment  of  the  Fed- 
erahsts  went  for  re-electing  Adams,  and  the  small  conclave  of 
Federahst  memhers  of  Congress  which  met  to  promote  his  in- 
terest was  deeme<l  scarc(>ly  nec(.s.sary.     The  (Democratic)  Re- 

PresKlent  hes.tate<l  as  to  their  candidate  for  the  vice-presidency 
an.1  a  meetnig  of  Republican  memhers  of  Congress  was  therefore 
caUexl  to  recommend  Aaron  Burr  for  this  office.  It  was  a  smaU 
meetmg  and  a  secret  meeting,  but  it  is  memorable,  not  only  as  the 
first  congressional  caucus,  but  as  the  first  attempt  to  arrange  in 
any  way  a  party  nomination.  ^ 

held  ^Ti?t?  T"  ^r^^'  ^^*H'"''S  ^"'"  *'^^  ^^^  ^'"'•P"^^  was 
held     All  the  Republican  members  of  Congress  were  summone<l 

to  meet;   anci  they  unanimously  nominatetl  Jefferson  for  Presi- 
fn'"l^«      ^7^^^,C""ton  of  New  York  for  Vice-President.     So 
m  1808  nearly  all  the  Republican  majority  in  both  Houses  of 
Congress  met  and  formally  nominated  Madison  and  Clinton 
Ihe  same  course  was  followed  in  1812,  and  again  ip  1816.     But 
the  objections  which  were  from  the  first  ma<le  to  this  action  of  the 
party  m  (  ongress  as  being  an  arrogant  usurpation  of  the  rights 
of  the  people  -  for  no  one  dreamed  of  leaving  freetlom  to  the 
presidential  electors,  -  gained  rather  than  lost  strength  on  each 
successive  occasion,  so  much  so  that  in  1820  the  few  who  met  made 
no  nomination  'and  in  1824,  out  of  the  Democratic  members  of 
both  Houses  of  Congress  summoned  to  the  "nominating  caucus  " 
as  It  was  called,  on  y  sixty-si.x  attended,  many  of  the  remainder 
haying  announced  their  disapproval  of  the  practice.^   The  nominee 
of  this  caucus  came  in  only  thin!  at  the  polls,  and  this  failure  gave 
the  coup  dc  grace  to  a  plan  which  the  levelling  tendencies  of  the 
time,  and  the  disposition  to  refer  everything  to  the  arbitrament 

a  l^L^^r  "r*  '^!'*''"*''-^'  "f  "^sary-  to  havo  a  nomination.  Ix-rau.sc  there  waa 
Im'I      ';''•"'      T'  "^  "'-"''''•*'"«   Monroe.     The  sentiments  whTrh  =u«! 

the  ^.;^i2v;;y:"'i::M:.:";;:;  ;^::;';i;;o;.s;':S:t  "-■•'"•■■-  ^^^ 


178 


THE  PARTY  SYSTKM 


PART  III 


of  the  masses,  woul< I  in  any  case  have  soon  extinguishwl.  No  con- 
gressional caucus  was  ever  again  held  for  the  choice  of  candi- 
dates. 

A  new  method,  however,  was  not  at  once  discovered.  In  1828 
Jackson  was  recommended  as  candidate  by  the  legislature  of 
Tennessee  and  by  a  number  of  popular  gatherings  in  tlifferent 
places,  while  his  opponents  accepted,  without  any  formal  nomi- 
nation, the  then  President,  J.  Q.  Adams,  as  their  candidate.  In 
1831,  however,  assemblies  were  held  by  two  great  parties  (the 
Anti-Masons  and  the  National  R(^publicans,  afterwards  called 
Whigs)  consisting  of  delegates  from  most  of  the  States ;  and 
each  of  these  conventions  nominated  its  canilidates  for  the  presi- 
dency and  vice-presidency.  A  third  "  national  convention  "  of 
young  men,  which  nu^t  in  1832,  adopted  the  Whig  nominations, 
and  added  to  them  a  series  of  ten  r(>solutions,  constituting  the 
first  political  jjlatform  ever  put  forth  by  a  nominating  l)ody.  The 
friends  of  Jackson  followed  suit  by  holding  their  national  con- 
vention which  nominated  him  and  Van  Buren.  For  the  election 
of  1836.  a  similar  convention  was  held  by  the  Jacksonian  Demo- 
crats, nonc^  by  their  opponents.  But  for  that  of  1840,  national 
conventions  of  delegates  from  nearly  all  the  States  were  held 
by  both  Democrats  and  Whigs,  as  well  Jis  by  the  (then  young  and 
very  small)  party  of  the  Abolitionists.  This  precedent  has  been 
followed  in  every  subsequent  contest,  so  that  the  national  nomi- 
nating conventions  of  the  great  parties  are  now  as  nmch  a  part  of 
the  regular  machinery  of  politics  as  are  the  rules  which  the  Con- 
stitution itself  prescribes  for  the  election.  The  establishment  of 
the  system  coincides  with  and  represents  the  complete  social 
democratization  of  politics  in  Jackson's  time.  It  suits  both  the 
professionals,  for  whom  it  finds  occupation,  and  whose  {xjwer  it 
secures,  and  the  ordinary  citizen  who,  not  ha\nng  h^isure  to  at- 
tend to  politics,  likes  to  think  that  his  right  of  selecting  candi- 
dates is  recognized  by  committing  the  election  to  delegates 
whom  he  is  entitle<l  to  vote  for.  But  the  system  was  soon  seen 
to  be  lial^le  to  fall  under  the  control  of  selfisli  intriguers  and  there- 
fore prejudicial  to  the  chances  of  able  and  independent  men.  As 
early  as  1844  Calhoun  refused  to  allow  liis  name  to  be  submitted 
to  a  nominating  convention,  observing  that  he  would  never  have 
joineti  in  breaking  down  the  old  ('ongres.si«)nal  caucus  had  he 
foreseen  that  its  successor  would  prove  so  much  more  pernicious. 

Thus  from  1789  till  1800  there  were  no  formal  nominations; 


CHAP.  Lxix    NATIONAL   XOMINATINO   CONVENTIONS 


179 


from  1800  till  1821,  nominations  were  made  hy  congressional 
caucuses  ;  from  1824  till  1840,  nominations  irregularly  made  hy 
State  legislatures  and  popular  in(  etinjis  were  sraduallv  ripeninK 
towards  the  method  of  a  special  Ratheringof  (h'le<j;atrafrom  the 
whole  country.  This  last  plan  has  held  its  ground  since  1840. 
but  Its  working  is  l)e}rinninf>;  to  be  affected  by  the  new  plan  of 
primary  voiinjis.' 

Its  perfection,  however,  was  not  reached  at  once.  The  early 
conventions  were  to  a  larac  extent  mass  meetings.*  The  later 
and  present  ones  are  regulaily-constituted  rei)resentative  bodies, 
compose<l  exclusively  of  delejiatcs,  (iich  of  whom  has  been  dulv 
electefl  at  a  party  meeting  in  his  own  State,  and  brings  with 
him  hi.s  credentials.  It  would  be  tedious  to  trace  in  further  detail 
the  process  whereby  the  present  system  was  createil,  so  I  shall  be 
content  with  sketching  its  (iutliiu>  as  it  now  .stands. 

The  (Wstitution  provides  that  each  State  sli.-.ll  choose  as  many 
presiilential  electors  as  it  has  persons  representing  it  in  Congress, 
i.e.  two  elect<»rs  to  correspond  to  the  two  i-cnators  from  each  State! 
and  as  many  mor(>  as  the  State  sends  members  to  the  House  of 
Representatives.  1'hus  Delaware  and  Idaho  have  (>ach  thre(> 
electoral  votes,  because  tliey  have  each  only  one  represeiitative 
besides  their  two  senators.  New  York  hasthirty-nine  electoral 
votes;  two  corresponding  to  its  two  senators,  thirty-seven  cor- 
responding to  its  thirty-seven  representatives  in  the  House. 

Now  in  the  nominating  convention  each  State  is  allowed  twice 
as  many  delegates  as  it  has  electoral  \otes,  r.r/.  Delaware  and 
Idaho  have  each  six  deh^gates.  New  York  has  seventy-eight.  Tii(> 
debgates  are  cl-.osen  l)y  local  conventions  in  their  several  States, 
viz.  two  for  each  cojigressional  district  by  the  party  convention 
of  that  district,  and  four  for  the  wh()l(>  State  (called  delcgate.s-at- 
large)  by  the  State  convention.  As  each  convention  is  composed 
of  delegates  from  prin'.anes,  it  is  th(>  composition  of  the  primaries 
which  determines  that  of  the  local  conventions,  and  the  comiwsi- 
tion  of  the  local  conventions  which  determines  that  of  tlie  national. 
To  every  delegate  there  is  added  a  person  called  his  '■  alternate," 
chosen  by  the  loeal  convention  at  the  same  time,  and  empoweretl 
to  replace  him  in  case  he  cannot  be  present  in  the  natiimal  con- 

'  Sfv  l;i^!  pMniirr.-iph  of  thi.^  ( iia|it<i'. 

=  In  ls.")ti  the  tii>t  IJcpulili.-Mii  .■iiiiviiticii,  wliicli  iioiuiiiatcl  Fri'moiit  was 
rathor  a  nias.>  mcctiim  tli.iii  a  n|ir.si-Mt,itivc  IhmJ.v,  lor  in  manv  States  then- 
was  not  a  rcKular  i.iuanizati..ii  ,,f  tlic  mw  party.  S..  was  thr  scrcdiiiK  llcpub- 
licau  fouvciitioa  wliicli  nut  at  (iik  iniiati  in  IsJ-J  and  nominutud  Grceloy. 


180 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAur  111 


vention.  If  the  delegate  is  present  to  vote,  the  alternate  is  silent ; 
if  from  any  cause  the  delegate  is  absent,  the  alternate  steps  into 
his  shoes. 

Respecting  the  freedom  of  the  delegate  to  vote  for  whom  he 
will,  there  have  been  differences  both  of  doctrine  and  of  prac- 
tice. A  !  >cal  convention  or  State  convention  may  instruct  its 
delegates  which  aspirant'  shall  be  their  first  choice,  or  even,  in 
case  he  cannot  be  carried,  for  whom  their  subsequent  votes 
.shall  be  cast.  Such  instructions  are  frequently  given,  and  .still 
more  frequently  impliefl,  because  a  delegate  is  often  chos(>n 
expressly  as  l)eing  the  supporter  of  one  or  other  of  the  aspirants 
whose  names  are  most  prominent.  But  the  delegate  is  not 
absolutely  bound  to  follow  his  instructions.  He  may  vote  even 
on  the  first  ballot  for  some  other  asi)irant  than  the  one  desircnl 
l>y  his  own  local  or  Stat'  convention.  Much  more,  of  course, 
may  he,  though  not  so  instructwl,  change  his  vote  when  it  is 
plain  that  that  aspirant  \\-ill  not  succeed.  His  vote  is  always 
a  valid  one,  even  when  given  in  the  teeth  of  his  instructions; 
but  how  far  he  mil  be  held  censurable  for  breaking  them  de- 
pends on  a  variety  of  circumstances.  His  motives  may  be  cor- 
rupt; perhaps  something  has  been  given  him.  They  may  be 
pardonable ;  a  party  chief  may  have  put  pressure  on  him,  or  he 
may  desire  to  be  on  the  safe  side,  and  go  with  the  majority. 
They  may  be  laudable ;  he  really  seeks  to  do  the  best  for  the 
party,  or  has  been  convinced  by  facts  lately  brought  to  his 
knowledge  that  th(»  man  for  whom  he  is  iiistructed  is  unworthy. 
Where  motives  are  doubtful,  it  may  be  eharital)le,  but  it  is  not 
safe,  to  assume  that  th(>y  are  of  the  higlier  order.  Each  "  State 
delegation  "  has  its  chairman,  and  is  exp(>cted  to  keep  tog(>thcr 
tluring  the  convention.  It  usually  travels  together  to  the  place 
of  meeting ;  takes  rot)ms  in  the  same  hotel ;  has  a  recognized 
headquarters  there;  sits  in  a  particular  place  allotted  to  it  in 
the  convention  hall ;  holds  meetings  of  its  members  during  the 
progress  of  tlie  convention  to  decide  on  tlu;  course  whidi  it  shall 
from  time  to  time  take.  Th(>.se  meetings,  if  the  State  be  a  large 
and  doubtful  one,  excite  great  interest,  and  the  sharp-eared 
report(>r  prowls  round  them,  eager  to  learn  how  the  votes  will  go. 
Each  State  delegation  votes  by  its  chairman,  who  announces  how 


'  1  use  tlinmchoiit  the  tfrni  "a.spirant"  to  dnioto  a  pompotitor  for  the  nomi- 
nation, rcscrviriK  tlio  trrni  "candidate"  for  the  i)er8on  nominated  us  tlie  party's 
choice  for  the  presidency. 


(HAP.  Lxix    NATIONAL  NOiMlNATINd   CONVENTIONS       IS! 

his  (Iflcgatcs  vote  ;  l)ut  if  his  r('ix>rt  is  challenged,  the  roll  of  dclc- 
Ratcs  is  called,  and  they  vote  individually.  Whether  the  votes  of 
a  State  delegation  shall  he  given  solid  for  the  aspirant  whom  the 
majority  of  the  delegation  favours,  or  by  the  delegates  individually 
according  to  their  preferences,  is  a  point  which  has  excited  bitter 
controversy.  The  present  practice  of  the  Republican  party  (so 
settled  in  187G  and  again  in  1880)  allows  the  delegates  to  vote 
individually,  even  when  they  have  been  instructed  by  a  State 
convention  to  cast  a  solid  vote.  The  Democratic  party,  on  the 
other  hand,  sustains  any  such  instruction  given  to  the  delegation, 
and  records  the  vote  of  all  the  State  delegates  for  the  aspirant 
whom  the  majority  among  them  approve.  This  is  the  .so-called 
Unit  Rule.  If,  however,  the  State  convention  has  not  imposed 
the  unit  rule,  the  delegates  vote  individually. 

For  the  sake  of  keeping  up  party  life  in  the  Territories  and 
in  the  Federal  District  of  Columbia,  delegates  from  them  have 
l)een  axlmitted  to  the  national  convention,  although  the  Terri- 
tories and  District  (and  of  course  the  transmarine  possessions) 
had  no  votes  in  a  presidential  election.  Such  delegates  still 
attend  from  Hawaii  and  Alaska  and  the  District ;  and  even 
from  Puerto  Rico  and  the  Philippine  Islands.  Delegations  of 
States  which  are  known  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  opposite  party, 
and  whose  preference  of  one  aspirant  to  another  A\ill  not  really 
tell  upon  the  result  of  the  presidential  election,  are  admitted  to 
vote  equally  with  the  delegations  of  the  States  sure  to  go  for  the 
party  which  holds  the  convention.'  This  arrangement  is  justified 
on  the  ground  that  it  sustains  the  interest  and  energy  of  the 
party  in  States  where  it  is  in  a  minority.  But  it  permits  th(> 
choice  to  be  determined  by  districts  whose  action  \\'ill  in  no  wise 
affect  the  election  itself,  and  the  delegates  from  these  di.stricts 
are  aj)t  to  belong  to  a  lower  class  of  politicians,  and  to  b(> 
swayed  by  more  sordid  motives  than  those  who  come  from  States 
where  the  party  holds  a  majority." 

'  In  the  Rrpnhlican  national  convention  of  1008  an  attempt  was  made  to 
redurc  the  nuniherof  dele(;ates  from  the  State.s  where  the  party  is  weak  l)y  pro- 
posing that  every  State  should  have  four  delegates-at-hirge  and  one  additional 
delegate  for  every  10,000  Republican  votes  i)olled  at  the  last  preceding  presi- 
dential election.  This  plan,  which  would  have  greatly  reduced  the  ropresenta- 
tidh  in  the  runviulion  ol  ncarlj  all  the  Southern  .'States,  was  rejected  by  a  vote 
of  500  to  470. 

2  Althougli  the  large  majority  of  the  delegates  in  the  conventions  of  the 
two  gretit  parties  belong  to  the  class  of  professional  politicians,  there  is  always 
a   minority  of   respectable   men  who  do   not   belong   to   that   class,  but   have 


182 


TllK   PARTY  HYSTKM 


PAIIT   III 


it: 


'.I 


So  muc'li  for  the  compositioii  of  the  iiiitioiiiil  (•(•nvcntiou :  wo 
nijiy  now  go  oil  to  dcxrilH'  its  proi'ccdinjiis. 

It  is  h(>l(l  ill  till'  siuuiiici  iiiiiiK'diiitciy  prcctHlinp;  a  presidential 
election,  u.siially  in  .lime  or  July,  the  election  falling  in  Xoveni- 
l)er.  A  large  city  is  always  chosen,  in  order  to  ohtain  ade(iuute 
hotel  acconinuKlation,  and  easy  railroad  access.  Formerly, 
conventions  were  commonly  held  in  Jialtimore  or  Philadelpliia, 
but  since  the  centre  of  population  has  .shifted  to  tlie  Mis.si.s.>^ippi 
valley,  Cincinnati,  St.  Ixmis,  Denver,  Miiuieapolis,  and  esi)ecially 
Chictigo,  have  l)ecome  the  favourite  spots. 

Business  Ijcgins  by  the  "  calliuK  of  the  convention  to  order  " 
by  the  chairman  of  tlie  National  J'arty  committee.  Then  u 
temporary  ciiairman  is  nominated,  and,  if  opposed,  voted  on; 
the  vote  sometimes  giving  an  indication  of  the  respective  .strength 
of  the  factit»ns  present.  Then  the  secretaries  and  the  clerks  nrit 
appointed,  and  the  rules  which  are  to  govern  the  busines.s  are 
adopted.  .\.fter  this,  the  committees,  including  those  on  creden- 
tials and  resolutions,  are  nominated,  and  the  convention  adjourns 
till  their  report  can  be  i)resented. 

Tile  next  sitting  usually  oi)ens,  after  the  customary  prayer, 
with  the  ai)pointment  of  the  iiermanent  chairman,  who  inaugu- 
rates the  proceedings  with  a  sjieech.  Then  tlie  report  of  the 
committee  on  resolutions  (if  completed)  is  i^resented.  It  con- 
tains what  is  calle  1  the  platform,  a  long  series  of  resolutions 
embodying  the  princii)les  and  programme  of  the  party,  which  has 
usually  been  so  drawn  as  to  conciliate  every  section,  and  avoid  or 
treat  with  prudent  aml)iguity  those  (luestions  on  which  opinion 
within  the  party  is  divided.  .\iiy  delegate  who  objects  to  a  reso- 
lution, can  move  to  strike  it  out  or  amend  it ;  but  it  is  generally 
"  sustaiiunl  "  in  the  shape  it  has  received  from  the  practised 
hands  of  tlu'  committee. 

Next  follows  the  nomination  of  aspirants  for  tlu>  j^ost  of  party 
candidate.  The  roll  of  States  is  calleil.  and  when  a  State  is 
reached  to  which  an  asj)irant  intended  to  l)e  nominated  belongs,  a 
prominent  delegat(>  from  that  State  mounts  the  i)latform,  and 
proposes  him  in  a  speech  extolling  his  merits,  and  sometimes 
indirectly  disparaging  the  other  aspirants.  AnotluT  delegate 
seconds  the  nomination,  sometimes  a  third  follows :    and  then 


obtained  thu  post  owiriK  to  thoir  interest  in  seeing  a  ^ltn)ng  and  honest  candi- 
date eliosen.  The  «reat  importance  of  tiie  Imsincfis  draw*  persons  of  tuluut 
and  experience  from  most  parts  of  the  country. 


CHAP,  txix    NATIONAL  NOMINATINd   CONVKNTIONS       183 


the  roll-cull  rocs  on  till  ull  the  States  have  l)een  despatched,  uiul 
all  the  Jispirants  noininatcfl.'  Tlie  avcrune  iiumlHT  of  nomina- 
tions is  seven  or  ei^lit  ;  it  rarely  exceeds  twelve.'  In  1(K)H  there 
were  only  eiuht  at  the  l{e|)uhlican, three  at  the  Democratic,  con- 
vent i(»n,  and  it  was  well  unih'rstocjd  in  each  case  that  onlj  one 
person  had  a  chaiic(>  of  success. 

Thus  the   final  stai^e  is  readied,  for  which  all  else  has  been 
hut  preparatii>ii       tliat   of    hallotinn  between    the    asj)irants. 
The  clerks  call  tlie  roll  of  States  from  Alal)ama  to  Wyoming 
and  as  each  is  called  the  chainnan  of  its  delegation  announces 
the  votes,  e.g.  six  for  A,  five  for  H, -three  for  (',  unless,  of  course, 
und(>r  the  unit  rule,  the  whole  vote  is  cast  for  that  one  aspirant 
whom  the  majority  of  the  deh'Ration  sup}K)rts.     When  all  have 
voted,  the  totals  ar>  made  up  and  aimounced.     If  one  competi- 
tor luis  an  al)solute  majority  of  the  whole  number  voting,  accord- 
ing to  the  Republican  nde,  a  majority  of  two-thirds  of  the  number 
voting,  according  to  tlie  Democratic  rule,  he  has  been  duly  chosen, 
and  nothing  remains  but  formally  to  make  his  nomination  unani- 
mous.    If,  how(>ver,  as  has  happened  often,  no  one  oI)tains  the 
re(iuisite  majority,  tiie  roll  is  called  again,  in  order  that  individual 
delegates  and  delegations  (if  the  unit  rule  ])r(>vails)  may  have 
the  opixjrtunity  of  changing  tiieir  votes;   and  the  process  is  re- 
j)eat(>d  until  some  one  of  tlie  usjiirants  put  forward  has  received 
the  required  number  of  votes.     Sometimes  many  roll-calls  take 
lihice.     In  1N.')2  tile  DeiiKx-rats  nominated  Franklin  Pierce  on  tlie 
forty-ninth  ballot,  and  the  Whigs  ( Icneral  Scott  on  the  fifty-third. 
In   ISSO,  thirty-six.  ballots  were  taken  Ix'fore  ( ieneral  (larfield 
was  nominated.     I>ut.  in  1S.{."),  .Martin  Van  Buren ;    in   I.S44, 
Henry  Clay;   in  ISdS  and  1S72.  Ulys.ses  S.  (Irant;   in  1888  Mr. 
("leveland,  were  unanimously  nominated,  the  three  foni  "r  by 
acclamation,  tlie  latter  on  the  first  ballot.     In  1884  Mr.  Blaine 
was  nominated  by  the  ]{e])ublicans  on  tlu;  fourth  ballot,  Mr. 
Cleveland  by  the  Democrats  on  the  second;  in  1888,  Mr.  Har- 
rison on  the  eighth.     In   189()  Mr.   McKinley  was  nominate<l 
on  the  first  ballot  and  Mr.  Bryan  on  the  fifth.     In  1892  both 
Mr.  Harrison  (then  President)  and  Mr.  Cleveland  were  nominated 
on  the  first  ballot,  each  of  them  by  an  overwhehning  majority. 

'  \'<)iiiitiiitii)lis  iiKiN,  luiucvir.   Ill'  iiiuili-  .it  .iiiy  siil)S(<|iiciit   tinif. 

-'  Hii\v<'vcr,  in  thr  Kipiililii'a'i  iniiviritinn  nl  1^^^,  fnurtirn  a-|iir,irit>  wcro 
iwtiiiiiiMtcd  Mt  the  imt^it,  .-i\  <if  wlnnii  wi-n'  Mit.il  for  dii  tin-  Ia:-t  lialli.t.  Votes 
wire  K'v<-ii  at  one  vt  otln  r  uf  tin    li:illi)iiiij.'-  fur  nim  tii-ii  a.-iiiraiit.>  in  all. 


I 

.4 


1H4 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAUT   III 


•It-. . 


[<  - 


Similarly  in  1904  both  Mr.  Roosovrit  and  Mr.  Parker  and  in  1<K)8 
l)oth  Mr.  Taft  and  Mr.  Bryan  were  each  of  th(  m  nominated  on 
the  first  ballot.  Thus  it  sometimes  happ<>ns  that  the  voting  is 
over  in  an  hour  or  two,  whil«'  at  other  times  it  may  last  for  days. 
In  1912  Mr.  Taft  was  nominated  by  the  Kepublieans  on  the  first 
ballot  after  an  embittered  struRKl''  ov(  r  the  credentials  of  eertain 
delogates.  Three  hundred  forty-three  deh'^ates  abstained  from 
voting  and  a  month  later  held  a  Convention  of  tlu'ir  own,  at 
which  a  new  party,  called  Progressive,  was  formed,  and  Mr. 
Roosevelt  was  nominated  for  the  presidency.  At  the  Dentocratic 
Convention  in  the  same  year  Mr.  Wootlrow  Wilson  was  nom- 
inated on  the  forty-sixth  ballot. 

When  a  candidate  for  the  presidency  has  been  thus  found,  the 
convention  proceeds  similarly  to  determine  its  candidate  for  the 
vice-presidency.  The  inferiority  of  the  office,  and  the  exhaustion 
which  has  by  this  time  overcome  the  delegates,  make  the  second 
struggle  a  less  exciting  and  protracted  one.  Frequently  on(>  of 
the  defeated  aspirants  is  consoled  by  this  minor  nomination, 
especially  if  he  has  retired  at  the  nick  of  time  in  favour  of  the 
rival  who  has  been  chosen.  The  work  of  the  convention  is  then 
complete,'  and  votes  of  thanks  to  the  chairman  and  other  officials 
conclude  the  proceedings.  The  two  nominees  are  now  the  party 
candidates,  entitled  to  the  support  of  the  party  organizations  and 
of  loyal  party  men  over  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  Union. 

Entitled  to  that  support,  but  not  necessarily  sure  to  receive 
it.  Even  in  America,  party  discipline  cannot  compel  an  indi- 
vidual voter  to  cast  his  ballot  for  the  party  nominee.  All  that 
the  convention  can  do  is  to  recommend  the  candidate  to  the 
party ;  all  that  opinion  can  do  is  to  brantl  as  a  Kicker  or  Bolter 
whoever  breaks  away  ;  all  that  the  local  party  organization  can 
do  is  to  strike  the  Bolter  off  its  lists.  But  how  stands  it,  the 
reader  will  ask,  with  the  delegates  who  have  been  i)resent  in  the 
convention,  have  had  their  chance  of  carrjing  their  man,  and 
hav3  l)ecn  beaten  ?  are  they  not  held  absolutely  bound  to  sup- 
port the  candidate  chosen  ? 

This  is  a  question  which  has  excited  much  controversy.  The 
constant  impulse  and  effort  of  the  successful  majority  have  been 
to  impose  such  an  obligation  on  the  defeated  minority,  and  the 
chief  motive  which  has  prevented  it  from  being  invariably  for- 

'  Kxccpt  fnr  till'  iillo  forxiiality  of  apiioiiitini;  u  (.•ommitlco  to  uotify  to  tliu 
ramtidatf  liis  wkctiou. 


niAP.  uxix    NATIONAL  NOMINATFNO   CONVKNTIOXS      IHT, 


mally  enforcfd  liy  rule  or  rt-solution  (»f  the  convftjfion  has  Iwrn 
the  frar  that  it  minlit  pn-cipitatc  hostilities,  minht  induce  men 
of  independent  cliaracter,  or  stronRly  opposed  to  some  partieiihir 
aspirant,  to  rciiise  to  attend  as  delenates,  or  to  secede  «'arly  in 
tlie  procee(hnjrs  when  they  saw  that  a  person  whom  they  dis- 
a|)])roved  was  likely  to  win. 

At  the  UepuMican  national  convention  at  ChicaRo  in  Juno, 
ISSO,  an  attempt  was  succ<'ssfully  made  to  impose  the  ohligation 
l)y  the  followiuK  resolution,  commonly  called  the  "Ironclad 
Pledge":  — 

"That  every  meuiher  of  this  convention  is  Ixmnd  in  honour 
t(»  supi)ort  its  nominee,  whoever  that  nominee  may  he,  and  that 
no  man  shouhl  hold  his  seat  here  who  is  not  ready  so  to  agree." 

This  was  carri<-d  hy  71()  votes  to  :i.  Hut  at  the  Republican 
nati(mal  convention  at  ChicaKo  in  June,  1884,  when  a  similar 
resoluti(>n  was  presented,  the  opposition  d(>veloi)ed  was  stronR 
enounh  to  compel  its  withdrawal ;  and  in  point  of  fact,  several 
consi)icuous  delcKates  at  that  convention  stremiously  opj)osed 
its  nominee  at  the  suhsecpient  presidential  election,  them.selves 
voting,  aiid  inducing  others  to  vote,  for  the  candidate  of  the 
D(>mocratic  party. 

The  general  tendency  towards  a  reform  of  the  nominating 
system  as  a  whole  has  recently  led  to  the  enactment  in  fifteen 
States  of  laws  cnahling  the  voters  of  each  party  to  declare  at  a 
primary  State  election  their  preference  for  a  i)articular  aspirant 
as  the  candidate  of  their  i)arty,  and  re(|uiring  the  delegat<>s 
chosen  hy  the  jjarty  to  give  their  votes  in  the  party  convention 
acconUngly.  Should  this  method  of  ascertaining  the  wishes  of 
the  majority  of  each  j)arty  c<mie  to  i)revail  over  the  whole 
Union,  the  present  convention  system  will  he  jmjfoundly 
changed.  There  will  then  he  practically  an  election  of  candi- 
dates by  the  peojile.  Creat  efforts  will  of  course  Ix  made  in 
every  State  to  win  for  one  or  other  among  the  party  aspirants 
the  i)osition  of  party  candidate,  hut  the  character  of  those 
efforts  will  he  ditTerent.  There  will  he  more  public  meetings, 
at  many  of  which  the  aspirants  will  doubtless  present  their 
respective  claims.  There  may  possibly  be  less  underground 
intrigue.  Time  nluiu-  can  shew  how  the  new  plan  will  work, 
and  whether  it  will  eliminate  all  aspirants  except  those  who 
possess  consi)icuous  pojjular  gifts. 


J 


CHAITEII   LXX 


THE   NOMl\ATIN(}   CONVKNTION    AT   WORK 


Ui 


lie  - 


'S.M 


!*•» 


t: 


We  havo  cxiunincil  the  cotniMtsitinii  of  a  national  convention 
ami  thr  normal  onlcr  of  husim-ss  in  it.  The  more  diHicult  task 
remains  of  dcscrihinK  tlic  actual  character  and  features  of  such 
an  asH<'nii)ly,  the  motives  which  sway  it,  tiie  tem|)er  it  displays 
the  passions  it  elicits,  the  wih's  l>y  which  its  memhers  are  lured 
or  driven  to  their  tfoal. 

A  national  convention  has  two  ohjecjts,  the  formal  declaration 
of  the  principles,  views,  and  practical  |)ro|M)sal,s  of  the  party, 
and  tlu>  choice  of  its  candidates  for  the  executive  headship  of 
the  nation. 

Of  the.se  objects  the  former  has  i?i  critical  times,  such  a.s  the 
two  electi(ms  preceding  the  Civil  War,  been  of  great  importance. 
In  the  Democratic  convention  at  Cliarleston  in  1S()(),  a  debate 
on  resolutions  led  to  a  secession,  and  to  the  break-up  of  the 
Democratic  party,'  and  in  lHiM>  there  were  contests  in  both 
Conventions  over  tiie  treatment  to  !>(>  given  to  the  currency 
que.stion,  the  struggle  being  esiH'cially  warm  among  the  Demo 
erats.  So  i  1<)()8  a  short  but  significant  debate  arose  in  the 
Republican  convention  over  amenchnents  of  u  "radical" 
character.  Hut,  with  such  occasional  exceptions  as  hist  herein- 
before menti>>ned,  the  adttption  of  platforms,  drafted  in  a  vague 
and  pomixnis  style  by  the  committee,  has  of  late  years  been 
almost  a  matt  t  of  form.  Some  observations  on  these  enuncia- 
tioas  of  doctrine  will  be  found  in  anotiier  chapter.- 

The  second  object  is  of  al)S(>rbing  interest  and  importance, 
l)ecause  the  presidency  is  th(>  great  prize  of  politics,  the  goal  of 

'  Thf  national  convention.^  of  tliosr  day.s  wore  much  smaller  than  now,  nor 
were  the  assistinsj  si fators  so  nuniiTiiiis. 

•  Chanter  lA'-WIH.  The  nearest  Knuljsh  >>unil!(!  to  .'in  Ameri.-M,,  "plat- 
form" 18  to  lie  found  in  the  addresses  to  their  respective  const ituonele.s  issued 
at  a  t'cneral  .lection  hv  the  I'lime  Minister  (if  a  nienil)cr  of  the  House  of  Com- 
mons) anil  the  leader  li'  the  Opposition.  Such  addresses,  however,  do  not  for- 
mally hind  the  whole  party,  as  an  Aiiirrican  platform  does. 

186 


.HAP   Lxx       N<»MI\.\TI\(1    CONVKNTIOX    AT   \V(t|{K 


m 


cvjTy  stutf.sii.ari's  amiiition.  'I'hc  IVc-^iilciit  cjm  hy  liis  veto 
stop  Icnislutioii  adverse  t.i  tlie  \\i>lus  ot'  the  party  he  repn^jwuts. 
The  President  is  the  supreme  dispenser  nf  patrouuKc.  • 

One  may  therefore  say  that  the  ta>k  of  a  convention  m  to 
ehoos*'  the  parly  eandidat.-.  And  it  is  a  task  difficult  enouRh 
to  tax  ail  tiie  r»  suinve>  of  the  ho>t  of  delegates  an(|  their  loaders. 
Who  is  the  man  fittest  to  l>e  adopted  as  candidiite?  Not  even 
a  novice  in  politic^  will  Mip|)ose  that  it  is  the  hest  man.  i.e.  the 
wisest,  strongest,  and  most  n|)riKht.  I'l.iinly,  it  is  the  nmii  most 
likely  to  win,  the  man  who.  to  use  the  technical  term,  is  most 
"  availalile."  What  a  party  wants  is  not  a  ko<mI  President  hut  a 
K<mmI  candidate.  The  r)arty  managers  have  therefore  to  l(X)k  out 
for  the  |)erson  likely  to  nain  most  >iipport,  and  at  the  sumo  time 
excit('  leiust  opi)osition.  Their  search  is  rendered  more  trouble- 
sjiine  hy  the  fa<-t  that  many  of  them,  heinfr  themselves  either 
aspirants  or  the  close  allies  of  aspirants,  are  Mot  disinterested, 
and  are  distrusted  hy  their  fellow-searchers. 

Many  things  have  to  he  cousiilered.  The  ahility  of  a  states- 
nmn,  the  h-nnth  of  time  he  has  heen  hefore  the  i)eople,  his 
oratorical  gifts,  his  "magnetism."  his  family  comiections,  his 
face  and  figure,  the  purity  of  his  jmvate  life,"  his  "record"  (the 
chronicle  of  his  conduct)  as  regards  inteurity  -  all  these  are 
nmtters  needing  to  he  weighed.  Account  must  he  taken  of  the 
personal  jealousies  and  hatreds  which  a  man  has  excited.  To 
have  incurred  the  eiunity  of  a  leading  statesman,  of  a  power- 
ful Boss  or  Ring,  even  of  an  influential  newspaper,  is  serious. 
Several  such  feuds  may  he  fatal. 

Finally,  much  depends  on  the  State  whence  a  possible  candi- 
date comes.  Local  feeling  leads  a  State  to  .support  one  of  its 
own  citizens;  it  increases  the  vote  of  his  own  party  in  that 
State,  and  reduces  tlie  vote  of  the  opposite  party.  Where  the 
State  is  decidedly  of  one  political  colour,  c.f/.  .so  steadily  Re- 
publican as  Vermont,  .so  steadily  Deniocmtic  as  Maryland,  this 
consideration  is  weak,  for  tlie  choice  of  a  Democratic  camlidate 
from  the  former,  or  of  a  Republican  candidate  from  the  latter, 
would  not  make  the  difVerence  of  t!ie  State's  vote.  It  is  there- 
fore from  a  doubtful  State  that  a  candidate  may  with  mo.st  ad- 
vantjige  be  s.'lected  ;  mid  ihv  larger  the  doubtful  State,  the 
better.  California,  with  her  ten  electoral  votes,  is  just  worth 
"placating";  Indiana,  with  her  fifteen  votes,  more  so;  New 
York,  with  her  tiiirty-nine   votes,  most  so  of  all.     Hence  an 


188 


THE   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


S 


!       i 


aspirant  who  hcloiiss  to  a  ^roat  and  doubtful  State  is  prima 
facie  the  most  eligible  candidate. 

Aspirants  hopinR  to  obtain  the  party  nomination '  from  a 
national  convention  may  be  divided  intt)  three  classics,  the  two 
last  of  which,  as  will  appear  presently,  are  not  mutually  exclu- 
sive, viz. :  — 


Favourites. 


Dariv  Horses. 


Favourite  Son? 


A  Favourite  is  always  a  jiolitician  well  known  over  the  Union, 
and  drawing  supi)ort  from  all  or  most  of  its  sections.  He  may 
be  a  man  who  has  distinguished  himself  in  Congress,  or  in  some 
high  executive  post,  or  in  tlie  politics  of  som(>  State  so  large 
that  its  politics  ure  matter  of  knowledge  and  interest  to  the 
whole  nation.  Ke  is  usually  a  person  of  conspicuous  gifts, 
whether  as  a  si)eaker,  or  a  party  manager,  or  an  admini- 
strator. The  drawback  to  him  is  that  in  making  friends  he  has 
also  made  enemies. 

A  Dark  Horse  is  a  person  not  very  widely  known  in  the 
country  at  large,  but  known  rather  for  good  tlian  for  evil.  He 
has  probably  sat  in  Congress,  been  useful  on  committees,  and 
gained  some  credit  among  those  who  dealt  with  him  in  Wash- 
ington. Or  he  has  approved  himself  a  safe  and  assiduous 
party  man  in  the  political  campaigns  of  his  own  and  neighbour- 
ing States,  yet  without  reaching  national  prominence.  Some- 
times he  is  a  really  ai)le  man,  i)ut  without  the  special  talents 
that  win  popularity.  Still,  speaking  generally,  the  note  of  the 
Dark  Horse  is  respectability,  verging  on  colourlessness;  and 
he  is  therefore  a  good  sort  of  person  to  fall  back  upon  when 
al>le  but  dangerous  F'ivourit<>s  have  proved  impossible.  That 
native  metliocrity  rather  than  adverse  fortune  has  prevented 
him  from  winning  fame  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  the  Dark 
Horses  who  have  reached  the  White  House,  if  tiiey  have  seldom 
turned  out  bad  Presidents,  have  even  more  seldom  turned  out 
distinguished  ones. 

A  Favourit(>  Son  is  a  politician  respected  or  admired  in  his 
own  State,  but  little  regarded  l)ey(md  it.  He  may  not  be,  like 
the  Dark  Horse,  little  known  to  the  nation  at  large,  but  he  has 
not  fixed  its  eye  or  filled  its  ear.  He  is  usually  a  man  who  has 
sat  in  the  State  legislature;  filled  with  credit  the  post  of  State 
governor ;  jn'rhaps  gone  as  senator  or  representative  to  Wash- 
ington, and  there  api)r()ved  himself  an  active  i)romoter  of  hx-al 


CHAP.  Lxx       NOMINATIXfJ   CONVENTION  AT  WORK 


189 


,1 

'1 

1 


interests.  Probably  he  possesses  the  qualities  which  gain  local 
popularity,  —  Keniality,  activity,  sympathy  with  the  dominant 
sentiment  and  habits  of  his  State;  or  while  endowed  with  gifts 
excellent  in  their  way,  he  has  lacked  the  audacity  and  t(>nacity 
which  i)ush  a  man  to  the  front  through  a  jostling  crowd.  More 
rarely  he  is  a  demagogue  who  has  raised  hims-lf  by  flattering 
the  masses  of  his  State  on  souu*  local  (juestions,  or  a  shilful 
handler  of  party  organizations  who  has  made  local  bosses  and 
spoilsmen  believe  that  their  interests  ar<  safe  in  his  hands. 
Anyhow,  his  personality  is  such  as  to  be  mor(>  effective  with 
neighl)ours  than  with  the  nation,  as  a  lamj)  whose  glow  fills  the 
•side  chapel  of  a  cathedral  sinks  to  a  spark  of  light  when  carried 
into  the  nav^e. 

A  Favourite  Sou  may  be-  also  a  Dark  Horse ;   that  is  to  say, 
he  may  be  well  known  in  his  own  State,  Init  so  little  known  out 
of  It  as  to  b(>  an  unlikely  candidate.     But  he  need  not  be.     The 
tyI)e^;  are  diff(>rent,  for  as  tlure  ar(>  Favourite  Sons  whom  the 
nation  knows  but  does  not  care  for,  so  there  are  Dark  Horses 
w-l.ose  rej)utation,  such  as  it  is,  has  not  been  made  in  State 
affairs,  and  who  rely  very  little  on  State  favour. 
^  There  are  seldom  mor(>  than  two,   never  more  than  thn^e 
Favourit(>s  in  the  running  at  the  same  convention.     Favourite 
Sons  are  more  numerous  -^  it  is  not  uncommon  to  have  four  or 
five,  or  even  six,   though   perliai)s  not  all  these  are  actually 
started  m  the  ra-e.     llie  number  of  Dark  Horses  is  practically 
unlimitcMl,  because  many  talked  of  ix-forehand  are  not  actually 
started,  while  others  not  considered  lu-iore  the  convention  ix-gins 
are  .lis.-overed  as  it  goes  on.     This  happened  in  the  leading  and 
most  instructive  case  of  .James  A.  (larfic-ld.  who  was  not  voted 
for  at  all  on  the  first  ballot  in  the  Heiuiblican  convention  of 
IHKO.  and  had,  on  no  ballot  up  to  the  thirty-fourth,  received 
morv  than  two  vot(>s.     On  the  thirty-sixth  '  he  was  nominated 
by  \m     So,  in  lS.-,2,  Pierce  was  scarcely  known  to  th(«  people 
when  he  was  sprung  on  the  convenlioii.     So.  in  18()S,  Horatio 
Seymour,  who  had  l)een  so  liil|(>  thought  of  as  a  candidate  that 
he  was  chairman  of  the  Democratic  convention,  was  first  voted 
for  on  the  twenty-second  ballot.    H(>  n>fused  to  be  nominated,  but 

w:is  in.luced  to  have  tlu- rliair  and  nominated  on  that  very  ballot. 
To  carry  the  analysis  farther,  it  may  be  observed  that  four 

•  In  lsr,(l  ,|„.  |),.,„,„.r;,ti..  .ouvntio,,  at  fM.arl,st„a  no.ui.uUca  Mr.  Dowslas 
on  the  lifty-si'vcnth  Fallot. 


190 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


«    i 


r  ^K 


IJ-^ 


'n 


i.i 


sets  of  motivos  an«  at  work  upon  those  who  ihrect  or  vote  in  a 
convention,  acting  with  (Hffer,..it  degrees  of  force  on  (hfferent 
persons.  There  is  the  wish  to  carry  a  particular  aspirant. 
There  is  the  wish  to  defeat  a  particuhir  aspirant,  a  wish  some- 
times stronger  than  any  i,re.liieetion.  Tliere  is  tlie  desire  to 
get  something  for  one-s  self  out  of  the  struggle  -  eg.  by  trading 
one's  vote  or  inHueiice  for  the  i.rospect  ot  a  federal  office 
There  is  the  wish  o  find  tlie  man  who,  be  he  good  or  bad,  friend 
or  foe,  will  give  the  party  its  best  chance  of  victory.  These 
motives  cross  one  anotlier,  get  mixed,  vary  in  relative  strength 
from  hour  to  hour  as  the  convention  goes  on  and  new  possi- 
bilities are  disclosed.  To  forecast  their  joint  effect  on  the 
minds  of  particular  persons  and  sections  of  a  party  neeils  \yide 
knowledge  and  eminent  acutencss.  To  play  upon  them  is  a 
matter  of  the  finest  skill. 

The  proceedings  of  a  nominating  convention  can  be  host 
understood  bv  regarding  the  three  periods  into  which  they  fall : 
the  transactions  which  precede  the  oiiening  of  its  sittings ;  the 
preliminary  business  of  passing  rules  and  resolutions  and  de- 
livering the  nominating  spe(>chos ;   and,  finally,  the  balloting. 

A  President  has  scarcely  been  elected  before  the  newspapers 
begin  to  discuss  his  proi)al)le  successor.     Little,   however,    is 
done  towards  the  ascertainment  of  candidates  till  about  a  year 
before  the  next  election,  when  the  factions  of  tlie  chief  aspir- 
ants prepare  to  fall  into  line,  newspapers  take  up  their  parable 
in  favour  of  one  or  other,  and  bosses  begin  the  work  of  "sub- 
soiUng,"  i.e.   manipulating   primaries  and  local   convention  so 
as  to  secure  the  choice  of  such  delegates  to  the  next  national 
convention  as  thev  desire.     In  most  of  the  conventions  which 
appoint  delegates.'  the  claims  of  the  several  aspirants  are  can- 
vassed,  and  the  dek^gates  choseti  are  usually  chosen  in  the 
interest  of  one  particular  aspirant.     The  newspapers,  with  their 
quick  sense  of  what  is  b(>ginning  to  stir  men's  tiioughts.  redouble 
their  advocacv,  and  the  "boom"  of  one  or  two  of  tlie  proba- 
ble favourites  is  tlius  fairly  started.     Before  the  delegates  leave 
their  homes  for  the  national  convention,  most  of  them  have 
fixed  on  their  candidate,  many  having  indeed  received  positive 
instructions  as  to  how  their  \<ite  >hall  be  cast.     All  appears  to 
be  spontaneous,  but  in  reality  both  the  choice  of  particukr  men 
as  delegates,  and  th(>  instructions  given,  are  usually  the  result 
of  untiring  underground  w^ork  among  local  politicians,  directed, 


II 


CHAP.    LXX 


NOMINATING  CONVENTION  AT  WORK         191 


or  even  personally  condiictccl,  by  two  or  three  skilful  ag(>nts 
and  emissaries  of  a  leading  aspirant,  or  of  tiie  knot  which  seeks 
to  run  him.  Son"  times  the  result  of  the  convention  turns  on 
the  skill  shown  m  sending  up  "handpicked"  delegates. 

Four  or  five  days  before  the  day  fixed  for  the  opening  of  the 
convention  the  delegations  begin  to  flock  into  the  city  where  it 
is  to  be  held,     f^ome  come  attended  by  a  host  of  fnenils  and 
camp-followers,  and  are  received  at  the  depot  (railway  tenni- 
nus)  by  the  politicians  of  the  city,  with  a  band  of  music  antl 
an  adiniring  crowd.     Thus  Tammany  Hull,  the  famous  Demo- 
cratic club  of   New  Yt)rk  City,   came  six  hundrcMl  strong  to 
Chicago  in  .hilv,  ISS4,  filling  two  special  trains.'     A  great  crowd 
met  it  at  the  stiition,  and  it  marched,  following  its  Boss,  from 
th(>  cars  to  its  heacUjuarters  at  the  Pahner  House,  m  procession 
each  member  wearing  his  badge,  just  as  the  n>tainers  of  Earl 
Warwick   the    King-maker    used   to    follow    him    through    the 
streets  of  London  with  the  Hear  aiul  Hagged  Staff  upon  their 
sleeves.     Less  than  twenty  of  th(>  six  hundred  were  delegates; 
the  rest  ordinary  members  of  the  organization,  who  had  accom- 
panied to  give  it  moral  and  vocal  su])i)ort.- 

Before  the  great  dav  dawns  many  thousands  of  politicians, 
newspaper  men,  and  sight-secTs  have  filled  to  ov(>rttowing  every 
hotel  in  th(>  citv.  and  crowded  the  main  thoroughfares  so  that 
the  street  cars  "can  scarcely  j)enetrate  tiie  throng.     It  is  like  a 
mediu'val  pilgrimage,  or  tlie  musterir,-  of  a  gr(:;t  aripy.     When 
the  chief  delegations  have  arrived,  the  work  be<,!us  in  earnest. 
Not  onlv  each  large  delegation,  but  the  faction  of  each  leading 
aspirant  to   the   caiulidacy,   has  its   headquarters,   where  the 
managers  hold  p(>rpetual  session,  n-ckoniug  ui>  their  numbers, 
starting  rumours  meant  to  (>xaggerate  tiieir  resources  and  dis- 
hearten their  opponents,  organizing  raids  upon  tlu^  less  experi- 
enced delegates  as  tliev  arrive.     Some  fill  the  entrance  halls 
and  bars  of  the  hotels,  talk  to  the  l)usy  reporters,  extemporize 
meetings  with  tumultuous  cheering  for  tlieir  favourite.     The 
common  "worker"  is  good  enough  to  raise  the  boom  by  these 
devices.     Meanwhile,  the  mor(>  skilful  leaders  begin  (lis  it  is 
expres.sed)  to  "plough  around"'  among  the  delegations  of  the 

•  Tho  Boss  of  T-immnny  wn»  nn  ohjcrt  of  special  curiosity  to  the  crowd, 
brins  tho  most  ilUlstrions  profcssioiml  in  the  whole  Liute.i  States. 

2  The  two  other  Deinocrati.-  organizations  whi.h  then  oxist.x.  in  New  Yorit 
City,  the  County  Democracy  and  Irving  Hall,  came  each  in  force  — the  one  a 
regiment  of  five  hundred,  the  other  of  two  hundred. 


192 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAHT    lU 


i  J 


ncwtT  Western  :inil  Southoni  States,  usually  (at  least  aiiumg 
the  Republii-ans)  more  maUeal)le,  because  they  come  from 
regions  wliere  the  strength  of  the  factions  supporting  the  vari- 
ous aspirants  is  h'ss  accurately  known,  and  are  themselves 
more  easily  "captured"  by  bold  assertions  or  sedu'-tivt:  prom- 
ises. Sometimes  an  expert  intriguer  will  "break  i.  U  '  one  of 
these  wavering  delegations,  and  mak(>  havoc  like  a  fox  in  a  hen- 
roost. "Missionaries"  are  sent  out  to  bring  over  individuals; 
embassies  are  accredited  from  one  delegation  to  another  to 
endeavour  to  arrange  combinations  by  coaxing  the  weaker 
party  to  drop  its  own  aspirant,  and  aild  its  votes  to  those  of 
the  stronger  i)arty.  All  is  conducted  witli  perfect  order  and 
good-humour,  for  the  least  approach  to  violence  would  recoil 
ujwn  its  authors ;  and  the  only  breach  of  courtesy  is  when;  a 
d(>legation  refuses  to  receive  the  ambassadors  of  an  organizati(»n 
whose  evil  fame  has  made  it  odious. 

It  is  against  etiquette  for  the  aspirants  themselv(>s  to  appear 
in  the  Convention,'  whether  from  some  lingering  respect  for  tlu 
notion  that  a  man  must  not  ask  the  peo])le  to  dioose  him,  but 
.  cept  the  proffered  honour,  or  on  the  j)rincii)le  that  the  attor- 
11'  /  who  conducts  his  own  case  has  a  fool  for  a  client.  But 
from  Washington,  if  he  is  an  official  or  a  senator,  or  from  hisown 
home,  or  possibly  even  from  his  "-oom  in  the  city,  each  aspirant 
keeps  up  hourly  comnmnication  with  his  managers  in  the  Con- 
vention, having  ]irobably  a  private  telegraph  or  telephone  wire 
laid  on  for  the  purpose.  Not  only  may  officials,  incliiding  the 
President  himself,  l)ecome  asi)irants,  but  Federal  office-holders 
may  be,  and  very  largely  are,  delegates,  ('specially  among  the 
Southern  Republicans  when  that  party  is  in  jiower.'-  They  have 
the  strongest  personal  interest  in  the  issue ;  ;uid  the  heads  of 
departments  can.  1  .onuses  of  ]>laces,  exert  a  potent  influence. 
One  hears  in  Am.  just  as  one  used  to  hear  in  France  under 

Louis  Nai)oleon  or  ^iarshal  McMahon,  of  the  "candidate  of  the 
Administrati<m." 

As  the  hour  when  the  convention  is  to  open  approaches,  each 
faction  strains  its  energy  to  the  utmost.     The  larger  delega- 

'  Oddly  onouKh,  tho  only  Eniilish  parallel  to  thi.s  delicate  ri'servo  is  to  bo 
found  in  the  rustom  whi'h  forbid:-  :>  raiidid:it<'  for  the  npresintatiof.  in  Par- 
liament of  the  I'niversity  of  Oxford  to  approach  the  Uiiiversity  before  or  dur- 
itiK  the  election. 

*  Not  to  add  that  niuny  Southern  Republican  delegates  are  supposed  to  b6 
purehusuble. 


HAP.  Lxx       NOMIXATINCJ   CONVKXTlON'   AT   VVOllK 


103 


i 


tioiis  hold  iiu'ctiiifts  to  (Iclcrmiiic  (heir  course  in  (lie  event  of 
tlie  man  they  chiefly  favour  proving  "unavailahle."  Confer- 
ences take  place  hetween  different  delectations.  Lists  are  pub- 
lished in  the  nev,si)apers  of  the  streiif^th  of  each  aspirant. 
Sea  and  laud  aic  compassed  to  sain  one  influential  delegate, 
who  "owns"  other  delef^ates.  If  he  resists  other  jjersuasions, 
he  is  "switcluMl  on"  to  the  private  wire  of  some  magnate  at 
WashinKton,  who  "talks  to  him,"  and  suff^ests  inducements 
more  efTective  than  thos»>  he  has  hitherto  withstood.  The  air 
is  thick  with  tales  of  plots  and  treas(»ns,  so  that  no  politician 
tru.sts  his  neif^hhour,  for  rumour  spares  none. 

At  length  the  period  of  expectation  and  preparation  is  over, 
and  the  su?nmer  sun  rises  upon  the  fateful  day  to  which  every 
politician  in  the  party  has  looked  forward  for  three  years. 
UmfT  before  the  time  (usually  11  .\.m.)  fi.xed  for  tlie  besinnins 
of  business,  every  i)art  of  the  hall,  erected  sjjecially  for  the 
Katlierinjo;  -a  hall  often  large  enough  to  hold  from  ten  to  fif- 
teen thousan<l  jx-rscms  —  is  crowded. •  The  dele;!;ates  —  who 
in  1912  were  107S  in  the  Republican  convention  and  lOcSti  in  tiu; 
Democratic  —  are  a  mere  droi)  in  the  ocean  of  faces.  Eminent 
politicians  from  every  Stale  of  the  l.^nion,  senators  and  repre- 
sentatives from  Washin/^ton  not  a  few,  journalists  and  re- 
porters, ladies,  sight-seers  from  distant  cities,  as  well  as  a 
swarm  of  partisans  from  the  city  itself,  press  in,  some  sem- 
l)lance  of  order  being  kept  by  the  sergeant-at-arms  and  his 
marshals.  Some  wear  devices,  sometimes  the  badge  of  their 
State,  or  of  their  organization;  sometimes  the  colours  or  em- 
blem of  their  favourite  aspirant.  Each  State  delegation  has 
its  allotted  place  marked  by  the  flag  of  the  Statc^  floating  from 
a  pole,  or  a  board  bearing  its  name  raised  .doft ;  liut  leaders 
may  be  seen  passing  from  one  group  to  anotiier,  while  the  spec- 
tators listen  to  the  i)and  playing  i)opular  airs,  and  elieer  any 
well-known  figure  that  enters. 

When  he  assembly  is  "called  to  order,"  a  prayer  is  offeretl 
—  each  day's  sitting  begins  witli  a  prayer  by  some  clergyman 
of  local  eminence,-  the  susceptil)ilities  of  various  denominations 

'  Admission  is  of  oourso  by  ti<k(  t,  iiiid  the  prices  (riven  for  tickots  to  those 
who,  havin«  ()i>t:iin("(i  them,  sell  tiicni,  run  hi(ih,  u|i  to  -S^U,  or  even  $50. 

'  I  have  heard  in  such  a  prayer  thanks  returned  to  tlie  Alniisihty  for  havinn 
secured  the  noni'nation  of  a  particular  candidate  at  a  previous  sittinc  of  tlie 
ronvention  and  the  re(iuest  preferred  that  He  would  make  sure  tlie  election  of 
that  candidate. 


104 


THE  PAKTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


-+5 


U  ;■>"  1 


I    1' 


mi 


l)oiiig  duly  rcsiHTlcd  in  tlic  selection  —  and  business  proceeds 
aecordiiiK  to  the  order  descrihed  in  last  c}uij)ter.  First  come 
the  preliniinarii'S,  appointment  of  committees  and  chairmen, 
then  the  iilatform,  and  on  the  sectmd  or  third  day,  the  nomi- 
nations and  hallotinj;;.  the  latter  sonu'times  extending  over 
.several  days.  There  is  usually  l)oth  a  forenoon  and  an  after- 
noon session. 

A  European  is  astonished  to  see  nearly  one  thousand  men 
prepare  to  transact  the  two  most  difficult  pieces  of  l)usiness  an 
assembly  can  undertake,  tlie  solemn  consideration  of  their 
principles,  and  the  selection  of  the  jjcrson  they  wish  to  place  at 
the  head  of  th(>  natioa,  in  the  sight  and  hearing  of  twelve  or 
fourteen  thousand  other  nun  and  women.  Ohservaticm  of  what 
follows  does  not  lessen  the  astonishment.  The  convi-ntion  jire- 
sents  in  sharp  contrast  and  fretjuent  alternation,  th(!  two  most 
striLing  features  of  Americans  in  jjublic  —  their  orderhness  and 
their  excitability.  Eve  ytliing  is  done  according  to  strict  rule, 
with  a  scrupulous  obs(Tvanc(>  of  small  formalities  which  Euro- 
pean meetings  would  ignore  or  despise.  Points  of  order  ahnost 
too  fine  for  a  ])arliament  are  taken,  argued,  decided  on  by  the 
Chair,  to  whom  every  one  bows.  Yet  tlie  i)assions  that  sway 
the  multitude  are  constaiitly  liursting  forth  in  stonns  of  cheer- 
ing or  hissing  at  an  allusion  to  a  favourite  asjiirant  or  an  obnox- 
ious name,  and  live  or  six  s|)eakers  ma\  tiike  the  floor  together, 
shouting  and  gesticulating  at  each  other  till  the  chairman  ob- 
tains a  h'armg  for  one  of  tliem.  Of  course  it  depends  on  the 
chairman  whether  or  no  the  convention  sinks  into  a  mob.  A 
chairman  with  a  weak  voice,  or  a  want  of  promirl  decision,  or  a 
suspicion  of  pi'itisiuship,  may  bring  the  assembly  to  the  verge 
of  disaster,  and  !'.  has  more  than  once  hapi)ened  that  when  the 
confusion  tliat  prevailed  woiild  have  led  to  an  irregular  vote 
which  might  have  been  subsecjuently  disputed,  th(>  action  of  the 
manager  acting  for  tlie  winning  horse  has,  by  waiving  some  point 
of  order  or  consenting  to  an  adjournment,  save<l  the  party  from 
disruption.  Even  in  the  noisiest  scenes  good  sense,  with  a  feel- 
ing for  the  need  of  fair  ])lay  -  fair  play  according  to  the  rules 
of  the  game,  which  do  not  exclude  some  dodges  repugnant  to 
an  ho  -  arable  man  —  will  often  reass<>rt  itself,  and  pull  back 
the  vehicle  from  the  e<ige  of  the  precipice. 

The  chief  interest  of  the  earlier  proceedings  lies  in  the  in- 
dications  which   speeches   und    votings   give   of   the   relative 


CHAP.  Lxx      NOMIXATIXPi   ('nNV?:XTION  AT  WORK         19.1 


Btrrnj^th  of  the  factions.  Soiiictiiiics  a  division  on  tho  choice 
of  a  chainimn,  or  on  the  adoption  of  a  rulo,  reveals  the  ten- 
ilrncies  of  the  majority,  or  of  influential  l(>aders,  in  a  way 
which  sends  i.ie  chances  of  aji  aspirant  swiftly  up  or  down  tho 
barometer  of  oi)inion.  So  when  the  nominating  speeches  come, 
it  is  not  so  tiuich  their  elof|iience  that  helps  a  nomine(>  as  the 
wamitii  with  whicii  tli(>  audience  receives  them,  the  volume  of 
cheeriuK  and  the  length  of  time,  perhaps  an  hour  or  more,  during 
vhich  the  transport  lasts.  As  inij^ht  he  nuessed  from  the  size 
of  tho  audience  whicli  he  addresses,  an  crator  is  exix'cted  to 
"soar  into  the  hlue  empyrean"  at  once.  The  rhetoric  is  usually 
pomj)ous  and  impassioned,  hut  few  are  those  who  can  make 
themselves  heard  hy  the  whole  of  tlie  multitude.  To  read  a 
speech,  even  a  short  speech,  from  copious  notes,  is  neitlier 
irregular  nor  rare. 

While  forenortn  an<l  (>venin,u;,  perhaps  even  late  evening,  are 
occupied  with  the  sittings  of  the  convention,  canvassing  and 
intrigue  go  on  more  hriskly  than  ever  during  the  rest  of  the 
day  and  night,  ("onferenc.s  are  held  Ix'tween  (legations 
anxious  to  arrange  for  a  utiioTi  of  forces  on  one  candidate.' 
Divided  delegations  hold  meetings  of  their  own  memhers,  meet- 
ings often  long  and  stormy,  behind  closed  door^,  outside  which 
a  curious  crowd  listens  to  the  angry  \()icis  within,  and  snatches 
at  the  reports  which  the  dispersi?ig  memlxTs  give  of  the  result. 
Sometimes  the  whoI(>  issu(>  of  the  conv(>ntion  hinges  on  the 
action  of  the  delegates  of  a  great  Stat(>,  which,  like  New  York, 
under  the  unit  rule,  can  throw  seventy-eight  votes  into  the 
trembhng  scale.  It  has  wm  haiipened,  although  this  is  against 
a  well-settled  custom,  that  n  brazen  aspirant  himself  goes  the 
round  of  several  delegations  and  tries  to  haranaiK!  them  into 
supporting  him. 

Sometim(>s  it  is  well  known  beforehand  whom  the  Conven- 
tion will  nominat(\  One  aspirant  may  be  yn  generally  popular 
with  the  whole  |)arty  that  tlio  delegates  have  iiolh.ing  to  do 
but  register  a  foregone  conclusion.     Or  it  may  happen  that  the 

'In  tho  DutiHicratic  ronvpiitinn  of  1^^|  it  \v:is  uncI.Tstood  that  the  ohoioe 
)i  Mr.  rU-vclaml.  tin'  Icadinjj;  r.ivoinli,..  \y.><M  (!..!.(.!i(!  („i  th.-  .-iftian  of  th" 
riplcgation  of  \ow  York  State,  luit  oiil>  ,  houwir,  l„(;uis<-  it  cast  the  largest 
vote,  htit  Ix'oause  it  was  his  own  State,  and  !.ciati>c  it  was  already  foreseen 
that  tho  presidential  election  would  turn  on  the  electoral  vote  of  Xew  York. 
Thus  the  strugRle  in  the  convention  came  to  he  really  a  duel  between  Mr. 
rieveland  and  the  Boss  of  'riininany,  with  whom  Mr,  Cleveland  had  at  an 
earlier  period  in  his  career  "locked  horns." 


1<M) 


TIIK   PARTY  SYSTKM 


PART   III 


PI 


m\ 


ii 


Icrtdors  of  the  party  luivc  r(>ju'h<'(l  an  aKrccinont  which  a  ma- 
jority of  th(«  delegates  can  he  rcIiiMJ  on  to  carry  out.  Such 
cases,  however,  have  hitherto  l)(«en  infreciuent,  and  in  what 
follows  I  (|(>scril)e  the  more  usual  i)henomen(m  of  a  struKgle 
between  eontenchns  factions  and  aspirants  prohjiiRcd  until  the 
moment  comes  for  the  convention  to  decide. 

.\s  it  rarely  ha|)pens  that  any  aspirant  is  able  to  command  at 
starting  a  clear  majority  of  the  whole  conventitm,  the  object  of 
his  friends  is  to  arraiijj;(>  a  combination  whereby  he  may  Rather 
from  the  supporttTs  of  other  aspirants  votes  sufficient  to  mako 
up  tlie  re(iuisite  tuajority,  be  it  two-thirds,  according  to  the  Dem- 
ocratic rule,  or  a  little  more  than  a  half,  accordiuR  to  the  Repul>- 
lican.  Let  us  take  the  total  luimber  of  votes  at  10(K)  —  a  trifle 
b(>low  the  lif^ure  in  1912.  There  are  usually  two  aspirants  com- 
mandina;  each  fnim  2S0  to  .'}.')(),  one  or  two  others  with  from  50  to 
120,  and  the  rest  with  much  smaller  figures,  20  to  40  each.  A  com- 
bination can  succeed  in  onv  of  two  wavs :  (n)  One  of  the  stronger 
aspirants  may  pick  up  votes,  sometimes  quickly,  sometimes  by 
slow  defrrees,  from  the  weaker  can<li(lates,  sufficient  to  overpower 
the  rival  Favouiite;  (/>)  ICacii  of  tiie  strongest  aspirants  may 
hold  his  forceps  so  wi-ll  togethc^r  that  after  rep(>ate(l  ballotings  it 
becomes  clear  that  neitlu-r  can  win  against  tlie  resistance  of  the 
other.  Xeitiier  faction  will,  however,  give  way,  because  there 
is  usually  bitterness  between  them,  because  each  would  feel 
humiliated,  and  because  each  aspirant  has  so  many  friends  that 
his  patronage  will  no  more  than  suffice  for  the  clients  to  whom 
he  is  pledged  already.  Hence  one  or  other  of  tlie  l)afned  Favour- 
ites sudd(>nly  transfers  the  votes  li(>  conuiiands  to  some  one 
of  the  weaker  m(>n,  who  then  so  rapidly  "develojjs  strength" 
that  the  rest  of  the  minor  factio;is  go  over  to  him,  and  he  obtains 
the  recpiisite  majority.'  Kxperienc{>  has  so  well  prepared  the 
tacticians  for  om(>  or  other  of  these  issues  that  the  game  is 
always  i)l:iyc.l  with  a  view  to  them.  The  first  (>fTort  of  the 
managers  of  a  Favourite  is  to  cajjture  the  minor  {,Toups  of 
delegates  who  sup|)(»it  one  or  otlier  of  the  Favourite  Sons  and 
Dark  Horses.     Not  till  this  proves  h^jjcless  do  they  decide  to 

'  fiipposr  A  ai.ii  i!,  Tavoui ii. .-.  I.,  liuv.'  cai-li  .'WO  votes.  After  some  ballot- 
itms,  A's  fri.  iiil.~.  pir-M  i\  iiijr  tlii,\-  cannot  <lraw  enough  of  tlic  votes  foniniandcd 
by  C,  I),  and  1'  (who  have  each  7ltl.  and  of  (',  and  H  (who  Iiavi-  each  :«»),  to  win, 
jrivi'  their  ;{:!(»  votes  to  1".  This  srives  liini  so  eonsiderahh-  a  lead  that  C,  D, 
and  (!  «o  over  to  him  on  the  next  liallot  ;  he  lias  then  .")7(),  and  either  wins  at 
ouie  (Uepuhlicau  rule)  or  will  win  ne.\t  ballot  (Democratic  rule). 


riiAP.  i,xx       NOMINATINd    COW  KNTIOM   AT    WOIIK 


l!)7 


sell  tliciiisclvcs  as  dear  as  tlicy  can  l>y  taking  up  and  carrying 
t<>  victory  a  Dark  Horse  or  pciliaps  even  a  Favourite  Son, 
thcreiiy  retainiiiy;  the  |»leasure  of  defeating  the  rival  Favourite, 
while  at  the  same  time  esfaMi-hinv;  a  i  laim  for  themselves  ami 
their  faction  on  the  aspirant  whom  tiny  carry.' 

It  may  i)e  asked  why  a  Dark  Morse  often  prevails  ajjainst 
the  Favourites,  seeinn  that  either  of  the  latter  has  a  nuicli  larger 
number  of  delejrates  in  liis  favour.  (Ju^,h1  not  the  wish  of  a 
v<'ry  large  group  to  have  so  mucli  weight  with  the  minor  groups 
as  t(»  induce  them  to  come  over  .and  carry  the  man  whom  a 
powerful  section  of  the  party  ohviously  desires?  The  reas(m 
why  this  does  not  ha|)pen  is  that  a  I'avourite  is  often  as  much 
hated  l>y  one  strong  section  as  he  is  liked  l>y  another,  and  if  the 
hostile  section  is  not  strotig  enough  to  keep  him  out  by  its  un- 
aided vote,  it  is  sure  to  be  alil(>  to  do  so  by  transferring  itself 
to  sotne  other  aspirant.  Moreover,  a  Favourite  has  often  less 
chance  with  tlie  minor  grouijs  than  ;i  Dark  Hors(>  may  hav:\ 
He  has  not  tlie  charm  of  novelty.  His  "ins  and  outs"  are 
known;  the  deh'gations  weiglied  his  merits  before  th(>y  h'ft 
their  own  State,  and  if  they,  or  the  State  convention  that  in- 
structed them,  decided  against  him  then,  they  are  slow  to  adopt 
hhn  now.  They  have  formed  a  habit  of  "antagonizing"  him, 
whereas  they  have  no  hostility  to  some  new  and  liitiierto  incon- 
spicuous aspirant. 

Let  us  now  suppose  resolutions  and  nominating  speeches 
despatched,  and  the  curtain  raised  f(jr  tlie  tliird  act  of  the  c(m- 
vention.  The  chairman  laps  loudly  with  his  gavel,'  announcing 
the  call  of  States  for  the  vote.  A  liush  falls  on  the  nuiltitude. 
a  long  deep  breatli  is  drawn,  tally  books  are  opened  and  pencils 
gras])ed.  while  the  cl(>rk  reads  slowly  the  names  of  State  after 
State.  As  each  is  called,  th<'  chairman  of  its  delegation  rises 
and  announces  the  votes  it  gives,  imrsts  of  cheering  from  each 
faction  in  the  audience  welcoming  the  votes  given  to  the  object 
of  its  wishes.     Inasniucli  as  the  disposition  of  most  of  the  dele- 


•  It  will  hp  understood  that   wliilc  \hc  Favouriti'S  ami   Fa'-oTiritc  Sons  aro 

before  the  coiiventioii  from  th.'  lirst,  sm ^f  ilie  Dark  Morses  inav  not  appear 

as  aspirants  till  well  on  ni  the  liallotuiL'.  Tiny  may  )«■  persons  who  have 
never  been  thouKlit  of  before  as  possible  candidates.  There  is  therefore  always 
a  great  element  of  exeitinR  uncertainty. 

-  The  gavel  is  a  sort  of  auctioneir's  liaiiMMcr  -ased  Ijy  a  chairuian  to  call  the 
attention  of  the  ineetiim  to  wliat  he  is  -nviiiir  or  to  restore  onler.  That  used 
at  a  uatiomil  eonveution  is  often  made  of  piecis  of  wood  from  every  state. 


188 


THK   PARTY  SYSTKM 


PAUT   111 


it?.. 


kn] 


^ 


gutt's  has  ln'coiiic  known  IxIoicIihikI,  not  only  to  the  iniin!iKer«, 
Imt  to  tlic  ptihlic  IhrouKh  tin-  press,  th,'  loiulcsl  welcome  in 
given  to  ji  delefiato  tir  ilcle,u:itioii  wliose  vote  turns  out  lietter 
tluiii  had  lieeii  pre(li<-te<t. 

In  tlie  (irst  scene  of  tins  third  and  decisive  act  the  Favourites 
have,  of  course,  the  leading  parts.  Their  ohject  is  to  imxhice 
an  impression  of  overwliehniny;  streiin(h,  so  the  whole  of  this 
strengtii  is  displa.ved,  unless,  as  oecasionall.v  happens,  an  astute 
manager  holds  hark  a  few  votes.  This  is  .dso  the  hri^ht  hour 
of  the  Favourite  Sons.  I-:ach  receives  the  vote  of  his  State,  hut 
each  usually  tinds  that  he  has  little  to  expect  from  external 
ht'l|),  and  his  friends  JKjiin  to  consider  into  what  other  camp 
they  had  iu-lter  marcli  over.  The  Dark  Horses  are  in  the  hack- 
ground,  nor  is  it  yet  possihie  to  say  which  (if  any)  of  them 
will  come  to  the  front. 

The  fir>t  hallot  seldom  decides  much,  yet  it  yives  a  new 
aspect  to  the  l>:il tie-field,  for  tlie  dispovjtioiis  of  some  groups  of 
voters  who  had  remaine(l  (loul)tful  is  now  revealed,  and  the 
managers  of  each  aspirant  are  Letter  ah|(>  to  tell,  from  the  way 
in  which  certain  dclej^.-itions  are  divided,  in  what  (|uarters  they 
are  most  likely  to  i<:ii\n  or  lose  votes  on  the  snhse(iuent  hallots. 
They  whisper  tiastily  together,  an<l  try.  in  the  few  moments 
they  have  hefore  the  second  hallot  is  upon  them,  to  prepare 
some  new  line  of  detVnce  (»r  attack. 

Till,  second  l)ailot,  taken  in  the  same  way,  sometimes  reveals 
even  more  than  the  first.  The  smaller  aiKl  more  timid  (h'lega- 
tions,  smitten  with  th(>  sense  of  their  weakness,  despairing  of 
their  own  aspirant,  and  anxious  to  he  on  th(>  winning  side,  hegin 
to  give  way;  or  if  this  does  not  happen  on  the  second  hallot, 
it  may  do  so  on  the  third.  Hifts  open  in  tlu'ir  ranks,  imUvid- 
uals  or  groups  of  delegates  go  (,ver  to  one  of  the  stnmger  can- 
didates, .some  having  all  along  meant  to  d(j  so.  and  thrown  their 
first  vote  merely  to  ohey  instructions  received  or  fulfil  the;  letter 
of  a  promise  given.  The  gain  of  (>veii  twenty  or  thirty  votes 
for  one  of  the  Ifiding  caiidid.ntes  over  his  strengtli  on  the  pre- 
ceding hallot  .so  much  inspirits  his  friends,  and  is  .--o  likely  to 
bring  fresh  recruits  to  jiis  standard,  that  .-i  wilv  Tuanager  will 
often,  on  the  first  l)allot,  throw  away  some  of  his  votes  on  a 
harmless  antiigoni.-t  that  he  may  hy  rallying  th(>m  increase  the 
total  of  his  candidate  on  the  second,  and  so  convey  the  impres- 
sion of  growing  strength. 


TRAP,  i-xx       \().\HN.\TI\'(i   CON'VKNTION    AT   WdllK 


100 


TIh'  l)rr;itliiiiK  spjK-c  I).-(witii  i-,i.li  l,;i||,,f  urid  tliat  which 
follows  i.s  iiscij  l>y  the  iii!iii!ij>crs  tor  liiinit'd  coiisultatioiis. 
Ai(lisHlc-c;iiii|>  ;iif  scut  to  confirm  it  wavctiiiK  ilc|c>^uti(in,  or  to 
urnc  one  which  has  liccri  siipiiurtiriii  'i  now  hopeless  aspirant 
to  seize  this  nioiiierit  I'or  (liopiiiiin  him  and  coming  over  to  the 
wimiiiiK  standard.  Or  the  aspirant  liim>eir,  who,  hmidrnls  of 
miles  away,  >its  li>t<'iiiii}!;  to  the  cjirji  ui  the  l.iisy  wires,  or  the 
half-heard  li>piii;^s  of  a  "  loiiit  di>iaiice  "  telephone,  is  told  how 
matters  st.and.  and  asked  to  jidvise  forthwith  what  coiir.se  his 
fri«'nds  shall  take.  Forthwilh  it  mn-t  he,  for  the  next  l.allot 
is  come,  and  may  «ive  tlie  l.altle-lield  a  new  asp<'ct,  promisinj? 
victory  or  |)resaj!;inn;  iiretrievahle  defeat. 

-Vny  one  who  has  taken  part  in  an  election,  he  it  the  election 
of  u  j)ope  liy  cardinals,  or  a  town-derk  l.y  a  city  council,  of  a 
fellow  l)y  the  dons  of  a  colieyie,  of  a  s<'hoolma-ter  l)y  the  hoard 
of  trustees,  of  a  p.astor  hy  a  coni;reuation.  knows  how  much 
depends  on  j;e:;eralship.  In  every  hody  of  el<ctors  there  are 
men  who  have  no  mind-  of  their  own  :  otlii  is  w '  nmot  make 
up  their  minds  till  the  decisive  moment,  iind  are  ermine<|  hy 
the  la.st  word  or  incident  ;  uihers  whose  waveri..j;  inclination 
yields  to  the  pressure  or  follows  the  example  of  a  >tronKer  col- 
h'iigue.  There  are  therefore  cli.mces  of  running  in  hy  surprise 
•M\  aspirant  whom  few  ma.\  liave  desired.  Imt  still  fewer  have 
positively  disliked,  chances  >pecialJy  v.iluahle  when  contro- 
ver.sy  has  spent  itself  l.etween  two  e(|ually  matched  competi- 
tors, so  that  the  majority  are  reatly  to  jump  at  a  new  sutfgi'stion. 
The  wary  tactician  awaits  his  opportunity;  he  improves  the 
hriKhteniuH  |)rospects  of  his  .T-pirant  to  ( .-irry  him  with  a  run 
hefore  the  opposition  is  ready  with  a  counter  move;  or  if  he 
sees  a  .strong-  antanonisl.  he  in\ents  |)retexts  for  del.ay  till  he 
has  arranfi;ed  a  i-omliinalion  hy  which  that  antaj^onist  may  he 
foiled.  Sometimes  he  will  put  forward  an  aspirant  destined 
to  1)0  ahandoned,  and  reserve  till  several  votin<z;s  have  been 
taken  the  man  with  whom  he  me.ms  to  win.  .All  these  arts  are 
familiar  to  the  convention  numaiier,  wliose  |)ower  is  .seen  not 
m(>rely  in  the  de;ilin}>;  with  so  l.iriie  ;i  numher  of  individuals 
and  groups  whose  dispo-itions  \n-  must  u.'v:isV  au'l  reniemlMT. 
hut  in  the  cool  promptitude  with  which  he  decides  on  his  course 
amid  the  noise  and  p;ission  and  distractions  of  twelve  thou- 
sand shouting  spectators.  Scarcelv  un-ater  are  the  faculties  of 
eomhiuation  an<l  coolness  of  hea  1  needed  by  a  general  in  the 


M) 


TIIK   PAIITV  SYHTKM 


PAKT    III 


1. 

"I 


midst  »)f  a  haltic,  who  lias  to  hi-ar  in  iniiKl  tlir  |M)sitioii  of  j-vcry 
«)i)<'  of  Ills  own  corps  ami  to  diviiit'  the  positions  of  tliosr  of  tli(> 
t'lU'iiiy's  corps  which  remain  coucivilcd,  who  must  vary  I  '•  ■ 
plan  from  hour  to  hour  acc-onliiifj:  to  thr  success  or  failure  o 
each  «)f  his  movements  and  the  new  facts  that  are  successively 
disclosed,  and  who  does  all  this  under  the  roar  and  thruuKh  M"' 
smoke  of  cannon. 

One  ballotiiiK  follows  another  till  what  is  calle*!  "the  break" 
comes.  It  comes  when  the  weaker  factions,  perceiving  that  tlw- 
men  of  their  first  picfereiice  cannot  ..ucceed,  transfer  their  votes 
to  that  one  amoin^  the  a>piranls  whom  they  like  lu-st,  or  whose 
strength  they  see  fi'owinn.  When  the  faction  of  one  aspirant, 
has  set  the  example,  otiu  s  are  (juick  to  follow,  ;in<l  thus  it  may 
happen  that  after  thirty  or  forty  liallots  have  been  taken  with 
few  chauK'''^  of  ^trennth  as  lietween  the  two  h-adin^  c«»mpetit«trs, 
a  siimle  ballot,  once  the  break  has  bcKun,  and  the  column  of  one 
or  both  of  these  competitors  has  been  "staRgenMl,"  decides  tlu- 
battle. 

If  (me  Fav(mrite  is  much  stroiijjer  from  the  first  than  any 
Dther.  the  break  may  come  soon  a.id  come  gently,  i.e.  each  ballot 
shows  a  Kain  for  him  on  the  preceding  ballot,  ami  he  marches 
so  steadily  to  victory  that  resistance  is  felt  to  be  useless.  Hut 
il  two  well-matched  rivals  have  maintained  the  stninK'''  thnuiRh 
twenty  or  thirty  ballots,  so  that  tlie  lonji  strain  has  wrought  up 
ail  minds  to  imwonted  excitement,  the  break,  when  it  comes, 
comes  with  fierce  intensity,  like  that  which  used  to  mark  the 
charu^e  of  the  Old  ( Itiard.  The  defeat  becomes  a  rout.  Bat- 
talion after  battalion  jjoes  over  to  the  victors,  while  the  van- 
(luished,  asliamed  of  their  candichite,  try  to  conceal  themselves 
by  throwiiifi;  away  their  colours  and  joiiiiiiji  in  the  cheers  that 
acclaim  the  con(|ueror.  In  the  pictures(|uely  teclinical  lanpuaRe 
of  politician-!,  it  is  a  St.-impede. 

To  stampede  a  convention  is  tiie  steadily  contemplated  aim 
of  every  m.-inatrer  who  knows  !ie  cannot  vin  on  the  first  ballot.' 
II<>  enjoys  it  as  the  most  dramatic  form  <)f  victory,  he  values  it 


|if< 


'  To  <li(ck  >t:iiii|"'linir.  tlu'  F{(iiiil)li(;iii  coiivi'iitiim  of  ISTfi  iidoptcd  .-i  nilo 

[.r..-,  i.iiii^  tif.it  liii  Hiii-ciii  of  SImIo  .-lioiilii  iti  no  cmsc  he  <iis|)CIiSf(i  witii.  I'liH 
■iirikcs  -'uini-i  ,11.1  Imriult  Ifss  (1:iiii;itoiis.  (Si'c  Sfauwood's  uricfiil  ///v/.ir// 
III  I'i-i^hIii.'iiI  /•;/,,  r',,„>.i  With  till'  *.\uu-  vii'W,  the  Hi'|m)>lii':iii  convciitioii 
of  ISSS  iiilcl  lIlMl  till  voti'  tivitl  nil  :iliv  l.;lllotilii:  sliollM  l»-  chMIlccd  iM'foro  till' 
<ii<l  of  that  li.ill.ifiiii:.      Till'  iininil..'.'  to  '•jiiiii|)  on  tlic  I>:iiiiI-\v:ikkoii  "    is  otnitiK 

ill  UIOIlK'Ilt.--   of   <  Xlill  lIMllt, 


«iiAM.  i.xx      NOMINATINd   (OWKNTION   AT  WORK 


•J)  I 


Ihthuw  it  cvokcM  ail  cndiiisijisiii  uliosc  cclio  ri'Vi-rlMTutcs  all 
over  tin-  riiiun,  ami  dilates  the  (laily  heart  with  sonietliinn  like 
tliat  seiiHe  (if  supernatural  Lniidaiue  \\  hieh  |{<iiiie  used  to  have 
when  tlie  cardinals  cIidsc  a  pope  li.\  the  sudden  iiis|)iratinn  »»f 
the  Holy  Spirit.  S<»iiietimes  it  cnines  of  itself,  when  various 
dclcKatioiiM,  smitten  at  tlw  same  moment  hy  the  sense  that  one 
of  the  aspirants  is  ileslined  to  coiuiuer,  uo  over  to  him  all  at 
onee.'  Sometimes  it  is  due  to  the  aetioii  of  the  aspirant  him- 
self. Ill  ISSO  .Mr.  Mlaine,  wlio  was  one  of  the  tw«»  leadiiiR 
Favourites,  |)erceiviiii:  Ih.il  he  could  not  lie  carried  ajjiiiiist  the 
resistance  of  the  (Irani  men,  suddenly  trlenraphed  to  his  friends 
to  transfer  tiieir  votes  to  (leneral  <lar(ield,  till  then  a  scarcely 
con.sidcred  candidate.  In  ISHI  ( leiieral  I.onan,  also  hy  tele- 
Krapli,  turned  over  his  votes  to  .Mr.  HIaine  lietweeii  the  third 
and  fourth  hal'ot,  tlierehy  a.ssurinn  the  already  prohahle  triumph 
of  that  Favoi..    <•. 

When  a  st...ripede  is  imminent,  only  (tne  means  exists  of 
averting  it,  -  that  of  adjourning  the  coi'vention  so  as  to  stop 
the  panic  and  Kaiii  time  for  a  comhination  a;jaiiist  the  winning 
aspirant.  .\  resolute  iiiaiianer  always  tries  tliis  device,  hut  he 
seldom  succ(>eds,  for  the  wiiiniii}'  side  resists  the  motion  for 
adjournment,  and  the  vole  which  it  casts  on  that  issue  is  prac- 
tically a  vote  for  its  aspirant,  ai!;ainst  m»  much  of  "the  field" 
iis  has  any  finht  left  in  it.  This  is  the  most  critical  and  exciting 
moment  of  the  whole  l>attle.  A  dozen  speakers  rise  at  once, 
some  to  su[)port,  some  to  resi-t  the  adjournment,  some  to  |)ro- 
test  against  dehate  upon  it,  some  to  take  points  of  order,  few 
of  which  can  i)e  heard  over  the  <lin  of  the  howling  multitude. 
Meanwhile  the  maiiauers  who  lia\-e  kept  their  heails  rush 
swiftly  alxHit  throufih  friendly  ijclciratioiis.  trying;  at  this  su- 
preme, monienl  lo  rin  up  a  cotnhiii.itioii  which  may  resist  the 
advunciliK  tempest.  Ticmilidous  elVnrts  are  made  to  ^et  the 
second  Favourite's  men  to  ahaiidon  their  chief  and  "swing  into 
line"  for  .some  Dark  Horse  or  Favouritr  Son.  with  whose  votes 
they  may  make  head  till  other  factions  rally  to  them. 

"In  xidn.  in  \;iin,  tin-  .•tll-fdtistmiiiit:  hoar 
U.'li'ntl«..sf;.Ils        •• 


'  Pri)l>:il)1v  .1  D.irk  \l,,r<r.  f,,r  tin-  l'.i\.Miriti'  Son-.  Ii:i\iiii:  Ii.kI  tlii-ir  turn  in 
the  cMrliiT  liiilloliiiirs.  Ii:i\  •  1«  en  ■  li  -  miiiiIi  ,|.  miiiI  ,in' :ii''  •'>  <x>-itc>  iiinri' jivilimsy 
among  the  (lcl('Kat''s  uf  (jtln  r  .S|;itis. 


202 


THE   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAHT   III 


h» 


fll 


1  !'. 


ftf-  I- 


The  battle  is  already  lost,  tlic;  ranks  are  broken  and  cannot  l)e 
rallied,  notliin}!;  remains  for  l)rave  men  bnt  to  east  tlieir  last 
votes  afiainst  the  winner  and  fall  jiioriously  around  their  still 
waving  banner.  The  motion  to  adjourn  is  defeated,  and  the 
next  ballot  ends  the  strife  with  a  hurricane  of  eheeriiig  for  the 
chosen  leader.  Then  a  sudden  eahn  falls  on  the  troubled  sea. 
What  is  done  is  done,  an  1  whether  done  for  good  or  for  ill,  the 
l)est  lace  must  be  put  upon  it.  AccordiiiKly,  the  proi)oser  of  one 
of  the  defeated  aspirants  moves  that  the  nomination  be  made 
unanimous,  and  the  more  conspicuous  lri(>nds  of  other  aspirants 
hasten  to  show  their  Kood-humour  and  their  loyalty  to  the  party 
as  a  whfjle  by  seconding  this  jiroijosition.  Then,  perhaj)s.  a 
gigantic  portrait  of  tlie  candidate,  i)rovided  by  anticipation,  is 
hoisted  up,  a  signal  for  fresh  enthusiasm,  or  ii  stutled  eagle  is 
carrieil  in  procession  round  the  hall. 

Nothing  further  remains  but  to  nominii+e  a  candidate  for  the 
vice-presidency,  a  matter  of  small  moment  now  that  the  great 
issue  has  been  settled.  This  nomination  is  sometimes  used  to 
console  one  of  the  defeated  asi)irants  for  the  presidential  nomi- 
nati(m,  or  is  handed  over  to  liis  friends  to  be  given  to  some 
politician  of  their  choice.  If  ther(>  be  a  contest,  it  is  seldom 
prolonged  beyond  two  or  tliree  ballots.  The  convention  is  at 
an  end,  an.l  in  atioth<"r  day  the  whole  host  of  exhausted  dele- 
gates and  camp-follow(>rs,  hoarse  with  shouting,  is  streaming 
Home  along  the  r:'.-".-,vays.' 

The  fever  heat  of  the  conv(>nlion  is  almost  matclu'd  by  that 
of  the  great  cities,  and  indeed  of  every  spot  over  tlie  I'nion  to 
which  there  runs  an  electric  wire.  Every  im-ident,  si)eech,  vote, 
is  instantly  teh'graphed  to  all  the  cities.  Crowds  gatlur  round' 
the  ne\vspai)er  oflices,  where  frecpient  editions  are  sui)ple- 
mented  by  boards  dis})laying  the  latest  l)ulletins.  In  Wash- 
ington Congress  can  hardly  be  kept  togetlier,  because  every 
politician  is  personally  interested  in  every  move  of  the  game. 

I  ^■I^J"^"'''  ""■  '''■■'"  "^  P'<-''l'"li:il  lirituurirs,  nf.irr.l  (.,  at  tlic  cikI  ..f  fliMpt.T 
I.XIX,  l)(.  Koncnilly  :,(in;,t,-,l.  the  <„,„liti„i,.s  im-l.-r  whir-h  :i  fonvrnti-.n  w(,rk.<! 
will  l«.  niatrrially  rhuuar,'.  \\  |„  „  ,„„.  :,s|,in,„!  Iiris  ,.|,tain,.l  at  th,.  prinmri.'.s 
;i  majority  ..I  all  the  vote,  i  ast,  tin-  ( '(.lu  i^ntidii  will  have  iii.thinu'  d.  .|.  hut  ritifv 
a  s<.|..rti..n  alrra-iy  iiia.ic  hy  tli.'  |.aMy.  an.l  tli.i,  a.l.,,,t  a  platlnriu.  Sl.„.il.l  n,. 
aspirant  have  secure.!  an  alisolnt..  maj.irity.  it  will  |.,.  ^,,  .!i(!!..!ilt  du-  aiiv  <i!i.- 
who  has  n.)t  r..-,iv..,l  a  lar-..  nM-asur.' of  |,..|mlar  sup|,.,it  at  the  priniari.vs  to 
Kot  timiM-  f  choM'U  tliat  O.w  fi.hl  .,f  ,h..ir...  whi.'li  has  h..,  tofor.'  inchul«l  ni.'U 
who  hail  boi'ii  »<ar.'..ly  tonsidiTwl  h.for.'  the  .■ouvcution  net,  will  In-  s.^usiblv 
narri)wc»l.  •' 


CHAP.  Lxx        NOMINATIXC!   CONVENTION   AT  WORK        2m 


When  at  last  the  rrsult  is  annoiuurd,  the  partisans  of  the 
(•hoscn  candidate  «'»  wild  with  (h'lislit;  salvos  of  artillery  are 
fired  off,  i)rocessi()iis  with  hands  parade  the  streets,  ratifieation 
meetinj^s  are  aiiiiomiced  for  the  same  evening,  "campaiKn 
clubs"  l)earing  tlie  candidate's  name  are  orfj;anized  on  the  spot. 
The  excitement  is  of  course  <-reatest  in  the  victor's  own  State, 
or  in  the  city  where  he  ha[)pens  to  in-  resident.  A  crowd  rushes 
to  his  house,  s(iucexcs  his  hand  to  a  (luiverin;;  pul]),  consi;ratu- 
lates  him  on  heino;  virtually  Fresi(h>nt,  while  the  keen-eved 
reporter  telejiraphs  f.ir  and  wide  iiow  he  smiled  and  spoke 
when  the  news  w.-is  l)rou,n!it.  Defeated  aspirants  teleijrai)h  to 
their  luckier  rival  their  coiiiiiatulations  on  liis  success,  i)romis- 
ins  him  supi)i)rt  in  tiu  campaifin.  Interviewers  fly  to  promi- 
nent politician-^,  and  cross-examine  them  as  to  what  they  think 
of  the  nomination.  Hut  in  two  days  all  is  still  aj!;ain,'  and  a 
lull  of  exhaustiun  foUoAvs  till  the  real  husiness  of  the  contest 
begins  some  whih  lati'r  with  the  issue  of  the  letter  of  accept- 
ance in  which  thi'  candidate  declares  liis  views  and  outlines  his 
policy. 


CHAPTER   lA'XI 


TIIK   rUKSIDKNTIAI.  CAMPAIGN 


i  '* » 


,'r.^i 


h    .u 


p* 


A  PRESiDKNTiAU  olcctioii  ill  Aiiicrica  is  soinothing  to  which 
Europe  can  show  nothing'-  similar.  Thou,nh  the  issues  which  fall 
to  lie  decided  by  the  <-l(ition  of  a  Chainher  in  France  or  Italy, 
or  of  a  IIot.s(>  of  Comnions  in  Ensland,  are  often  far  graver 
that!  those  invoi\tMl  in  th(>  choice  of  A  or  B  to  he  executive 
chief  magistrate  for  four  years,  the  commotion  and  excitement, 
the  amount  of  'organization,"  of  speaking,  writing,  telegrai)h- 
ing,  and  sliouting,  is  incomparably  greater  in  the  United  States. 
It  is  only  the  salient  featur(>s  of  these  contests  that  I  shall 
attempt  to  sketch,  for  th(>  detail  is  hifinite. 

The  canvass  usually  lasts  about  four  nionths.  It  begins  soon 
aft(>r  both  of  the  great  i):irties  have  chosen  their  candidate,  i.e. 
before  the  middle  of  July ;  and  it  ends  early  in  November,  on 
the  day  when  the  presidential  electors  are  chosen  simultane- 
ously in  and  by  all  the  States.  The  summer  heats  and  the 
absence  of  the  richer  sort  of  peoi)le  at  the  .seaside  or  mountain 
resorts  keej)  down  the  excitement  during  July  and  August ;  it 
rises  in  Sept(>mber,  and  boils  furiously  through  October. 

The  first  step  is  for  each  nominated  candidate  to  accept  his 
nomination  in  a  letter,  sometimes  as  long  as  a  uamphlet,  .setting 
forth  I'ls  views  of  the  condition  of  the  nation  and  the  policy 
which  the  times  r((iuire.  Such  a  l.'tter  is  meant  to  .strike  the 
keynot«>  for  the  whole  orchestra  of  orators.  It  is,  of  course, 
l)ubhshed  everywhere,  extolled  by  friendly  and  dissected  by 
hostile  journals.  Together  with  tlw  "platform"  adoptetl  at 
the  natKMud  party  convention,  it  is  the  official  declaration  of 
party  prmciples,  to  be  referred  to  as  putting  the  party  case, 
no  less  than  the  candidate  himself,  before  tlie  nation. 

While  the  candidate  is  c(.mposing  his  address,  the  work  of 
organization  goes  briskly  forward,  for  m  American  elections 
everything  is  held  to  depend  on  organization.    A  central  or 

204 


CHAP.  Lxxi  THE  PRESIDKNTIAL  CAMPAIGN 


205 


national  party  c()ininitt(M>  nominated  l)y  the  national  t-onvpn- 
tion,  and  consistinK  <>f  one  mcnihcr  from  each  State,  gets  its 
members  together  and  forms  a  plan  for  the  conduct  of  the  can- 
vass. It  raises  money  hy  appealiiiK  to  the  wealthy  and  zealous 
nen  of  the  party  for  subscriptions,  and,  of  course,  presses  those 
above  all  who  have  received  sometiiinK  in  the  way  of  an  office 
or  other  gratification  from  the  party '  or  who  expect  something 
from  its  action.  The  chairman  of  this  committee  is  an  impor- 
tant personage,  who  e.xerciscs  great  i)ower  and  upon  whose  abili- 
ties much  may  depend.  Tlie  treasurer  is  also  always  a  })romi- 
nent  num,  in  whom  I)oth  enerjiv  and  discretion  are  recpiircd. 
It  conununicates  with  th(>  leading  statesmen  and  orators  of  the 
party,  and  arranges  in  what  district  of  the  country  each  shall 
take  the  stumj).  It  issues  siioals  of  pamphlets,  aiul  forms  rela- 
tions with  party  n(>wsj)a|)ers.  It  allots  grants  from  the  "cam- 
paign fund"  to  particular  j)ersons  and  State  committees,  to  be 
spent  by  th(>m  for  "campaign  purposes,"  ai-  elastic  term  which 
may  cover  a  go(Ml  deal  of  illicit  expendituriv  ormous  sums  are 
gathered  and  disbursed  by  this  committee,  and  the  accounts 
submitted  do  not,  as  may  b(>  supposed,  answer  all  the  questions 
they  suggest.  The  committee  directs  its  sjxvikers  and  its  funds 
chiefly  to  the  doubtful  States,  those  in  which  elotpience  or  ex- 
penditure may  turn  the  balance  either  way.  There  are  seldom 
more  than  .si.x  or  seven  such  States  at  any  one  election,  possibly 
fewer. 

The  efforts  of  the  national  conunittee  are  seconded  not  only 
by  a  ( 'ongressioual  conunittee-  and  by  State  conunittees,  but 
by  an  infinite  nuniber  of  minor  organizations  (jver  the  country, 
in  the  rural  (hstricts  no  less  than  in  the  cities.  Souk-  of  these 
are  permanent.     Others  ar(>  created  for  the  election  alone  ;  and 

'As  a  statute  new  forbids  ili,-  |.v.\iiiL'  <>f  tis-.'ssnuiits  f,,i-  |>art\-  purposes 
IM  tncnilMrsof  the  Federal  civil  service,  it  is  de,  ii.ed  priid.lil  to  liave'iio  Federal 
ollieial  on  thi'  I'oininittee,  lest  in  d.in.irjilin^  siilwriiitions  from  his  subordinates 
he  shouM  trans(ire-s  the  law. 

Large  eontributions  used  to  be  made  by  the  en  a  I  iiiamifaelurinc  and  oth.T 
rorporations,  parl'.v  because  th.os,.  wh.>  mana-ed  then  lliouizht  their  corporate- 
interests  mvolved  ill  the  success  of  one  part .V.  partl.v  lit  has  lieeii  aliened)  because 

the.v  hoped  to  re i\-e  certain  favors  from  the  p;irtv  to  which  thev  were  nivini! 

iK'cuniary  aiil.      The  praetiee  has  w.:k  be,.,  f,:^  hia,!,.,,  hv  ;.  -^i-jUil^  enarted  bv 
CoiiKress  in  l!K)7. 

^=  In  1!«IS  both  parties,  under  the  provision-  of  a  st.itiite.  retiinie.l  the  money 
(■(...ected  by  their  r<s|.ect i v..  nationaJ  e.nnmilties  for  election  purposr..  The 
Kepubhran  return  was  :<  1,(1.-,,-.. 5 Is  th.'  Democratic  was  Sti20,tiM,  The*,  wero 
dueiued  unusually  small  sums. 


ao6 


TFIK   PAKTV  SVSTKM 


I 


,' 


^4 


r  'I 


I  t         i 

[l  '  . 


h    ' 


PART   III 

as  thoy  cnnteuiplat.-  a  .  hort  lifo.  tl>...v  rnuk..  it  a  m.Try  on.. 
Those  nimpuiKn  chihs/'  nlud,  wsuiilly  l.oar  tho  ran. li, lutes' 
names,  are  formed  „n  every  imaKiual.le  l.asis,  that  of  loeahtv 
ot  raee  of  trade  o.  profession,  of  university  afiiliatioi,.  'I'hen' 
are  Insh  duh.s.  Italian  ehjl.s,  (lennan  .•l.hs/Sean.Iinavian  eiul.s, 
lolis}!  clui)s,  eoloiire.1  (i.v.  ueuro)  ehihs,  ( )raiiKe  ciiihs  There 
are  younR  men's  eh.hs,  lawyers'  <  lul.s,  .lry-o.His  .-hihs,  insurance 
mens  olul.s,  shoe  an.l  leather  elul.s.  Tii.MV  an-  .Iwhs  of  the 
Kraduates  of  various  .•olleK,.s.  Their  ucri.  eonsi^s  in  canvassinR 
the  voters,  maK.UK  up  lists  of  frinuls.  opponents,  and  doul.tfuls 
get tinff  up  processions  and  parades,  holding  meetin^rs,  and  iren^ 
erally  "boonung  all  the  time."  ^ 

This  is  mostly  unpai.l  lahour.     Hut  there  are  also  thousamls 
ot  paid  asents  at  work,  canvassing,  <listrihutinfr  pamphlets  or 
leaflets,  Ic-turmK  on  behalf  of  the  candi.late.     h  is  in  Am.      a 
no  reproa.-h  to  a  politi.al  sp,.ak.T  that  he  receiv.s  a  fe,"  oV-  a 
salary      Lv.m  men  of  eminence  are  n,>nnitt<Ml  to  receive  not 
omy  th.Mr  travelling  ..xp.Mis,>s,  but  a  roun.l  sum.     F.,rmerly  a 
camhdate  unl(>,ss  poss.>ss..d  of  p.,pular  ^ifts,  ,lid  but  little  speak- 
ng      Latt..rly  h.«  has  b(.en  ..xp.>cte.l  to  take  th.>  fi,.|,l  and  stay 
m  It  fightmg  all  the  tnm>,  a  terrible  sirain  on  h.-alth  an.l  vol.. 
He  IS  of  .course  .■hietiy  s.>en  in  th.-  d.,ubtr,|  Stat.-s,  wlu-re  he 
speaks  for  weeks  toc^-th.T  twi...  or  thrice  on  most  ciavs,  filling 
up  the  mt..rvaLs  w.th  "receptions"  at  which  h..  has"  to  shake 
han,ls  w.  h  hundreds  of  male  callers,  and  !..■  pres,.nt.Hl  to  la.Ues 
scarcely  less  numrn.us.i     Th..  heading  men  of  tlu-  partv  ar. 
course,  press..!  ,nto  the  scrvi.-e.     Even  if  they  dislil,.  an.l  hi.ve 
oppose.!  the  n.junnation  .,f  th.-  particular  candidate,  partv  lovalty 
am!  a  hv.-ly  s.nse  „f  favours  to  .-ome  f.,r,...  th.-m'to  w.>rk    or 
tlie  p..rson  wh.>m  the  party  has  .-hos..,.     An  ..ninent  Irishman 
or  a.i  en.nu;nt  (..Mn.an  us.  1  tu  b.  dcn.-d  ..p.^-iallv  valuable 
or  a  stumpmg  to>n-.  be.-ause  h.-  intlu.>n....d  th-  v..te  of  his  .-.Mm- 
trymen.     Sun,larly  ,.a.-h  senior  is  ...vp..,,..,!  to  labour  assidu- 
..usly  m  h.s  own  State,  when-  pn..u,nably  his  influ.-nce  is  ^^^x- 

The  conunitt.-.>s  print  and  .listribute  great  quantiti.^s  of  ..am- 
pa>gn  hteratmr.  pamphh^ts.  sp,v..h.-s.  lottc^s.  leafl...  am!  one 
^•a..  beheve  that  this  p,i,u,,l  n,att..r  is  more  servic..at>l..  than'  it 


niAP.  lAxi         TIIK   I'llKSIDKXTIAI.  CA.MI'AKJX 


207 


would  l)c  111  Ijh-IhikI.  hcc-iiisc  :i  larovr  p-irt  of  <li(.  voters  livo  in 
iimct  couMtry  phiccs,  uiid  iik-  somcdiiiiK  to  nvid  in  th(>  ovoninR, 
Even  novelettes  tire  eoinposed  ill  111,,  interests  of  u  eundidate* 
wherein  L.vers  talk  .al^.m  tarifVs  under  tl„.  uxnnn.  Sometimes 
a  less  iiifTciiiioiis  use  is  made  of  the  pr.'ss.  On  the  very  eve  of 
election  of  ISSO,  t„„  late  for  a  eoiitradietion  to  ol.tain  ecpial 
puhheity,  a  fo'  -ed  letter,  pini)ortinir  to  come  from  Mr.  (Jarfield, 
and  expressing  views  on  Chim-se  immij-ration  and  labour  dis- 
tasteful to  the  I'acilic  Slates,  vas  lithographed  and  scattered 
broadcast  over  ( 'aliforiiia  wh<>n>  it  told  heavily  aK-'iinst  him. 

Most  constant  and  elVeclive  of  all  is  the  ai'tion  of  the  news- 
p;ipers.     The  chief  joiirnaN  have  for   two  or  three  months  a 
daily  leadiiifr  article  recommeiidinj.-  their  own  and  assailinj;;  the 
hostile  candid.ate,  wiili  a  swarm  of  minor  editorial  paragraphs 
hearintr  on   ihe   election.     Hesides   these   then-   are   reports  of 
speeches  .leliveicd,  letters  to  the  e.lilor  with  the  e.litor's  com- 
ments at  the  end,  stories  al.out   the  caiMlidat.s,  statements  as 
to  the  strength   of  each   party   in   particular  States,   counties, 
and  cities.     .\n  ex.amination  of  ;,   fc-v,-  of  tin    chief  iiewsf)apers 
durnifr  the  two  months  hefore  ;i  hotly  contested  election  showcfl 
that  their  "c:uiip;ii,irii  matter"  of  all  kinds  formed  between  one- 
half  and  one-third  of  the  total  letterpress  of  th<-  paper  (excluding 
advertisements),  and  this,  be  it  remembered,  everv  day  duririK 
those  two  months.     The  most  rearlable  part  of  this  matter  con- 
sists in  the  repoits  of  the  opinion  of  in.Iividiial  persons,  more 
or  less  prominent,  on  the  can.lid.ite.      Vou  fiii.l,  for  instance  a 
paragraph  .statin- that  the  Hev.  Dr.  .\.,  presi.|..nt  of  such  and 
such  a  college,  or  Mr.  H.,  the  philanthr()))ist  who  is  head  of  the 
\  Z  Hank,  or  ex-(;overnor  ('.,  or  .Judge  I).,  has  .said  Ik-  thinks 
the  candidate   a   model    of  chivalric   virtue,  or  tit  onlv  for  a 
felon's  cell,  as  the  case  m.iy  be,  and  that   he  will  vote   for  or 
against  him  accordingly.'      Orcasionally  thi>    pn.mineiit    man 
is  called  on  by  an  interviewer  ;inil  gives  a  full  statement  of 
his  views,  or  he  writes  to  a  youiiu  friend  who  has  ;,sked  his  advice 
in  a  private  letter,  which  is  imiiie.lialely  published.     The  abtin- 


'  Soriii'titn"s  a 
line  place  ill  s(.|ii.' 


,'.,ll|..r. 


ii't   iif  aiiKiti'  ir  ci'ii-^us   i 
iMrtiriilar  iTii|i|o.\riii'iil. 


,  i.r  !!:•    'h'Tkr  ill  ;i  (Kiififtilar  .  tr.r 


laki  II  i,f  111.'   |)i  I'-dMs  <ii'ci:|iii'(l  in 
-^,  of   III..  |,,,,|..>-..,r-i  in  a   particulai 

<1.  ik.s  ..r  pn,f,.,,ois  uenenilly    .r  perhap-  ,,|  p,;-   ii^.,.,     i„  a  parl-ur  ear;    ,.,ii,|  the 
eartyoi-kran  tnuinpliantl.v  e|a.n,>  >l,al  ll„..,    |.„i,H„„f  Ih.ir  voles  will  lieeast  for 

Its  ruiiduiate.      .Anions  the  -throlis  of  ( ■.,„„ee,iru(<  p„l.e."  I  ree, rt  an  e.li- 

mateof  the  "proclivities"  of  the  workmen  in  the  Willin.antie  null,-,  in  tliut  State 


208 


TIIK   IWHTf  SVSTKM 


PART    III 


r.s 
'•I 


r^i 


I  ' 


•  huKH'ol  thcsr  cxim-ssiuns  or  citations  of  the  opinions  of  j)rivutf 
citizens  supplies  u  curious  ('vi<lcncc  of  tlic  <lisposition  of  «omc 
sections  in  u  democracy  tc  look  up  to  its  intellectual  and  ni.)ral 
leaders.  Por  the  men  thus  apF)eale(l  to  are  nearly  all  persons 
eminent  l)y  their  character,  ahility,  lean:ins,  or  success  in  busi- 
ness ;  the  merely  rich  man  is  cited  hut  rarely,  and  as  if  his  opin- 
ion (hd  not  matter,  though  of  course  his  subscription  may. 
■ludges  and  lawyers,  uiiiversit:  dignitaries  and  literary  men,  are, 
next  to  th(>  cl(>r«y,'  the  persons  most  often  quittnl. 

The  function  of  the  clergy  in  elections  is  very  characteristic 
of  the  country  and  the  occasion.     They  used  during  the  period 
Ironi  IS2()  to  lsr,G  to  give  politics  a  wide  berth,  for  not  only 
would  their  advocacy  of  any  particular  cause  hav(^  offended  a 
section  among  their  Hocks,  but  the  general  sentiment  condemned 
the  immixture  in  politics  of  a  clerical  ek'ment.     The  struggle 
against  slavery,  Imiifr  a  moral  issue,  brought  them  into  more 
frequent  public  activity.     Since  the  close  of  that  struggle  they 
have  again  tended  to  retire.     However,   the  excitement  of  a 
presidential  el,>ction  susp,.nds  all  rules;    and  when  questions 
attectin^,  the  moral  ciiaracter  of  the  candidates  are  involved 
clerical  mter\-ention  is  .leemed  natural.     Thus  in  th..  contest 
ot    1884,  the  newspapers  were  full  of  the  opinions  of  cler^- 
men.     Sermons  wer,>   reported   if  tlu>y  seemed  to  bear  upon 
the  issue,     laragraphs  aj)peared  saying  that  such  and  such  a 
pastor  would  carry  thr(><«-fourths  of  his  congregation  with  him, 
whereas  the  conduct  of  another  in  appearing  at  a  meeting  on 
behalf   of  the  opposing  candidate  was  much   l)lamed   by  his 
lock.     .\ot  many  ministers  actually  took  the  platform,  though 
here  was  a  gen,>ral  wish  to  have  them  as  chairmen.     But  one 
th(>  la  e  Mr.  H,>nry  Ward  Re(>ch(T,  did  jrnuit  execution  by  his 
JK.werful  oratory,  artillery  all  the  more  formidable  because  it 
was  turned  against  the  candidate  of  tlu"  party  to  whic-h  he  had 
through  his  Ions  lif<'  belong,.!.     Xor  was  then>  any  feature  in 
the  canvass  o    that  same  candidate  more  remarkable  than  the 
ass,Mnl,|y  o      ()1S  ,-l,.rgym<.n  of  all  .le.u.minations  (including  a 
Jewish  rabbi),  which  gathered  at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  in 


X    i     i,v   r  :  1     '^  '""T         '"'  '■'""'"'^'♦"  "'  ■^■"■'•""K  "t  it.  r,-n.ark.,l  that 
.iH(  r  .111    i>i.  (  I,  ,u,.  „  <„Mchni;m  s  v..t..  was  as  ir,,,,,!  as  Dp    riark<--s-    t..  w)>i,.l. 
It  was  r..j...t....l  tluit  hun.ln..ls  „f  votcTs  w.m.I,|  follow  I)r    CM  Jw,.    .n/l  I        i      i 
.n..r..  1...  o(r<.nd...l  at  tin.  disrespectful  referen.'o  to  him  '     ^  ''"'"'''"'^^ 


CHAP,  i.xxi  TIIK    I'KlvSIDKXriAI.  CAMI'AKJX 


2()!> 


New  York.  t..  r.ir.t  liiiii  .•m.l  a>siin.  |,i,„  „f  ,h,.i,.  sn|,,m,t  ,m  moral 
grounds  iiiiinclial.'ly  hcluiv  I  lie  clccliou  dav.' 

From  a  .lass  usually  .  xrlu.lc.l  Inmi  poliiics  l.y  n.sto.n  to  a 
class  (..xcIu<I<mI  by  law.  iIh.  transitiou  is  easy.  \Vo„h.„  as  a  nilc 
(s(.ttinK  asi.l,.  the  toiu'  woman  sunVa-<"  U'cs((>iii  States)  keep  as 
much  aloot  liv.m  (-l.-.-toral  ••outrsts  in  Am.wica  as  in  c.mtineutal 
Miropc,  au.l  crrtaiuly  more  tliau  in  K upland,  I'or  I  hav  ..over 
hcai-(l  ot  tluir  tonmuf'-  an  ..r-.uiization  to  canvass  the  voters  of  'i 
( iistuct  i.)  America,  as  the  (( "o:is>Tvative)  IVimn.se  [.ea^ue  an.l 
tiic  Women  s  Lih,.,al  Aoo.ialiuus  ,|o  i,,  Ku-^la.,,!.  X,,,-  h,,. 
\vomen  appointed  .h-le-ates  iVom  any  wanl  prima.'v,' as  they  have 
lately  iH'en  Ml  several  plaees  iu  I'lii-lan.!.  Ilow.'vei-,  the  excite- 
^nrni  ot  acins..  St rufi-rl,.  „„,„., i„„,,  ,1  raws  even  women  hito  the 
vortex.  If.reptions  are  tendered  l.y  the  ladies  of  eueh  pa.-ty  to 
th.-  ean.hdate.  an.l  are  r.^poi-t.^l  in  th.^  pul.lie  press  as  poljtieally 
s.,i.n.hcant.  whil..  amon-  ,1,,.  ietfrs  which  appear  in  the  ..ews- 
l)apers  .i.»t  a  l.-w  Lear  i'.-niale  si<;natui-es. 

.Sp,.akino-  and  wriiini!:  and  .•aiivasMn-  are  c<;minon  to  electio..s 
a.l  oy.'r  th<.  w..rM.  What  is  pe.Miiiar  to  Anieri.-a  is  the  a,.iazi..K 
<l.velopment  of  th..  •'.i..m..nstrali.m "  as  a  means  for  raisi.ig 
ci.-t.iusiasm.  Tor  tluve  months,  pro.-essions,  usually  with  hras.s 
••auds  fia-s,  l,a.li.-,.s,  .wowds  .,f  eluviiufr  spectators,  a.-e  the  order 
«.t  theday  an.l  m-ht  fn;mend  t.x-nd  of  the  eountiT.  The  Young 
Men  s  I  lone-r  Clui,  .,f  a  villa-e  iu  th(«  w.,.,.ls  of  Michi-a.i  turns 
o'lt  .n  th.-  summ.-r  ."venino-;  the  D..mo,.rats  or  Repul.lica.is  of 
(hu^aKO  .)r  l>hilad.-lphja  l.-ave  th.-ir  l,usin.>ss  t..  mairh  tlu-ouch 
I'l.'  s1iv.'ts  ot  the^e  -reat  .■ili.-s  nianv  thousand  sti-onj,' 

Uhen  a  p...,c<.ssion  is  ..vn-piioually  larj>,e,  it  is  eall.".!  a  Parade 
111  N.'W  \.,riv  Cty,  .,n  th.-  2!)th  of  O.-toiuT,  ISSI,  the  husi.iess 
>>>cn  who  suppo.-t...l  .Mr.  Janx's  (!ill,.spi..  Hjaine  held  such  a 
'l"m..n.strati..n.  Th.-y  w.-r.-  or,uaniz.'.l  l.y  pn,fession  ..r  .,ceupa- 
tKHi  :  the  lawyers,  ei-ht  hun.hvd  strong,  f..rn.infr  one  battalion, 

I.I   >ai  poit  ..I      run,,  l{.„M:,„i>n,.  a,„l  ,vh,.lli,,„.-      ri,is  pliras,.    ..•i-vriv  r-mirht 

^ '....,  an,l  was  .-vvn  h.h.vr,!  t„  l,:,vr  luin..l  tl„.  ,.|,.,.ti.,n  a-ainsf  tl.r  ran-lidatT 
...   wh,.s..   .n,..n.st   tl„.   alli„.,.,i„„    ...   i,..,.,.„„|,      S.UnuJ  J^iZ^oll^lfl 

tl„.        "":■■••.''■■■•«'•■••■■•.   '-i\"  rifr,  [1   ,i|,|„  ,,,,■.!   :,,  ,iii.L'a!c.>:  at   tile  conventions  of 

!■,;;";":;;:,  •::r-\  -'''"•- 1-"  '■-  i-^ ^  i..  .■,,,,.,.  ,..,.•  ,,av.:";::; 

-o.v.,,^nr;rv"""-"  ",-■',  ^'", ■'■"'"■   ■^■■^-^■'^'-^■'  "."  H"l.ul.li,.an  national 
an      .ilt..rnat<.      Iron.  (  olo.a,!,.  to  tlu-  K,|.ul.li.an  .•onv.-ntloii. 


210 


THK   PAflTY   SYSTKM 


PAUT   III 


lilt 


the  dry-g()(j<ls  ni<n  another,  the  I'nKliicc  lv\fli;in>j;t'  ii  lliinl,  tlie 
l)aiik('rs  u  fourlli,  tho  brokers  ;i  \\f\h,  the  jewellers  u  sixth,  the 
Potroloum  Exchaiini'  ii  seventh,  Jiiid  so  on  dii  iii'lnitiiui.  They 
starteil  from  the  Ho\vluiK-jj;reeii  near  the  south  end  of  Miuihiittuii 
Island,  and  mareluHl  rijiht  up  tiie  eity  aloiiK  Broadway  to  Madi- 
son Square,  where  Mr.  HIaine  reviewed  and  ad<lressed  them. 
Rain  fell  ineessantly,  iuid  the  streets  weic  deep  witii  mud,  hut 
neither  rain  ahove  nor  mud  Ixlow  damped  the  spirits  of  this 
great  army,  wiiieh  tnmiix'd  steadily  alon^;;,  (dianting  vuriuus 
"campaign  refrains,"  such  as 

"Five,  Five,  Five  Cent  Fare;"' 
but  most  frequently 

"Rlaine,  Blaine,  James  fi.  Rlaino, 
We  don't  care  a  hit  for  tlie  rain, 
O  — O  — ()      ()      HI      o."  = 

There  were  said  to  have  b(>en  2.").()()()  luisiness  men  in  this  pa- 
rade, which  was  followed  soon  aft<'.  l)v  another  more  miscel- 
laneous Blaine  i)arade  of  (i(»,()0()  I{e])ulilicans,  as  well  as  (of 
course)  by  eoimter  ])arades  of  Democrats.  A  Kiiropean,  who 
stands  amazed  at  the  magnitude  of  tlies(>  demonstrations,  is  apt 
to  a.sk  whether  the  result  attained  is  comnn  usunde  with  the 
money,  time,  and  effort  jjivea  to  them.  His  American  friends 
answer  that,  as  with  a<lvertisin<;,  it  is  not  to  !>e  sujiposed  that 
shrewd  and  experienced  men  would  thus  s])(Mid  their  money 
unless  convinced  that  the  expenditure  was  rei)r(Mluctiv(\  The 
parade  and  procession  l)usiness,  the  crowds,  t'le  torches,  the 
badges,  the  flags,  the  shouting,  all  this  pl<>ases  the  i)artieii)ants 
by  making  them  believe  they  are  effecliii'i;  sometiiing  ;  it  im- 
presses the  spectators  by  sliowing  them  tliat  other  ])e()])le  are  in 
earnest,  it  strikesthe  imagination  of  those  who  in  couidrv  hamlets 
read  of  the  doings  in  the  great  city.  In  short,  it  keeps  u])  the 
"lK)om,''  ami  an  American  election  is  held  to  l)e,  truly  or  fals<'ly, 
largely  a  matter  of  booming. 

If  the  cynical  visitor  -niles  at  these  dis|)lays,  he  is  -onsi rained 
to  atlmire  the  go<Hl-humoiu'   and   good    oriler  which   })revail. 

'  Mr.  f "Icvcland  h;i(l,  as  Coviriicir  of  Xi'w  ^'l)rk  State,  Vftoinl  as  uiiconstitii- 
tionat  a  t)ill  cstiihli^lun;;  a  uiiiluriii  larc  <it  .">  rents  on  the  New  \  ork  (  ity  ele- 
vated railrn.ids.  This  act  was  siii'|'i>.-e(l  to  have  alienated  the  working  men 
and  niiiiod  his  presidiMitial  frospeets. 

'In  the  .State  eleetidns  held  in  Ohio  shmtly  heforeliaiid,  tho  Republicans 
had  bc-uu  victorious,  aud  the  uuicu  wasi  gladly  caught  up. 


CHAP.  Lx.x.         Till-:   IMIKSIDKNTFAF.  C'AMPAinN  211 

N.'itlHT  ,,H,(.v  JM  il...  N„rflMT„,  .Mi.Mlo,  an.l  Wostorn  States 
.IrrutMs  ..  (li.t.irlM.iK  (l.c  iKinnlrs  ..r  .n(rtinn.s  (,f  (l...  otlu-r      You 
iui>,M.t  I.HU.V.-    In,,..  (1...  nr,l..u,.atiu.,.s  wl.i.h  um.M.panv  a  pro- 
cession, (l.Ml  t  ...  wIm.I..  pop.,lu(ion  WHS  with  it,  f„r  if  „pp„nn,t.^ 
aro  pn-smt,  tl„.y  ,!.,  „ot  i,<.ot.  or  l.i„s,  an.l  tl.crc-  are  always 
«'nouKl.   syM.p.-itl.,/..rs   („   H..-..,-.     I),„.in..-   ,|„.   |,otlv   .-ontcstnl 
•■l<'<'t.<.ns  ..I   isso  ,o  |,S!.(i,  |,,.,nlly  any  vnlU.Ums  or  disturhan.Ts 
won.   n.po,t...l    In.,,,   Calilon.i,.   t..    .Mai.,,..     Kvm   in  Virginia, 
Aliirylan.l,  .Miss„i„i,  when.  tl...  nj.l  So.,il„.rn  party  is  apt  to  let 
Its  anjiry  passiu,,..  ,,>,.  a-ainst  tl...  i„.oro,s  and  tl"..'ir  white  Hc- 
J.ul>li.-an  ailxs,  ll,..  i.na<:l,..s  „f  „ni,.,-  wen-  n.-ith.-r  n,nn,.rous  nor 
^(•no.ls.     Oy.T  /,v.-sixtl,s  of  tl..-  So-itliern  States  ,„.rf,.ct  quiet 
prevuil.d.     It  IS  tr.ie  that  one  pa.ty  ran  there  e„.,nt  on  an  oyer- 
wh..lM..n«  majority,  s„  that  tl„.re  nas  no  excuse  lur  the  one  to 
l»>illy  nor  any  in.|.i.-..ni..nr   f..r  th..  other  to  show  fi.rht      The 
H«'<-<.ons.,f  |<MM  an.l   liHIS  w.  n-  ..y,  n  n.or..  tranquil,     "if  any 
(  istur  .an...s  «„.n,rr...l  a..ywh..r..  in  the  latter  y,.ar  no  notice  of 
ttieni  found  its  way  inlo  the  |,ri'ss. 

Th,.  n.axin.  that"  ....tlnnj.  si„.,.,.,.ds  lik..  s.^.-.-ss  is  nowhere  so 
e..r.lialiy  and   conM.t.ntly  acvpt.-d  as  in  A.neriea.     It  is  the 
eorner-ston..  of  all  ..|..,.ti„„  uork.     The  main  ..Ifort  „f  a  candi- 
.  ate  s  orators  an.l  n..v.s;,ap..rs  i^  t.,  eonyin.-,.  th.-  p.-oph^  that 
tl.eir  sKh"  IS  tl...  wiiinin«  one,  for  tl-.Te  are  sur..  to  \,v  ph.nty  of 
yoters  anxious  to  i„.  „n  that  si.l,.,  not  s.,  n.u.'h  from  any  ad- 
yanta^e  io  l...  gained  for  tl„  .us.-hvs  a.  I.ren.is,.  reyerene..  for 
tlie  leopl,.     mak.'s  th.^m  l...liey..  <hat  the  majority  are  risht 
ilenoo  the  exertions  l„  pn.v,-  that    Ihe  d.-rnians,  or  the  Irish 
or  the  workniK  men  a.v  ^.^ing  f,,,-  candi.late  A'  or  ean.li.late  y' 
llenee   th.-    r.'ports   of    sp< rim.Mi    eanyasses    showing    that   70 
I)er  eeut  of  tho  d.-rks  in  a  |,artirii!ar  Lank  ..r  SO  p.-r  eent  of 
he  pnjf.-ssors  ni  a  parti.nlar  th.ol.iKical  e.,|l..j.,.  haye  deelared 
tliemseJyesh.rX.     Heme  tl...  an.    •imeenhiris  of  the  Let  ting  odds 
tor  a  particular  ean.li.late.  and  tl...  a.-.rti..ii  that  the  supporters 
of  the  oth.^r  man  who  had  out  Ij.rirr  sums  cm  him  are  now  be- 
Rinnmg  tojiclge.'     Hul  th<-  Lot  ..yj.lnu.,.  f„  whi.-h  a  party  caii 
api)eal  is  its  wmniiiy;  minor  el.'cti.ms   which   come  off  shortly 


'  Thfro  is  a  LTc'it  rl,  iI  ,_,f  ! 

niirKfd   to  hr  |,r:lcti->l   l,.\    t!' 

or  Sfllt.ltrsdf  M.ni.-  St-lt.  >'  IlK;i 


In  thf  raniicnVais  ..f  I'Ki)  .,,,,!  jn,,.,  ,i, 
n-it,'.  ami  aft.T  a  littl,.  flurf,iati,.ii  Uu.'ii, 
Ills  favour  fill  the  (-11.1.     Thi^  IiaMj.^ii. . 


wIm    in    h.  ■i\il\-  in\.,l\.'i 
t  .-1  .■•Tr!M-  t-.  ^.Jv..  or  t:ik, 


''::it    !:i':uT>-  is  oftrn 
Tile  ronslitutions 
a  Ixt  on  an  clcftirin. 


al-o  ill  V.ni 


■rr   from  thr-  first  on  one  fnndi- 
,  ro.-,L'  slowly  Imt  steadily  in 


212 


THK    PAHTV   SYSTKM 


I'AUT    III 


J 


w 


\m 


r    1 
h    1 


hrfore  tho  Rrcat  prcsiilciitial  <mi«'.  In  tlirc*'  staffs,  Vermont, 
Maino,  ami  Oregon,  the  clioicc  <<|'  a  novcinor  and  oilier  State 
of fic(>rs  takes  |)lace  in  SepteinlxT,  /.(.  within  twoiiKtiitlis  of  the 
preiidential  contest.  If  th<' Slate  is  a  safe  one  for  the  Hepiil)- 
lieaiis  or  the  Democrats  (as  the  case  may  l>e),  the  votes  cast, 
are  compared  with  thos«'  cast  at  the  last  preceding  similar 
election,  and  the  inference  drawn  that  one  or  other  party  is 
gainiuK.  If  if  is  a  doiililfiil  State,  tiie  interest  is  still  more  keen, 
and  every  nerve  is  strained  to  carry  an  election  whose  issue  will 
jiresajje,  and  by  presaniiijj;  contrilmte  to,  Miccess  in  the  presi- 
dential strunjile.  I'ossiltly  the  candidate  or  some  of  his  ahlest, 
speakers  stump  this  State;  prolvihly  also  it  is  drenched  with 
money.  The  inferences  from  such  a  contest  may  l>e  fhouuhl, 
uncertain,  because  State  elcrtions  are  always  complii-aled  with 
local  (luestions,  and  with  the  character  of  the  particular  candi- 
dates for  State  otlices.  Mut  it  is  ;i  maxim  amonp;  |)oliticians 
that  ill  a  presidential  year  local  issues  vanish,  the  voters  beiiij^ 
so  warmed  with  party  spirit  that  they  jj;o  solid  for  their  |)arty 
in  spite  of  all  local  or  personal  obstacles.  Tli(>  truth  of  this 
view  was  illustrated  i>y  the  fact  that  ( >hio  used  often  to  return  a 
majority  of  Democrats  to  ( 'on,u;ress  and  lia<l  a  Democratic  ma- 
jority in  her  own  leKisl.-iture,  but  for  several  electicMis  fj;ave  ' 
majority  for  th»>  presidential  caii<lidate  of  the  Republican  part>. 
The  eaueruess  shown  to  carry  the  October  elections  in  this  frreat 
and  then  frecjuently  doubtful  State  used  to  be  scarcely  second  to 
that  displayed  in  th(>  presidential  contest.  She  has  now  (and 
Indiana  likewise)  put  her  fall  elections  later,  and  makes  them 
coincide  (every  second  term)  with  tlu^  [iresidential  <'lection,  in 
ord(T  to  avcid  the  tremendous  strain  which  they  had  been  forced 
to  bear.  Before  this  chanj^e  it  was  often  made  an  argument 
why  the  l)arty  should  select  its  candidate  from  Ohio,  that  this 
wouM  give  a  better  chance  of  winniu}:;  the  preliminary  canter, 
and  thereby  securing  the  advantage'  of  a  presaj;-eful  victory.' 

So  far  I  have  described  the  contest  as  one  between  two 
parties  and  two  candidates  only.     But  it  is  sometimes  compli- 

'  TliiTc  i-<  a  foiicli  (if  siipiTstitioii  in  the  viilm-  si-f  in  Vmrrir.i  upon  tlic  first 
iri(lii:itinns  of  the  ixipuhir  srntimiiit,  llki;  that  wliiili  luaili'  tlic  IJdiii.ims  att;i<h 
eiich  wi'i'^ht  ti)  till'  vote  of  tin'  ci'iitury  first  i-aliici  up  to  voir  In  tin-  <»i/»//"( 
coitiirinlii.  It  was  sclcctid  l>.v  l<if,  jHTliaps  not  ini  rely  IxTausc  the  ailvuiitaiJi' 
of  cal'.inc  first  a  rcnt\iry  wliicli  lie  luiKht  know  to  lie  favoiiraMr  to  his  own 
view  or  caiiiliilali'  was  too  iinat  a  one  to  t>i-  left  to  tin-  prcsiditm  inai;istratr, 
Imt  also  Ixcansr  il.^  di'ilaialion  was  tlius  deemed  to  bo  au  indication  of  llio 
will  of  the  gods  who  governid  the  lot. 


ni.M'. 


lAM       TiiK  I'|{i;sii>i;nti.\l  campakin- 


M.J 


(■.■D.hI  |,v  iUr  .•l|.|.r;ilMll.r  of  n\\u-r  l..iiiur  |.;.,li,>  :ili<l  lilili...'  .Mil- 
«li«l:il.-s  wl,,,.  .•,llli...mli  tlic,\  h.ur  MM  .lian.v  u|'  sii.v.s>.  aliVn  ih.- 
MiHiii  stniK^lr  l.y  clr.ivvii.K  oil  >livi.ulli  In.m  on.'  si,|,.  ur  11,,.  „||„.r 
In  tl..rl..,tiun>.,r  INSO  |,s<L>  II...  IV..I,il.iii„nist  |K.rtv  an.l  tl.o 
(.nM.ul.ack  parly  ,.a.|,  i„M  a  nati.-nal  .■..nv..nli..n.  n..niinat.-.l 
ran.li.ial.-s  I.,,-  |.r..>i.j,.„.  y  .,i,.|  vic..-|.n.si,l..n,-v,  an.]  ..I.tain.-.l  at 
the  polls  a  niinil-.r  ..I'  vol...  lar  l-.o  >iuall  I.,  ranv  any  sinjil.. 
Slat.',  and  tlM'tvloiv,  ,,(  .'.HifH',  loo  small  1..  .Ii.m.s,'  anv  pivsi- 

•  l.'iitial  .•l.'.'t.,r>.  1.1,1    >ulli,i.'nt  I.,  allc't  ll,.'  I.alan.v  ol'  sli'.'i.nll, 

l'«'l'.\<'.''i    l{.|.i,l.li.-ai,.   an.l    l).ni...'rals   i„    tu..  or   tl,n f   the 

'l"ul.iriil  Slal.~.     A   I'K.hil.iiioni.t    .'an.li.lat.'  .Iivw  most  of  his 
v..l.'sln.'„.tl„.  l|-,iil,|irMnsi,|.':  aCr.'cnl.a.-krrfrom  tl,.'  D.-mo- 

•  rath-  :  an.l  >o  im.m-..  iv.-.i,||y  ll„.  a|.|..'aran<'.'  ol'  a  l'opuli>l  or  S). 

<'ialisl,-a.i.l,,lat,'li;,s|„.,.,,,.,,,,|„,^,,|,,,j,,j,„.,.,li,,|),,, .,•;,(  j,.  pros- 

prcls.  H,.,|,.,,  II,,,,'  was  apl  I..  !..'  a  s<,rt  of  la. 'it  allianr.'  .luring 
tl..'  ••ainpai;;,,  I,,  lu,..,,  ||„.  |{,.,,i,l.r„.an  .w^ans  an.l  tli.'  Labour 
or  S.M'i:ili<|  piirty,  l.cfw.'.'i,  M„.  |).  ino.'rali.'  oruaiis  an.l  tli,.  |»ro- 
liil.iti.miM  :  an. I  conv.'i-M'ly  ,mu.'Ii  ill  l.loo.l  ImIuc'ii  H.'pnl.ji.'uns 
itn.l  iVoliii.itiuni^u,  iM'tw.'cn  D.'mo.-rats  an.l  l.al.onr  men.  Any 
oil.'  can  s,'.'  uli.'it  at,  ..p.^ninj.  f..r  inlrimi.-  is  uiv,.,,  |,v  tl,cs,.  coni. 
plications,  an.l  I,.mv  mn.'li  Ih.y  a.ld  to  ii„'  .iiHicnlty  of  pr.-.ijct- 
iiit,'  th.-  H'siiK  of  ||„.  .'onl.'st.  Tl,,'  ar.'a  of  that  "cont.-st  is  u 
contmcnt,  an.l  in  th..  vari.»iis  r.'j-ions  <,f  th<-  contin.'nf  for,.,..s 
''iffereut  in  auturu  tuul  varying  in  strength  arc  at  work. 


CHAITER  LXXII 


THE    ISSUKS    IN   PUK.SiDENTI.        KLECTIONS 


m 


Upon  what  docs  a  pri'sidcutial  cU'ctioii  turn?  Tlic  i)rcsi(loi>- 
tial  caiulidati'  lias  a  doulil*'  I'liarai-tcr.  lit-  is  put  forward  as 
being  individually  (lualificd  for  tlic  arrat  j)la»t'  of  cxt'cutivt'  head 
of  the  nation,  l)ecau>e  lie  is  a  man  of  intcjirity,  .nerny,  firmness, 
intelleetual  power,  experience  in  alTairs.  He  is  also  recom- 
mended as  a  prominent  meinher  of  a  j^reat  national  |  arty, 
inspired  by  its  traditions,  devoted  to  its  principles,  and  prepared 
to  carry  thein  out  not  onl}'  in  his  jiroperly  executive  capacity, 
but,  what  is  more  i'"port.int,  as  virtually  a  third  l)ran('li  of  the 
k'gishiture,  armed  \»  ih  a  veto  on  i)ills  passed  liy  Congress.  His 
election  may  therefore  l>e  advocated  or  opposed  either  on  tlu- 
ground  of  his  personal  tiualities  (jr  of  his  jjolitic.al  |)rol'es,-ions 
and  party  afliliations.  Here  we  na,  u  nuiii.l  dilTerence 
between  the  American  and  Kuroix-an  systems,  because  in  lOnn- 
land,  and  perhaps  still  more  in  IVauce,  lielj^ium,  and  Italy,  elec- 
tions turn  chiefly  on  the  views  of  the  parties,  secondarily  on 
the  character  «if  individual  leaders,  s(>eiiii>;  that  the  lea<lers  are 
not  chosen  directly  by  the  jicople,  i)ut  .ire  persons  who  havo 
come  to  the  top  in  tin-  legislatures  of  those  countries,  or  have 
been  raised  to  office  by  the  Crown.  In  America,  therefore,  we 
have  a  source  of  possil)h'  confusion  between  issues  of  two  whollj' 
distinct  kinds  —  those  which  at'fi'ct  the  personal  (jualifications 
of  the  candidate,  and  those  which  rejjard  the  programme  of  his 
party. 

Whether,  in  an.v  siven  presidential  election,  the  former  or 
the  latter  class  of  issues  are  the  more  conspicuous  and  decisive, 
depends  i)artly  on  the  political  (luotions  which  happen  to  be 
then  before  the  people,  iiartly  on  tiie  more  or  less  marked  in- 
dividuality of  the  rival  can<lidates.  From  alw)ut  IS.'jO  down  to 
187G,  (juestions,  first  of  tlie  exttii-iou  of  slavery,  then  of  its 
extincti(jn,  then  of  tlie  recdnstructiun  of  t!ie  riiion.  Imd  divided 
the  nation,  and  made  every  contest  a  contest  of  principli's  and 

211 


niAP.  Lxxii     tSHlKS   FN   PHMSIDEJ^TFAF.  KLKCTIOXS         21.1 


of  priK'ticul  rp.  'asurfs.  Since  tlu'  cotitrovcrMcs  niisnl  hy  th«! 
war  liHVc  Ihtii  Mtllr.|.  tlinv  wciv,  till  flu'  Kn-e  SilviT  (-irstion 
rnuTK.-.!  Ill  lH!«i,  f.w  r.-:.l  .liriVrriir..s  of  political  |.iiiicip|,.  |„.. 
twccii  the  parties  hm.I  (lue.lions  of  personal  titiie.ss  tliereforc 
Ixruriie  relatively  iiioie  impurtaiit.  Now  tliat  U.tli  ciirreiiey 
isMies  aii.l  tli..s<.  iaise.1  l,y  tlie  war  with  Spain  have  sul)si.le.i. 
the  (pmhties  of  the  eaiuli.lates  >,.ein  anaiii  tendinK  to  l.e  fmh 
tent  factors.  ' 

Th.'  ol.ject  of  each  party  naturally  is  to  put  fr.rwurd  as  many 
KO(mI  political  is>ues  as  it  can,  <lainiiim  for  its.-lf  the  merit  of 
haviiiK  always  i.eeii  on  the  popular  side.     .\nv  one  who  should 
read  the  cami)aiKn  literature  of  the  liepul.licans  would  fam-y 
that  they  were  oppo>cd  to  the  DenitxTals  on  many  important 
points.      Ulun  he  look  up  the  Democratic  speeches  und  pam- 
phlets,  he  would   he  aiiaiii   struck   i>y   the  mHoiis  diverKcnees 
between  the  parfi(s,  which.  ho»vever,  would  seem  to  arise   not 
on  the  points  raised  \,y  the  HepuMicans.  hut  (.n  other  point.s 
which  tfie  Uepul^hcuns  lia  !   nol    referred  to.     In  other  words, 
the  aim  of  each  party  is  to  force  on  its  ant.-ifroni..;  certain  issues 
which  the  antaironist  niivly  accepts,  so  that  .-ilfhouKli  there  is  a 
vast  deal  of  <iiscus.-ion  and  declamation  on  political  topics,  there 
are  d'w  on  which  either  party  diivctl;    traverses  the  doctrine.s 
of  file  other.      Jlach  i)Uiiii)ie|.^    not  hi>  "true  eiu'inv,  ')ut  a  stufTe«l 
(iKiire  set  up  to  repres.nt  that  enemy.     During-  several  presiden- 
tial  elections   after    that    (,f    |S7(i.    the    He,)uMicans   souRht   to 
lorce  to  the  front   the  issu.'  of  Protection  nrsu.^   Free  Trade, 
which    the    Democrat-^   sometinies   hesitated   to   accept,    ImvinR 
avowed  i'rotectionists  within  their  own  ranks,  and  knowing  that 
the  luilk  of  the  nation  was  fat  most)  prepared  oiilv  for  certain 
'vductions  in  ih(>  t.ariff.     Thus  while  HepuMican  orators  were 
iKlvocatiiiK  a  protective  tarilT  on  a  thousand  |)l;itforms,  hardly  a 
Democrat  in  tlios(>  da.vs  ventured  to  refer  to  the  sul)jeet  except 
l>v  saying  that  he  would  not  refer  to  it.     Huth  sides  cleelarod 
against  monopolists  and  the  pow(>r  of  corporations.     IJoth  pro- 
h'ssed  to  he  tlie  frien.ls  of  civil  s(-rvice  reform,  though  neither 
eared  for  it.     Both  promised  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  Amer- 
leans  .all  over  the  worM,  to  with4an<l  Hismarck  "•.  iiis  attacks 
"II  Ainericim  haenn       this  was  in  jSSI     -  and  to  .     cue  Ameri- 
'•au  citizens  fro'iiTiritish  dungeons.     Hot h,  however,  were  equally 
zealous  for  peace  and  good-will  among  tlie  nations,  and  had  no 
idea  of  (juarrelling  with  any  European  power.     These  appeals 


216 


rUK   PARTY  SVSTKM 


PAiir  II. 


im 


i 


I  ':■ 


ami  professions  miulc  no  ^rcat  iiiiprcssiou  upon  tlic  voters. 
The  American,  like  the  Englishman,  usually  votes  with  his  party, 
riu;lit  or  wroiifi;,  and  when  there  is  little  distinction  of  view 
between  the  parties  it  hecoiues  all  the  easier  to  stick  to  your 
old  friends.  The  Hepuhliean  party  >lill  iiad  much  supi)ort 
from  those  who  remembered  tlu't  it  had  saved  the  Union  in 
the  days  (»f  Secession.  The  Democratic  party  commanded  a 
Solid  South. 

The  el(>ction  ol  1S88  was  remarkable  for  the  fact  that  the 
victory  of  the  party  which  had  been  defeated  in  1S8-1  was 
mainly  due  to  a  personal  intrigue,  a  secret  "deal,"  which  was 
believed  to  hav(>  turned  over  from  the  Democrats  to  the  Heptil)- 
licans  the  thirty-six  electoral  votes  of  New  York  State.  In 
the  contest  of  1802  the  Democrats  imitatv-d  the  Hepublican 
tactics  of  bS84  by  attacking  the  latter  i)arty  upon  an  issue  (that 
of  the  Federal  Klectioiis  or  so-calle  1  "Force"  Hill)  whiv'h  tlu; 
Republicans  had  carefully  avoided,  and  which  ttiey  refused  to 
accept.  Tlu>  j^rotective  tarilT  did  on  this  occa.si()n  raise  a 
definite  issue  and  materially  affect  the  result.  But  as  rej:;ard>. 
currency  ((aestions,  profound  and  important  as  they  w.re,  tho 
"platforms"  of  the  two  sreat  parties  differed  but  slijrhtly,  and 
neither  could  conunand  the  idlesiiance  to  its  phitform  of  tl  c 
whole  of  its  rank  and  file.  I'l  particular  the  stran<j;(>  spectacle 
was  jiresent(>d  of  a  candidate  avowliif!;  stroiifj;  and  clear  views, 
wh(,  found  himself  in  this  wei<>hty  matter  more  in  accordance 
\\ith  the  bulk  of  his  R(>publicau  itpponent--  than  with  a  largo 
section  of  his  Democratic  supporters. 

In  the  election  of  189(7  tlie  s<M'tion  last  referred  to  carried  the 
Democratic  Convention  and  nominated  its  candidate,  .so  the 
contest  turne(|  upon  the  Free  Silver  issue.  Here  there  was  an 
economic  ((uestion  of  cajiital  importance,  which  divided  the 
Hepul)licans  from  the  "regular"  Democrats,  i'or  a  part  of  tho 
Democratic  i)arty,  dilTering  from  the  majoritv  )ii  the  currency, 
had  broken  away  and  nominated  its  own  caixdidates  for  presi- 
dency aiid  vice-presidency.  On  this  occasion  cami)ai^n  oratory 
an<l  literature  W(>re  dir(-cte<l  to  a  tangible  issue.  Kconomic  doc- 
trines were  forcibly  argued;  the  inteHigeiice  of  the  electors  was 
appealiMl  to:  the  contest  was  spleiidiilly  iiulaling  and  «>duca- 
tive.  In  intX)  xdiictiiing  >iiMilar  happem  .iiougli  the  currency 
was  then  a  less  promiiieiil  issue.  In  I'M  th;'  '  ^jue  hail  dis.-ip- 
peared.     Hoth  then  and  in  11)08  there  wius  a  Ic       .larp  upiwsition 


4 


OHAP.  Lxxii      KSSl'KS   l\    I'lJKSIDKN'TlAL  KLKCTIONS 


>.n 


of  conteralniK  cl.,ctri..<.s,  a.i.l  „.,  muny  points  tho  parties  wore 
practically  ukiv...1,  tl)<,u}.h  on,,  stated  its  views  in  more  "radi- 
cal  tenn-  than  tlu>  other,  and  the  Denioerats  kept  almost  sih-nt 
on  tariff  .;„,  .i;,,,..  uhile  the  Hepnhlieans  talked  of  eautiously 
revisn- .  a  s<alr  <.i  dui.es  wliieh  tliey  lauded  as  beneficial 

\Vh(      I-. lit (.•.•|l, .,.-,; roversy  is  languid,  personal  issues  come 
to  the  ir<i.,.      Ih.y  ;..-,    iu  CM.  M-us,.  small.  Imt   not  for  that 
n.ason  less  e..;;-,,.,..„.     \\  ;H,ever  has  sat   in  anv  hodv  of  men, 
ron,  a  colef.-,.  d,.|,atino   society   up   to  a  legislative"  chaml.er, 
knows  that  n.,  (luestions  raise  so  much  warmth,  and  are  de- 
l>ated  With  so  much  keenness  as  (pn^stions  afVectinK  the  char- 
acter and  conduct   of  indivi.hial  men.     Tluv  .-voke  some  <.f 
wliat  IS  host  and  much  of  what  is  worst  in  human  nature      In 
a  presu  ential  <l(-..ti,.u  it  is  hnpos..il,le  to  avoid  .liscussinji  tlie 
pcrsonal  merits  of  th,-  can.ii.hit..s,  l.ecause  much  dej)ends  on 
hose  merits.      H    h^.s   al<o   proved   impossible  to  set   limits  to 
ll'o  discus,sion.     Cnmitioate.!  publicity  is  a  con.lition  of  emi- 
nence in  Ameru^a;    and   the  excitement   in  <me  of  these  con- 
tests rises  so  hij-h   that   (at   electicms  in  \\hich  personal  issues 
are  prominent)  th..  canons  of  .hronim  which  American  custom 
at  other  tunes  obs,.rves,   have  sonu^times  l,een  cast  aside  l>v 
si)eakers  and  journalists.     The  air  is  thi.'k  with  charges    ,ul 
tem-es,  recriminations,  till  tlie  voter  kn.ms  not  what  to  believe 
lhes(>  censures  an-  inferable  to  three  chisses.'     Ouo  used  to 
mclu(e  what   was   .-alle,!    th(>   candidate's   "war  record"     To 
have  been  disloval  to  tlie  Tnion  in  the  hour  of  its  daii^w  wa  ■  a 
reproach.     To  (uive  fought  for  tl,e  Xorfh.  still  i,!,,,-,.  to  have  led 
a  .Northern  ivoi,„,.„t   ,„•  .liviMo,,,  covere.1  a  mullitud."  of  .sins 
it  is  the  greatest  of  bles>in,us  for  .Vni.nca  that  she  Hj-l.ts  so  ..el- 
<  om,  for  in  no  c..uMtry  do  inilit.-.ry  aciiieveiiK-nls  carrv  a  can<li- 
« late  farther,  not  that  the  p<.,pl,.  l„ve  war.  for  thevdo  not   but 
hecau.se  success  m  a  sphere  so  r.-inote  from  their  ordinary  life 
touches  their  imafiinatim,,  marks  a  m.an  out   from  his  fellows 
as.sociates  his  name  with  th.ir  passional.,  patriotism,  ^nves  him 
a  claim  on  tlu-  gratitiKh',  not  <.f  a  p.-irtv.  i)ut  of  th(.  nation  a<  -i 
wliole.     His   prowess   in   repulsiim   the   Britisli   troops  at    New 
"Means   made    Andrew   .I;irk<ni,    twice    I'residc.nt.    in   spite   of 

'This    MIl.l     till.     tW.)     f,,ll,,«il,L'     ll.-MVUT -      .,,■,.      ,ll,,u,.,!     (,, 


,  -    |i:M;i!'ri|ili-    .-irr   ,ill,m..il    (,,   .:! I    ;.,    jj„. 

.!v;r:i    '''Z   ''""Tv"    ""^'     ''^ ""'     '"    '"''"'■    ''''"""^    MM.I     MMuh,'  ,.,.SS,I.U 

^    ,lv,  '•""'""'"•^.    •'■• '"    ^'■-■■'"<        H..t    wl,:„    is    sMi.l    i„    ,1,,.,,.    .1. 

.M'P  \    t..  Ih-  ,..,n(<.s|,  fr,,in   ISSS  ,„,u:,nl-.  I,,i   in  rl.,.,.  (i„rr  Invr  ',... 
"^'l.v   frw  ;,.Kl  sliKl.t  ;,(t;.,ks  upon   til-  .lura.t.  >■  .,1   .aml.dak.s. 


lint 
roiiipaia- 


218 


THE  PARTY  SYSTP^NI 


PAKT   111 


J'  ■; 
, .  I' 


grave  faults  of  temper  and  juilgmeiit.  Some  Indian  skirmishes 
fixed  the  choice  of  the  Whij?  party  in  1840  upon  William  H. 
Harrison,  thoiijih  his  comju'titor  for  the  nomination  was  Henry 
Clay.  Zachary  Taylor  was  known  only  by  his  conduct  of  the 
Mexican  War,  when  he  was  elected  hy  the  same  party  iu  1H48. 
The  failure  of  (lenend  ('.rant  as  President  in  his  Hist  term,  a 
failure  which  those  who  most  heartily  recognized  his  honour 
and  patriotism  could  not  deny,  did  not  prevent  his  re-election 
in  1872;  and  the  uicmory  of  his  services  came  near  to  giving 
him  a  third  nomination  in  1S(S0. 

More  serious,  however,  than  the  absence  of  a  war  record, 
have  been  charges  of  the  second  class  -    tliose  impeaching  the 
nominee's  inrsonal  int(>grity.     Tliese  few  candidates  used  to 
escape.     Few  men  can  have  pa-ssed  years  in  a  State  legislature, 
or  State  or  city  office,  or  Congress,  witliout  coming  into  contact 
with  disreputable  jjcrsons,  and  occasionally  finding  themselves 
in  situations  capal)le  of  being  misrepresented.     They  may  have 
walkcHl  warily,  they  may  not  have  swerved  from  the  path  of 
rectitude,  but  they  must  have  been  tempted  to  do  so,  and  it 
requires  no  great  invention  to  add  details  which  give  a  bad 
look  to  the  facts.     As  some  men  of  note,  from  wliom  l)etter 
things  had   l)eeu   expected,  had  lapsed,  a  lapse  by  a  man  of 
standing  seemed  cre(lil)le.     It  was  therefore  an  easy  task  for 
the  unscrupulous  passions  which  a  contest  rouses  to  gather  up 
rumours,  piece  out  old  though  unproved  stories  of  corruption, 
put  the  worst  meaning  on  doubtful  words,  and  so  construct  a 
damning  impeachment,  which  will  I)e  read  in  party  journals 
by  many  voters  who  n(>ver  see  the  defence.     The  worst  of  this 
habit  of  universal  invective  is  that  the  jilain  citizen,  hearing 
much  wliich  he  cannot  believe,  finding  foul  imputatims  brought 
even  against  those  he  has  cause  to  respect,  despairs  of  sifting 
the  evidence,  and  sets  <lown  most  of  the  charges  to  malice  and 
"campaign  methods,"  while  concluding  that  the  residue  is  about 
equally  true  of  all  politicians  alike.     The  distinction  between 
good  and  bad  m(>n  may  for  nuuiy  voters  be  practically  effaced, 
and  the  spectacle  be  pres(>nted  of  half  the  honest  men  supports 
ing  for  tiie  headship  of  the  nation  a  person  whom  the  other 
half  declare  to  be  a  knave.     Extravagant  abuse  produces  a  re- 
action, and  inakts  the  hi-ncst  supporters  (tf  a  candidate  defend 
even  his  questionable  acts.      And  tlius  the  confidence  of  the 
country  in  the  honour  of  its  public  men  was  lowered. 


CHAP.  Lxxii     ISSIES  IN   PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS         219 


Less  froqucnt,  hut  moro  ( 'Tensive,  have  sometimes,  though 
happily  rarely,  l)eeii  the  chaiges  made  against  the  private  Ufe  of 
a  camUdate,  r)articularly  in  his  relations  with  women.  Ameri- 
can opinion  is  iiijrhly  sensitive  on  this  subject.  Nothing  damages 
a  man  more  than  a  rei)utation  for  irregularity  in  these  relations ; 
nothmg  therefore'  opens  a  more  promising  field  to  slander,  and 
to  the  coarse  vulgarity  wiiieh  is  scarcely  less  odious,  even  if  less 
mendacious,  than  slander  itself. 

Though  these  have  been  the  chief  heads  of  attack,  there  is 
nothmg  m  tlie  life  or  habits  of  a  candidate  out  of  which  materials 
for  a  reproach  might  not  be  drawn.  '){  one  it  is  said  that  he 
IS  too  fond  of  eating:  of  another,  that  though  he  rents  a  pew 
m  Dr.  Y  V  church,  he  is  more  fn>*|uen(ly  seen  in  a  Homan 
Cathohc  place  of  Xvorship:  of  ;i  tliinl.  that  he  deserted  his  wife 
twenty-five  years  ago;  of  a  fourth,  that  he  is  an  alheisl.  His 
I)nvate  ccmversations  may  b(>  reported  ;  and  when  he  denies  the 
report,  third  p,  rsons  are  dragged  in  to  refute  his  v.-rsion.  Nor 
does  criticism  stoj)  with  the  candidate  himself.  His  leading 
supporters  are  arraign...!  an.l  .liss.vted.  A  man's  surround- 
mgs  do  n.)  doubt  throw  s.)me  hght  up.)n  !'='-..  If  you  are 
sho'-n  into  a  lil)rary,  you  .lerive  an  impression  mi  the  books 
on  the  shelves  and  the  pictures  on  tli<-  wall;  much  more  then 
may  you  be  iiifiuenc.d  by  the  .-haracter,  if  c.>n>picuously  good 
or  evil,  of  a  Juan's  personal  frieiuis  an.l  p.  itical  asscjciate.s. 
But  such  methods  ..f  jti.lging  nuist  be  applie.l  cautiously. 
Ajiierican  eleetioneering  has  n.n.  and  then  carrie.l  them  beyond 
reasonabh>  limits. 

Thes..  i)ersonal  issu.-s  .lo  n..t  always  come  to  the  front.  The 
can.lidntes  may  both  b.-  fr.'..  from  anv  reasonable  possibility  of 
reproach.  This  tends  to  b.'  nior.'  and  m.)r.'  the  cas(> :  and  there 
liave  in  fact  been  few  atlarks  on  p.-rsonal  character  in  recent 
ilccti.ins  pra.ticidiy  non.'  in  iltOS  ir.id  l'.tl2. 

nb\i.)u>ly.  b.,th  Ih.-  in!..gri(y  an.!  tlie  abilities  of  tlie  rival 
candidates  docrve  to  be  carefully  weiglie.l  l)v  tlie  electors 
an.l  ought  t.)  aff.rt  tli.'  result,  I'or  tlie  w.>!far.-  of  the  country 
niay  be  profoun.lly  affe.'t...!  by  tlu-m.  The  personal  qualities 
of  a  President  gene'  tlly  niak.'  more  dirt'erence  to  the  Tnit-d 
States  than  the  persona!  .juahtj.-.  of  a  prime  minister  do  to 
Britain.  Sonu-times.  how..ver,  tlii^  (,ui1."  proper  regar.l  to  the 
personal  merits  or  denierils  of  tla>  can.Ii.lates  has  tended  to 
uraw  attention  away  from  jioliti.  a!  .liseussions,  and  has  thereby 


•J'-M) 


TIIK    PAin'V   SVSTKM 


I'AUT    III 


d 


r; 


Ii'ss.'iumI  wlial   iii;i.v  1m    railed  tlic  .•ducalioiiai  valiir  of  tlir  raiii- 
paiiiii.     A  ficiu'ial  clcclioii  in   I'jif^land  scniis  l.ctlcr  calciilutcd 
to  instruct  tlic  masses  of  llic  people  in  ||i,>  principles  as  well  as 
the  practical  issues  of  pulitics  tliaii  the  loiifier   and   jieiierally 
hotter  presidential  contest  in  Atnerica.     The  average  intellij>ence 
of  tile  voter  (excludiiifi;  the  negroes)  is  hijilu'r  in  America  than 
in  Hritain.  and  his  familiarity  not  only  with  the  passwords  and 
catciiwords  of  politics,  hut  with  llie  structure  of  liis  own  f^overn- 
meut.  is  much  greater,     [itit  in  iiritain  the  contest  is  primarily 
on.'  of  iJroKraninu's  and  not  of  persons.     Tiie  l<-aders  on  each 
side  are  freely  criticized,  and   people  are  of  ccnirse  influenced 
l).v  their  .juilfiinent  of  the  prime  minister,  and  of  the  person  who 
will  hecome  prinu'  minister  if  the  <>xistinK  ministry  he  dismissed. 
Still  the  men  are  almost  always  overshadowed  by  the  i)rinciples 
which  they  rt>spectively  advocate,  and  as  invective  and  pane- 
Kyric  Inve  already  lu'cn  poured  for  years,  there  is  little  induce- 
ni-nt  to  rake  ui)  or  inv(>nt  tales  against  th(>m.     Controversy 
turns  on  the  ne(>ds  of  the  country,  and  on  the  measures  which 
each  party  puts  forward;   attacks  on  a  ministrv  are  levelled  at 
their  pul.lic  acts  instead  of  their  i)rivate  characters.     Americans 
wlio  watch  general  elections  in  Knd:ind  say  that  they  find  in 
the  speeohes  of  Enjrlisl,  candidates  more  appeal  to  reason  and 
experience,  more  argument  and   less  sentimental   rhetoric  than 
m  tile  discourses  of  tlieir  own  campaijrn  orators.     To  such  a 
Seneral  judgment  tiiere  are.  of  courses  manv  exceptions.     The 
campaign  of  1S9()  was  iiijrhly  educative,  and  those  of  1904 
19()S.  and   1912.  turninji  larjivly  on  economi.'  (luestions.  wen' 
Mmilnriy   valual.le.     There   lunv   aiwavs   l.een   in   tlie    Tnite.l 
>tates  pul.iic  speakers  hicI,  as  .Mr.  H.'iii  v  Ward  Mee,-iier  was  in 
lie  days  ,,t  tiie  Civii  War.  whos,.  vi-orous  tiiinkiii«  has  l),>en  in 
tile  hmiiest  defrree  instructive  as  well  as  stimulative;    ami  the 
.•ratory  ot   Limli<li  candidates  i<  i)rol.al)iv,  rejianh'd  as  mere 
oratory,  le.ss  eflective  tiian  that  of  tiie  Aimrican  stump. 

An  examination  of  the  caus(.s  wliicii  explain  tliis  differenoe 
helon-s  to  another  p.art  of  this  huok.  H,  .,•  I  will  onlv  remark 
tiiat  tiie  absence  from  Rritisli  cK-ctions  of  Hags,  imifonns 
torciies,  hrass  hands,  parades,  and  all  tlie  .>tiier  appliances  em- 
ploycMl  in  America,  for  makinir  the  fxfiple  "enthuse,"  leaves 
tiie  field  more  free  for  rational  discussion.  .\dd  to  this  that 
whereas  the  qu.'stions  discusse.!  cm  Britisii  platforms  during 
the  last  two  generations  iiave  been  mainly  questions  needing 


."A.-.  ,.xx„      ISSIMS    IX    |.|JKsn)|.:XTi  A!.   KLKCTIOXS  2-1 

arK,„M.-,.t    surl,  as  fhuf  ..f  th,.  .■„rn  laus  i,,  tl„.  tvpi.-al  popular 
struKKl,.  whM.h  ColKl,.,,  an.|  Hri^ht  and  Nilli.-rs  1  .,|,  tl  .      os 

■Inch  .sp,.nalv  ...11,..  I  for  ..m.>,i.,„al  tr..aJ,n,.nt.     Su,-!,  su  ,  Its 
:,;  '"  ^••«"'''"" ;/  -  '••'-■i<l'-  -"l-tiMK  plans  of  lic.uor  l,.«i  - 

I  t,,  .n,rr..M,-ya,HNah.Hn-,,u..s,.ons,,|HM,u..sti,>M,,f.  .ntnfc 
or  HlK.l.sh.ni,   I  rus.s,  ar..  s.,  .liMi-ult  ...  sift  IhorouKhly  l.ofor.   u 
poiH.lar  au.l,,.,,-,.  tha.  ..l,.,.ti„n  sp..ak,.rs  w..r..  !....«  t.n.pt..    t 
C-VH.1..  thnu  or  to  .1,.!   i„  so.n.lin,.  .•o,n>,;o„pia...t..     lIJI;  ., 

.T.u. Ml,..  Maf..„a!  <.urn.n..y   pr,...,.*,  has  i,„h.ml  u  noto- 
"    rthy    ,  uu.K.-,    a    .ha,.^..    strikinjiiy  appan.„t   in    ISOii;    an.l 
UluH^h  t  u-s..  .•o.nph.x  ,....„..n,i,.  top,.,  a...  ,>ft.n  han.llo,    X 
ttl(.  kno  vl,.,lf...  a„.l  ,„  a  .!,  .laM.atory  uav.  it  is  a  n.il  ^ain  th- 

loi.ci  to  think  scn.Hislv  alioiit  t!,cii. 

If  th,>  pn.si,|,.„tial  .•o,,t..>t  ,„ay  srnn  to  havr  usuhIIv  .lono  l.-ss 
(or  th,.  format..,,,  ot  pohti..,]  th...„l.t  a,..l  .liffusion  of  polith-al 
kn.nvl,Hl,v  than  uas  t.>  1...  ...xp..,,„.|  f,,,„  „„.  j,,,,,,,.,^,,.  ,.^^^  ;     ;' 

orth  un.l  th.  ,nt..il.«c.n.v  of  th..  vot.-rs  a.l.lr,.ss..d,  it  n.vcX- 
css  reuses  an.l  st.rs  tl...  p.,l,li..  hf..  of  th,>  ......ntrv.     On.,  c-  n 

winlly  nuHKUu;  what  th-  a.,.,..ph,.n.  ..f  An-.-n.-an  politics  wou 
.;•  wMh.Mzt  th.s  „..a,hv..nial  st.,n,.  sw...,>i.„  tl.n.uU  it  to  .^ 
.  ua>  .ta^nmnt  va,,o.,rs.  a,„l  ........dl  to  ,.v..,-y  .•itiz.-n  the  s.-ns.  of 

lH>  own  n-spons,l>.l.ty  lor  th..  nn.s..nt  uvlfar,.  an.l  future  .rn,vt- 
n.'ss  of  h.s  ,.ouHt..v.     Xowh.n.  ,1.,,..  f,ov,.n,n...„t  l.v  th.-  p^opl,. 
tl.n.u«h  tl..>  p,.oph.,  for  tl...  p..op|.,  tak,-  a  n,or,.  .iin-.-tlv  i  I 

Hv..an.l  powerfully  s,i,„.,la.iv..  fon„   ,hau  in  th.-  .■  l.i  •    '      , 
c'h.cf  nm,.strat,.  hy  fif,,.....  „,iliio..s  of  ei,iz....s  v..tin«  on  one  lav 


CHAI^TER  LXXIII 


FURTHER   OBSERVATIONS    ON    NOMINATIONS    AND    ELEtTIONS 


Several  questions  may  have  occurred  to  the  I']uro[)eau  reader 
who  ha:^  followed  the  foregoing  account  of  presidential  notnina- 
tions  and  elections. 

The  most  obvious  is  -  How  eoines  it  that  a  system  of  nomi- 
nation hy  huge  jiarfy  assemhlies  has  jjrown  up  so  unlike  any- 
thing which  tlie  free  countries  of  Ijirope  have  seen? 

The  nominatinji;  convention  is  tlie  naiural  and  h'^:itiniate  out- 
growth of  two  i'eatures  of  the  Constitution,  tiie  restricted  func- 
tions of  (\)ngress  and  the  absolute  sttvenMnnty  of  the  people. 
It  was  soon  perceived  that  under  the  rule  of  party,  a  party 
must  be  united  on  its  candidate  in  order  to  have  a  prospect  of 
success.  There  was  tlierefore  neinl  for  a  method  of  selecting 
the  candidate  which  the  whole  of  a  party  would  recognize  as 
fair  and  entitled  to  respect.  At  first  the  representatives  of  the 
party  in  Congress  assumed  the  right  of  nomination.  But  it  was 
presently  felt  tlu:t  they  were  not  entithnl  to  it,  for  they  had 
not  lieen  chosen  for  any  siich  pur|)ose.  and  the  Presid(>nt  was 
not  constitutionally  responsible  to  them,  but  rather  set  up  tc> 
check  them.  When  the  congressional  caucus  had  been  discnvl- 
ited.  the  State  legi-ilatures  tried  tlieir  hands  at  nominations; 
but  acting  irregularly,  and  with  a  primary  regard  to  local  senti- 
ment, they  failed  to  win  obediciu'c.  The  self-authorized  and 
sometimes  secret  action  of  both  these  sets  of  persons  caused 
resentment.  P  lu'gan  to  be  held  tliat  whom  the  people  were 
to  elect  the  jieople  must  also  noin'nate.  Thus  presently  tlie 
tunuiltuous  as<embli,-  of  active  politicians  were  develope(i  into 
regulai  representative  l)odie<.  modelled  after  Congress,  and 
giving  to  the  party  in  eadi  State  exactly  the  same  weight  in 
nominati!^^  a-<  the  Stat'-  p<w<,>:^ed  in  voting.  The  f  labt:rate 
nominatiiur  -cheme  of  primaries  and  coii\(iitions  wliich  was 
being  cnnstructe(l  for  the  purpose  of  city.  State,  ami  congrr's- 
sional  elections,   was  ajiplied   tf)  tlie  election  of  a  President. 

222 


■"i 


CHAP.  LXMii       NOMINATIONS  AND  KLKCTIONS  223 

an.l   tlu'   naliun;.!  roMvcntioi,   Avas   the   result.     We  inav  call 
It  uu  elTort  ul  nature  l„  (ill  tl„.  void  lelt  iu  Ain.iica  l>y  the  al> 
^vnrv  ol  tlu.  I.un.p..a„  |.:ni,;t,u..atary  uv  eal.i.u.t  system,  under 
wiueh  au  .vnut.ve  is  ealie,!  i„tu  l.eiim  out   of  t^.'  legislature 
l>y  t  u>  n.ajonty  of  the  ie^a^lature.     In  the  European  sy>teni  no 
single  ae(  ol  iioniinatioa  is  i.eeessary,  hee:.use  the  l.-ader  of  the 
aiajonty  eomes  irradually  to  the  to,,  in  virUie  of  his  own  strenyth  ' 
In  Anieru-a  th.re  i.mst  hr  a  sin-le  and  formal  aet  :  and  this  a.'t 
mu.>t  emanate  Iron,   the  pc-ople,   since  it   is  to  then,    that   the 
]Kirty   lead.T    when   he   l,e.„mes   ehief   n.aKistrate,   will   he  n- 
sponsihle.      Ihere  is  nut  (,uite  so  strong  a  r..aso,i  lor  entruM- 
mg  to  tlu'  convent  ion  the  funetio]i  of  declaring  th.-  aims  and 
tenets  ol  the  party  in  its   platform,  for  this  might  properly  be 
done  l.y  a  caucus  of  the  l,ui>lature.     Hut  as  th,-  Pre.idcn"t  is 
through  his  veto  power,  an   independent  branch  ..f  the  le-i^la- 
ure  the  moment  of  nominating  him  is  apt  for  a  .1. rlaration  of 
the  doctrines  whereof  the  party  makes  him  the  standard-bearer 
What  have  been  tiie  eriect>  upon  th<.  public  life  of  the  coun- 
try ot   this   practice  ot    nor.inati.m   by   convention^?     Out   of 
several   I   select   two.     Politics  hav  turne.l   larg.lv   ut)on   t)it 
claims  of  rival  p.Tsonalitie..     Tli<.  victory  of  a  part;-  in  a  presi- 
dential election  de,,(n<!s  upon  its  being  unanhnous  m  its  sui),>ort 
of  a  particular  candidal.-.     Ii  mu^t  tluref.ac  u>e  ev,  ry  .tfort  to 
fin.l.  not  nec,.s>anly  the  b,  m  n.an.  but  th,-  man  who  will  be^i 
unite  it.     In  the  pursuit  of  him.  it  i<  distrac'ed  from  its  run- 
sideration  of  the  (iuestion>  on  v.hhh  it  ou;;iit  to  appeal  to  the 
comitry.  and  may  fonr   1  s  ^  i,.,vs  on  th.-m  hastily  or  loo>.  Iv. 
Ihe  conventK.n  is  the  only  !,.,.!y  aulhoiize.l  to  .Icdare  the  tenets 
and  practical  programme  of  the  ,)aity.     Hut  th.-  <lutv  of  declar- 
ing  them   IS   commonly   ov.  rshadowe.l    bv   tiie   .^tlil-r  duty   of 
eh(.osmg  the  candi.late.  which  naturally  excii,  .  warmer  feelings 
m  the  heart-  of  actual  or  pot.ntial  ..fii.  .-boll,  rs.     .V.'corduigly. 
•  lelegates  are  chosen  by  l.,cal  c.,nv<ntions  rat!i(  r  ;,.  th.'  f)artisan.s 
ot  this  or  that  aspirant   than  a-  p«r-^.,n^  of  p,,iiti<.al  ability  or 


1 1, 


•'  I'l    i-   t(i'     -ili'cti'ji' 

■  ♦  w!ii.-!i  tficrc  liave 

t'l-  !  ''"  r-.l  rfM'm'.i-r- 


'  Th"   ri'-.iTP-^t   i.!ir;!!i<l   f.,   t!,,.    \r:   ri ,    ■,.,,,,;., 

"f  tlM-ir  leader  hy  tlic  <  l|,|.r)^iti.,t,  i,,  il,,.  !t,,ii-     ^.f  C 
!."-n  only  llin'.'  in^tari'-cs.  fl;,.  >h-)ir..-  .,f  I  ,.,■,{  M-.,i;, 

t'--   M   v„t,.  w„.  ,   .,„t,.,|:     tl,..   ,.1,„„.,.  ,,f   ^;,    l|.,„v   (■:„.„. I,.  IM':;;,..'mLu/C 

ch,nr;.ui  Mr.  Law  hy  tlw  T.,ry  „ar.y  i-:  I'MI.     Tl  ■■  -    I  ,., ,'  '  ,.n..l  ,!^',}Zr 

h  '■    if  r!."^  *!r  'T'"  "•    .  "  Y  ^'"  "'  '''    """       "f  '  '••■■"""-    '"•  «:^U,r:,\W  \.-^U 

It ,  a  in  th.-  otli.-r  lious.-,  h.;  choobea  ..n,-  ut  his  ..-^H.-ugu.-..  to  l<.a.J  in  ih.-  CymmoM. 


THK    IWWTV   SVSTKM 


rAio   III 


i-'li   , 


iiuinil  wi-i^lit  :  :iiitl  the  liiiiclioii  ol'  roriuiiiatiiiK  tlic  views  of 
tilt'  ptirty  luav  l>f  Iclt  to,  :iii(l  ill  discliarni'tl  l)y,  iiit'ii  ol"  an 
iiifcrior  type. 

A  further  result  will  have  been  foreseen  hy  tlii.se  who  have 
realized  what  tlu-se  coti  vent  ions  are  like.  They  are  monster  pul)- 
lie  meetings.  Mesides  the  thousand  deleKates,  there  are  some 
twelve  to  Hfteen  thousand  spectators  on  the  floor  and  in  the  gal- 
leries, while  at  Chicapt  in  IStiO,  there  were  also  thousands  on 
the  roof.  It  troes  without  saying;  that  such  a  ineetinjj;  is  capahle 
neith(>r  of  discussinji  jxditical  (|Ut'stions  and  settlinjj;  a  political 
j)rojj;ranune.  nor  of  deliln'rately  weijjhinji;  the  merits  of  rival 
asj>irants  for  the  nomination.  Its  pl.itform  must  be  i)resented 
to  it  cut  and  dry.  and  this  is  the  work  of  a  small  conunittee. 
In  choosimi  a  candidate,  it  must  follow  a  few  leaders.'  .\nd 
what  sort  of  leaders  do  convtMitions  tend  to  prinluce?  Two 
sorts  the  intrijj;uer  and  the  declaiiner.  There  is  the  man  who 
manipulates  deleu;ates  and  devises  skilful  comhinalions.  There 
is  also  the  «)rator.  whose  physical  sifts,  courajje,  and  readiness 
enable  liim  to  l)rowl>eat  antasjonists,  overawe  the  chairman, 
;ind  perhaps,  if  he  be  ])ossess('d  of  ehxiuence,  carry  the  nuilti- 
lude  away  in  a  tit  of  entlu'siasm.  For  men  of  wisdom  and 
knowlediro,  not  seconded  '>v  a  commandinn  voice  and  j)resence, 
tlicre  is  no  demand,  and  littlt>  chance  of  usefulness,  in  these 
tem]iestuous  lialls. 

Wiiy,  lidwever,  it  may  also  l)e  asked,  should  conventions  be 
so  iM-e-eiuinently  tempestuous,  coiisiderinjt  that  they  are  not 
casual  concourses,  but  consist  of  persons  iluly  elected,  and  are 
vt'Virned  by  a  rciiular  cede  of  procedure?  The  reason  may 
';■  f.^ii'.ul  ir.  tile  fact  tluit  in  tlu-ni  are  united  the  two  c(mdi- 
tiO!i<  v.hic!'.  iienerate  tNcitcmeut,  viz.,  very  larj^e  numbers,  and 
in;]xtrtant  i>>ues  to  1  e  determined.  In  no  otlier  modern 
asM  mblie- -  i.\o  tlu<e  conditiuus  conciu'.  Modern  delil)erative 
assemblie-  are  eomi)arativtly  small -■  the  House  of  Hejjresent- 
ativts  has  4;>')  mtmlnrs:   tiie  French  C'hambei  .")S4  ;    while  in 

'  HriTi:Jl":i  hi'i  aiiit.!.\'  !•  iii:irk<il  in  17^s  t!i:it  t!i<-  Imth'  r  :in  :i.~si'iiil)ly,  tlic 
HT<':,'.'  :  I-  i)i'-  I". WIT  oi  .1  f.  \v  ill  it.     >'■•■  \'m1.  I.  p.  1'.'."). 

-  I:,  t.'j-  :i;.  ■!' i.t  w.Tii  th^  .i  ■- .liil  lii  -  "i  urcat  ■!<  iii'icratic  ••itii^s  liki-  Alliens 
IT  >;.  ra'U-<-  prf?'T:t<-ii  !>'.t!.  tin-'  i  ■■niiitinii- :  tlii-.\  l.ad  I.iriic  iiunilKTs  present. 
i:.  1  aitii'i-t  u!iiiii.iT''i  ).'.u.r-.  Hut  tiii-,-  wi  re  at  -av.v  rati'  permanent  hoilie-i. 
ai 'UrTTiieii  »..  In'.;  fr> 'i'i"  ntly,  lurni'DMii  of  men  wtiD  knew  ntie  aiiotluT.  who 
ri-;.^  -t'-i  I'Ttain  i'ai'!>.  an'l  ai  |>la!i(l.i|  the  ^aine  iTafors.  Tlie  Amerieail 
I  •  .,M  iiti.>:.  '■■■u'.-:-  'f  nun  whu  enme  t'.uith'r  onie  '.nly  in  tli -ir  lives,  uml 
tiun  fi.r  a  wtf  k  or  le^^. 


niAP.  i.xxiii 


NOMINATIONS  AND   KLHCTIONS 


UrK."  popular  ^MtluMinKs.   .,..   ,i...  ...h.-r  Iku.Ii.   su.h   an"' 

lo  1  ut  pass  n-s„  uti.ms.  a.ul  flu-r..  is  s,.l,ion.  .•o„trov..rsv  ov.r 
thcs...  iHraus.  su.l,  nuH-tiuKs  a.v  att,.,ul,.,l  ouIn    hy  thos;  ^vh, 
HKrcHMVith  t  ...  sunnn.„H.rs.    J^ut  a  national  ronvHaion  ,.on.i, 
more  han  al.ont  on..  th..usan,l  <l,.l..«at..s.  as  many  alfrna'..    a, 
s..nu.  f.,Mrt.H.n  tl.ousan.i  sp..,.tators.     It  is  th.  huu-st  ,nt  n'.^ 
n.K  tl...  worl.l  kuo.s  of.     Xo,  only,  th..n.fon..  .lo.t  th..  svn.  atl  v 
of  Mu  nlu.rs  ..x.T,  an  nn,.,nall,..l  lor,-...  I.ut  tl,i.  I.m,  far  luu-^ 
•'=«"  tl>;'  .inny  w„h  whi.-l.  ,1.,  c,,,,.^.  ,...,u,u..n..|  at  Mara    .on 
has  an  .ssu.  o,  ,1...  hi^la.t  an.l  n.os,  ,.x-i.il„  ,.atur..  t;"    !     l' 
an  ,s  u,.  whn-h  qnH.k,.ns  tl...  pul...  ..v.-n  of  tlio.-  wl.o  n-a-l  in  r,M 

I.Kh.    aft..rwar,ls  ho.v  th..  vo,..s  f.-JI  as  th,.  roll  of  Stat.,  wa 
calhH  .  an.l  whu-h  thrills  thos..  wh..  s...-  and  li-t.-n.  an,|.  n..t  of 
all    th..s,.  who  an.  tlH.n,s..lv,.s  .•..n..,.rn...|  a>  ,|,.|,..at.-.  ui,h  at^ 
m.ns.ty  of  ...notum  surpass,,,   i,,  proportion  to  th.  tnau.it,.].. 
of  tlu.  .ss„,.      hat  wln,.h  atfn.ls  th-  finish  of  a  w..|l-<.on,.M..| 
l)oat  ra.-e.     L  yon  w,sh  to  n.aliz.  th,-  pav^onat.-  .at-.n,,--.  of 
an  Am..n,.an  .•onv..ntion.  tak,.  th..  Hon...  of  Connnon.  or  t],.^ 
FrHu-h  (  han,l,..r.  .-Inrnif:  a  .livision  whi.-h  i^  to  .l.n<l..  th..  fat.- 
of  a  mmistry,  an.l  a  poli,.y.  and  raisinji  th..  nnn.l,..r.  pn^nt 
twonty-f.,l.|.  „„a^r„„.  th..  ..x,it..ni..nt  tw.ntv-fold  In.tt.r      W.Uit- 

nig  thos..  w.,n.l..rfnl  s.-,.n..s  whi.h  a  t.r..at"  .l,.hat..  and'  divi-ion 
m  Parliament  pnn-i.l,.  th..  English  v.ith,  Atn.-ri-a  ha^  .voiv^l 
oth.--  n.jt  less  .Irainati...     The  .-ontraM  L.tu......  t)„.  two  .oun- 

tnes  i>  perhaps  rn.ot  .nark...l  in  this,  that  in  Parliai.i.rit  th.-  -trif.- 
is  between  two  parties,  in  an  An...ri.an  .■.,nv..nti.,n  h.tw.-..,,  the 
a.lheren  s   of  .liff.Tent    l..a.l..rs   l„.lon{rinu   t.,   th.-   -an..-  partv 
\\e  might  have  ..xp....t...l  that  in  th..  n.or..  <!.  ino.-rati..  ..ountrv 

more  w..nl,l  turn  u,,..n  prin..ipl,.s.  ],....  uj^on  m.n.     It  is  .^xa.'tlV 

the  other  way.     Th.-  struggl..  in  a  .•..nv..nti.,n  i-  ov.-r  rm-n    n.Jt 
over  pnneipl.s. 

These  e.jnsi.l.-rations  may  s..rv..  to  ...xi>lain  f,  a  Eur.)r><a,i  the 
Strang..  ph<.ii.Hn..na  ..f  a  .■onv..ntion.  Hut  hi.  i,„,uirv  ,,rol,al-lv 
exten.is  its."|f  to  th..  ..l.-ctoral  .-anipai^ii  w),i.h  follow-."  -  Whv.' 
tie  asks,  "isthe..fint.'st  -<jniu<-h  l<,m-..r.  ni<.n-  -ir..,,,,.,,.  ■..„)  „:,..<. 
ai.sonm,g  than  the  ..rmgre-i.mal  .-l.-.tions.  or  than  anv  .-l-etion 
j-trugge  m  Lun.pe.  alth.^udi  Ijirop..  i-  ajritat.-.l  l,v  urav.-r  proh- 
"'Ms  than  now  <„•,•., py  An,.ri..a''  And  whv  do-^  a  jm-oj.!.-  .-x- 
ternally  so  cool,  .se|f-..ontain..l,  an.l  utiitiipul.Mv..  a.  th.-  Atri..ri<-an 


220 


TIIK    I'AHTV    SYSTKM 


'AIIT    III 


iiqn* 


I 


work  itsi'lf  up  iiit»»  a  lever  of  eiitlnisiusm  over  :iii  issue  wliieh 
nuiy  not  1m'  |)erinaneutly  important  lielweeii  two  lueii.  lU'itluT 
uf  wlioin  will  do  iiiueli  p»o(|  or  can  do  iiiiuli  liarm?" 

The  length  of  the  eontest  is  a  survival.  The  Anierieans  tluMU- 
selvi's  regret  it,  for  it  sadly  interru|)ls  hoth  iiusiness  and  |)leus- 
uro.  It  is  line  to  the  lad  that  when  idininunii'alion  wasdilKcult 
over  a  rough  .tiid  tliinl\  settled  cou'itry,  >evenil  months  were 
needed  to  enaole  the  candidates  and  their  orators  to  go  round 
Now  railways  and  t(>legraphs  have  drawn  the  ctMitinent  so  much 
together  Ihat  five  or  six  we«'ks  would  l)e  sutiicient.  That  the 
presidential  election  is  fought  more  vehemently  than  congres- 
sional elections  seems  due  to  its  coming  only  h;ilf  as  often  ;  to 
the  fact  that  the  President  is  the  dispenser  of  Federal  j)atroiiag(', 
and  to  the  lial)it,  formed  in  days  when  the  I're.-ident  was  the 
undoubted  head  of  the  party,  and  his  action  in  foreign  affairs 
might  he  of  transcendent  im]M)rt.ince,  of  looking  on  his  election 
as  the  great  trial  of  party  strength.  Besides,  it  is  th(>  choice  of 
eno  officer  l>y  the  whoh'  country,  a  sui)reme  political  act  in  which 
(••cry  voter  has  a  share,  and  the  same  share  ;  an  act  which  fills 
liio  whole  of  the  party  in  all  of  tlic  Slates  with  the  sense  that  it  is 
feeling  and  thinking  and  willing  as  one  heart  and  mind.  This 
simultaneity  of  effort,  this  concentration  of  interest  upon  one 
penson  and  one  polling  d;iy,  gives  to  the  struggle  a  sort  of  tension 
not  to  he  looked  for  where  a  numl>er  of  elections  of  ditferent 
persons  are  going  on  in  as  many  ditferent  spots,  nor  always  at  the 
same  time.  In  congressional  elections  each  constituency  has 
to  think  first  of  itself  and  its  own  candidah*.  In  the  jmsideritial 
electicms  all  eyes  are  fixe(|  on  the  same  fiaure  :  the  same  jx-rsonal 
as  well  as  political  i'-sue  is  ])resented  to  the  nation.  Kach  i)olling 
district  in  a  State,  each  Stat(>  in  the  I'liion,  emulates  every  other 
in  the  efforts  it  puts  forth  to  carry  t!ie  ])arty  ticket. 

To  explain  why  the  hard-headed,  scjf-possesM-d  Americans  go 
.so  wild  with  excitement  at  eli-ctiu'i  liir.e^  is  ,■(  more  difficult 
task.  See  what  the  facts  are  :  From  .Mnaham  Lincoln's  re-elec- 
tion in  1S(>4  down  to  the  end  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  had 
not  been  a  single  presidential  candidate  (always  exceptingt  leneral 
(Irant)  of  whom  his  friends  could  say  tluit  lie  iiad  done  any- 
thing to  conunand  the  gratitu<ie  of  the  iiarmu.  .'^oiiie  of  l]ie>e 
candidates  had  been  skilful  party  h-id'Ts.  others  ha<l  served 
with  cnnlit  in  tlie  Civil  War.  None  could  h"  called  distinguished 
in  the  sense  in  which,  I  will  not  say,  Hamilton,  Jefferson, 


21!^!l!i'_    ^''^""^^''''OXS   AXF)   KI.MCTK.NS  '£n 

Marshall,  W,  l,>f,,-.  I,ut  .1.  t.,  A.lain-,  (  i.v,  IJ-m!,.,,.  Calhoun 
N'war(l.MMnt..n,aM.IChM.r.  w,  ,v,ii,tii,mii.hr.linc.,.     Tnav.,i.i 
mvnt  rvci.ts  l.t  us  ^„  |,..H.k  to  Mr.  Hh,inr  ;n,.|  Mr.  ( '1.  v.I.mmI  in 
thr  HcTtion  of  ISSl.     ( »„,.  1,„1  1  ,.,  n  >,,....!.„•  .,l  th.  Hou...,  an-l 
was  a  skiltui  ,l.l.,trr  in  Conurr.-,  ,  ;i..,.,iv..  -  .,  a  plallorm,  a 
man  socially  atlra.livr,   n,  v.  r  I,.,..,  nin^  a   tarr  or  a   ..rvi.-.. 
Ihrothcr  ha.l  n.a.h-  a  >hivu,l,  uim  ij,, .  ,„..|  .oura^.ou-  .Mavo, 
ol    Jiutlal.)  aiul  (.ov.rnor  ,.|    \.  w    Vnrk  .>tat   .     Compar.    th.- 
s.Tvir,.s  r..n.!,r,..!   to  th.  .ountry   i,y   th-n..  or   l-v  anv   ..th-r 
ramh.laf  ot   n  rmt    tini...   will,   tho-,.  .,f  Ajaz/ini,  <iaril,ai.l. 
(avour,    :m,l    \i,t..r    Knunanurl    ,.,    I,,lv,    ui    I'.iMuar.k    an.| 
Multkr  to  (Irrnuny.  .vn  o|  Tiii.r-  an,|  ( l.Mnil.Hi;,  to  Kr.uH. 
in  hor  hour  oi  tMrii.     V.t  th.  ,  ntl,..-.i,,Mn  -ho\v„  tor  Mr   Ulain.- 
(wh..  srnus  to  JK.v..  ,lrav,u  nut    H,,    p-v.-io,,,  fjuio'  ;,t   a   hi-hcr 
mipcratuiv  than   hi-  rival.,  th.-  .1,  nio,,.;  r^iion.  niatl-    in   hi- 
hommr  wherever  !,.■  app.  .mt.  ,|,  e.,ualle.!  ai.vlhin^  .!..,..■,  in  their 
several  eountne^.  tor  the.e  h-m,  -    f  I,.,:-,   ( i,,M.:,nv.  or  Fran-e 
A^  fur  Lntjlaml.  wherr  tuo  ^r.al  politi,  ;.l  1,  ad.r-.  tow  rinn  far 
al-ove  their  tejlows.  .,vit.,l   dunn-  lu.anv  n.:o-   th-    w.-.rnieM 
a.lmiratKH,   aii.l    th..   hitpr.  ~i    ,ii-|ik.-   :n„n'  i;iM,.i-   and    h,.- 
imagine  ei.ht   liun.h',.,!  K.^ii^i,  i„,,-t<r-  i,irnin;:out  from  th.' 
emple  and  l.in,-.,h.-  Inn  -o  u:.!k  in  -!..w  pro,,  -.,on  ,ro,n  I.on- 
don  Iin,l-e  to  S,.,;t!,   !<■  M-inut,,,,.  -hon-u.,:  ih,m-,lv,-  hoar^ 
lor  Cjlad>tone  or  l)i>raeli  ! 

In  attenij)tiii;r  ;i,,  ,.xp|;,;,;itl.  ,,,  |  \,i!l  i.ak,-  t),.-  l.uil  hv  th.- 
horns  and  :isk  w].,  th,  r  tl„-  v.-,, ill  ,.  rink?  j,,  ,|.  .tiutiu  th.  \ni<Ti- 
ean<  a  eool  imkI  -o!„r  i.,-.,;?  'Ik-  .\)n.  fi -an  i-  Aa.^mX  ai.-i 
keen,  hi-i  ))a-HuM  <.id<.i!i  .,; -.-i;;-,  -  ki-  n  a-on  ;  h.-  k' ,p~  hi- 
hyad  in  in.ini.'iii-  v.-h, 'i  a  I'l- --kn,,,!.,  .,r  an  Jialiari,  .^r  e-.,;,  a 
<;ennan.  wonM  l..-e  is.  ^^  ,  i,,.  j,  ;,i„,  ,,f  .,„  ,.x,. ij.uk),'  Knip.  r, 
with  einoti,)n>  .•apaM,-  ,.f  k.  k,.^  .puir-iv  ,■.,:,!  -ir,.i,;.;v  -lirr,-,].' 
That  th.T.'  i>  IK,  .-..hiradi, •!,.,!.  !  ,  :  .v,  .  n"  ik,  -,■  <iiiakii.-  ajijHur- 
from  l)i.-  ,-a-..  of  tk.-  ,<,.,i.;,.  \j..,  ;,,.•  ,..,ii;  m,,,,.  J,,;r:,-al  and 
more  o'ltiou-  in  all.k;-  ik.n,  \-.  i:;,i:k-h,  !„i!  ar  ai-.<  more 
enthusia.<ti.-.  nion-  apt  l,j  !,.■  -w.  pi  -.w-ay  kv  a  |,u-Hoiiai,-  in-jve- 
inent.'  .Mon',.v<--,  tia- Aiii.ri.-aP- iik^  .  \,;'.  jii.n! .  'Di.y  iik.' it 
hjr  its  own  -ake.  and  l"j  '.>.!:'■■•■..  r  i!  .  v   ■.■■■:■.  [-.-.■A  ;<      Ti.  .-.•  .■.■.-.. 


I  11 


/'■"  '"  ""'■•  "■■'-  '■'"  •■'  ''■'■  (.",-■  -•  ir;  P,..;,.  TI  I,,  t,,,,  ,,,;  .1,,  (,,'.,u:',,1 
.ror-,  n.'.-<i,,wiAvr.t.p  i-  fn|!  „f  ,.pi„„l.  -  ul,j,h  ,„,]„:,•,  (,„«•  n.'i^  t.  ij,..r- .•x'-itaLl.- 
u  .>cot(;h  tlmu  Lugli-h  t,l,,<,.j. 


228 


TIIK   PARTY  SYSTKM 


I'AIIT    III 


t 


f 


\l-  n- 


-if 
1 


rondor  thrinsclvos  to  the  rnjoymcnt  of  this  i)l»'a«urt'  the  more 
willingly  Itctausc  it  is  coinpiiriitivcly  riirc,  uiul  relieves  the  level 
teiior  of  their  ordinary  life.  Add  to  this  tlie  further  deiiKht 
which  they  find  iti  utiy  form  of  coinpetitioii.  The  passion  whieh 
in  KnKland  expresses  itself  in  the  |)opulur  eagerness  over  u  hoat 
race  or  u  horse  race,  extends  more  widely  in  America  to  every 
kind  of  rivalry  and  struKKle.  The  presidential  eh'ction,  in  which 
two  men  are  pitted  against  one  anotluT  over  a  four  mt)nths' 
course  for  the  great  prize  )f  politics,  stirs  them  like  any  other 
trial  (»f  strength  and  speed;  sets  them  hetting  on  the  issue, 
disposes  them  to  make  efforts  for  a  cause  in  which  their  deeper 
feelings  may  he  little  engaged. 

These  tendencies  are  intensified  hy  the  vast  area  over  which 
the  contest  extends,  ami  the  enormous  multitude  that  hears  a 
part  in  it.  The  .\merican  ijnagination  is  j)eculiarly  sensitive  to 
the  impression  of  great  size.  "A  hig  thing"  is  their  habitual 
l)hrase  of  admiration.  In  Kurope,  anticjuity  is  what  chiefly  com- 
mands the  .'cspcM't  of  some  minds,  novelty  what  rouses  the  in- 
terest of  others.  Beyond  the  .Vtlantic,  the  sense  of  immensity, 
the  sens<>  that  the  same  thought  and  pur|M»se  are  animating 
millions  of  other  men  in  sympathy  with  himself,  lifts  a  man 
out  of  liimself,  and  sends  him  into  tran.s|)orts  of  eagerness  and 
z(<al  ahout  things  intrinsically  small,  hut  great  through  the 
volume  of  human  feeling  they  have  attracted.  It  is  not  the 
profundity  of  an  i<lea  or  emotion,  hut  its  lateral  extension, 
which  most  (|uickly  touches  the  American  imagination.  For 
one  man  who  can  feel  the  form<>r,  a  himdred  are  struck  l)y  the 
latter  ;  and  he  who  descrihes  .Vmerica  must  remember  that  he 
has  always  to  think  first  of  the  masses. 

These  ('(msiderations  may  help  to  explain  the  disproportion 
that  strikes  a  European  between  t)ie  merits  of  tli<'  president iui 
can<lidate  and  the  blazing  enthusiasm  which  lie  cxoki         It 
not  really  given  to  him  as  an  individual,  it  is  given  '■>,  inepur-;. 
personified  in  him,  because  he  bears  its  batmer,  ai"!    ts  ■^-ri'  tur 
is  due,  not  even  so  much  to  jiarty  passion  as  tir    iw  i3iipw»?— 
sionist  character  of  the  people,  who  (lesire  to  t)e  excied  deHm- 
to  demonstrate,  desire,  as  Knglish  undergraduates  s      ,     -<>  nm 
with  the  boats,"  and  cheer  the  efforts  of  tln'  rowers.     \«-  T^-isimr- 
the  details  of  the  demonstrations,  tlie  parades  ant     ■(H'^5JT^on^ 
the  badges  and  l)rass  bands  and  triiunpluil  ardies        v  '<ii<   cai; 
umlerstand  why  the  masses  oi  the  people  —  tliose  wu..:  in  liurtiw^ 


riiAi'.  i.xxiii       NOMI\.\T..»\S  AND   KLKCTION'S 


229 


7% 

3 


woulil  1).'  callcl  till-  |,.\v,r  iiii(|.||.>  ..iiul  working  <l;is>fs  NhniiM 
rHisli  tlM'sf  tliiiin>,  uliich  l.n;ik  I  he  hkmioIoiiv  nl  tlicir  liv.s 
and  Kivc  thcin  a  snisc  nl  personal  i):iilici|mtit»n  in  a  urcat 
movi'incrit.  Kvcn  in  London,  l.-ast  externally  pirturewine 
ttinoriK  Knropeaii  cities,  wjien  the  workinn  >n<'ii  turn  out  for 
u  Hyde  I'ark  meeting  ttiey  eonie  inarslialied  in  companies 
under  the  haniiers  (»f  tiieir  tra<le  unions  or  other  societies, 
carrying  devices,  and  preceded  l.y  music  They  make  a  some- 
what scrul)l)y  show,  lor  IImuLiikI  does  not  know  how  to  li^lit 
lip  th<'  (hilness  (»|'  her  ski.-  and  streets  hy  colour  in  co mine 
or  variety  in  .lesit-n.  Hut  th.'  ta>te  lor  display  is  there  as  it  is 
in  human  natinv  ever.x  where,  hi  IliiKland,  the  uppc-r  class  is 
shy  oi"  johiinn  in  any  >uch  '•fuintioiis,"  even  when  tlu  v  liav<' 
u  n-liKio;is  tiiiKe.  Its  fasti.liouMiess  and  sense  (.f  class  dignity 
are  offended.  Mut  in  America,  tin-  setitiment  of  e(|ualitv  is  so 
pervading  that  the  rich  and  cultivated  do  not  think  of  scorn- 
iiiK  thi>  popular  procession  ;  or  if  some  do  feel  .such  scorn,  they 
are  careful  to  conceal  it.  The  hal'it  (.f  d.'jnonstratinn  with 
l)ands  and  hanners  and  emi)lems  was  formed  in  days  when  the 
upper  cla.ss  was  very  small,  and  would  not  have  dreamt  of 
standinu  ahtof  from  anything  which  interested  tlie  crowd; 
and  now,  when  the  rich  and  cultivated  li.ave  jirown  to  be  as 
numerous,  and,  in  most  respects,  as  fastidious  as  the  pjirallel 
class  in  Europe,  the  habit  i-  too  deeply  rooted  to  he  shaken. 
Nobody  thinks  of  sneering.  To  I  ■  as  the  jH'ople  do  is  a  tribute 
to  the  people's  majesty.  .\nd  the  thousand  lawyers  who 
shouted  ".lames  C.  Hhiine,  O-hi-o."  as  they  marched  throiiuli 
the  October  mud  of  Hro.idway,  liad  no  more  sense  that  they 
were  makiiifi  themselves  ridiculous  than  the  Kurop<'an  noble 
who  l)acks  with  repeated  obeisances  out  of  the  presenc»>  of  his 
sovert  imi. 


=  I 


;      'J 


CHAPTER  LXXIV 


TYPES   OF  AMERICAN   STATESMEN 


As  trees  are  knou-n  l>y  th'-ir  fruits,  anil  as  different  systems 
of  government  evidently  tend  to  produce  different  types  of 
statesmanship,  it  is  pertinent  to  our  examination  of  the  AmiM-i- 
can  party  system  to  inquire  what  are  the  kinds  of  statesmen 
which  it  enj^enders  and  ripens  to  maturitj'.  A  democracy, 
more  perhaps  tiian  any  other  form  of  g()vernm<>nt,  needs  great 
men  to  lead  and  inspiri>  the  people.  Th(>  excellence,  therefore, 
of  the  methods  democracy  employs  may  fairly  enough  be  test(Ml 
by  the  excellence  of  the  statesmen  wln)m  tliesc  methods  call 
forth.  Europeans  are  wont  to  go  farth(>r,  and  reason  from  the 
character  of  the  statesmen  to  the  charact(>r  of  the  peojjle,  a 
convenient  i)rocess,  because  it  seems  easier  to  know  the  careers 
and  jutlge  the  merits  of  jktsous  than  of  nations,  j-et  one  not 
universally  applicable.  In  the  free  countries  of  Europe,  the 
men  who  take  the  lead  in  public  affairs  may  be  deenied  fair 
specimens  of  its  best  talent  and  character,  and  fair  types,  pos- 
sibly of  the  virtues  of  the  nation,  though  the  temptations  of 
politics  are  great,  certainly  of  its  i)ractical  gifts.  Rut  in  two 
sorts  of  countries  one  cannot  so  reason  from  th(-  statesnuMi  to 
the  masses.  In  despotic  monarchies  tlic  minister  is  often 
merely  the  king's  favourite,  wlio  has  risen  by  unworthy  arts, 
or,  at  any  rate,  not  l;y  merit.  .\nd  in  a  democracy  where  birth 
and  education  give  a  man  little  advantage  in  the  race,  a  jwliti- 
cal  career  may  have  lu'comc  so  unattractive  as  compared  with 
other  pursuits  that  the  finest  or  most  aml)itious  s])irits  do  not 
.strive  for  its  j)rizes,  \mt  generally  leave  them  to  men  of  the 
secontl  order. 

This  second  case  is,  as  wc  have  seen,  to  sonu  extent  the  case  of 
America.  We  must  not  therefore  take  her  st:itesnien  .-is.  types 
oi  the  highest  or  strongest  .Vmerican  manhood.  The  national 
qualities  come  out  fully  in  them,  but  not  always  in  their  best 
form.     1  speak  of  the  generations  that  have  grown  up  since  the 

'2M 


CHAP.    I-XXIV 


TYPES  OF  AMKRFC'AX  STATESMEN 


231 

groat  men  of  tJic  Kcvolutioa  epoch  diod  off.     Some  of  those 
men  were  the  peers  of  the  hest  iML-opeiui  stutesineu  of  the  time  • 
oue  of  them  rises  in  mcjnil  d'  ■iiity  :il.ovc  all  his  Kurop(.an  con^ 
t(;niporaries      The  jreneration  to  which  J.  q.  Adams,  Jaekson, 
Webster,  (  hiy,  (  alhouu,  and  lieiitoii  heionKed  is  less  impres- 
sive,  perhaps   I.eeause  they   faih.l   to  solve  a  (,u<-stion   which 
may  have  been  too  hard  for  any  one  to  solve.     Yet  the  men  I 
liavo  mentioned  wer.>  strikinf-    personalities  who  woultl  have 
made  a  fiRure  in  any  country.     Few  of  the  statesmen  of  the 
third  or  Civil  War  period  enjoyed  more  than  a  local  reputation 
when  It  began,  hut  in  its  cours<.  several  of  them  developed  re- 
markable powers,  and  one  became  a  national  hero.     The  fourth 
generation  is  now  upon  the  stage,  and  it  is  too  soon  to  attempt 
to  conjecture  the  i)la(v  they  will  hold  i„  the  judgment  of  pos- 
terity.    Only  a  few  who  belong  to  it  have  as  yet  won  high  fame, 
Ihe  times,  it  is  remarked,  are  comj)arativeIv  ouiet.     What  is 
wanted  is  not  so  much  an  imi)assi()ned  ])oi)ulaV  leader  or  a  great 
j)hilos()phic  legislator  as  men  who  will  athninisler  the  affairs  of 
the  nation  with  skill  and  rectitud(>,  and  who,  fortihed  by  care- 
ful study  and  observation,  will  grapple,  with  the  economic  prolv 
lems  which  th(^  growth  of  the  country  makes  urgent.     While 
a(hnittingthis,  \\v  must  also  ascribe  something  to  the  cliaracter 
of  the  i)art\-  system  which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  unfavourable  to 
the  (h.v(-l()pm.-nt  of  the  hnest  gifts.     Let  us  note  what  arc  the 
types  which  that  system  (lisj)lays. 

In  such  countries  as  England,  France,  (iermanv,  and  Italy 
there  is  room  and  need  for  fi\-e  sorts  of  statesmen.  Men  are 
wanted  for  the  management  o\'  foreign  and  colonial  policy  men 
combining  the  talents  of  a  diplomatist  with  a  wide  outlook  over 
the  world's  horizon.  The  needs  ,-f  social  and  economic  reform, 
grave  in  old  countries  with  the  mistakes  of  the  pust  to  undo,' 
require  a  second  kind  of  statesman  with  an  aptitude  for  con- 
structive legislation.  Thinlly  there  is  tlu-  achninistrator  who 
can  manage  a  departnu-nt  with  diligence  and  skill  and  economy. 
I<ou.thly  coiiK's  the  i)arliamentary  tactician,  whose  function  it 
IS  to  understand  men.  who  frames  cabinets  and  is  dexterous  in 
lumouring  or  spurring  a  representative  assembly.'  Lastly  we 
have  the  leader  of  tlie  masse>.  who.  whether  or  no  he  be  a 

'  KliKlishni.Mi  will  lliiiik  of  the  iiM'ii  xnIio  Inuri.Ml   tlic   new  I'lior  L.iw  ..f   IS.'U 
as  j-l-y.-'H-'n^  of  tlu.  s..,.,.,.,l  .las,.  „f  Si,  ( ,.  C.  i.ui.  .s  a  s,,..,.in,..„  „f  th.  third. 

'    ,;"'      '""'''M""  :i>  a    > „„.  :,   ,,f   tl„.   fourth.      The  apUtu.!.,.  of  thr  third 

■■lid  fimrth  w.T,.  unit.d  in  Sir  i{ol„  ,i  I',,!. 


'r'W 


^;:' 


-»;}2 


THK  PARTY  SY8TKM 


PART  III 


skilful  parliaiiu'iitarian,  thinks  rather  of  the  country  than  of  the 
chambor,  knows  how  to  watch  and  rouse  the  feelings  of  the 
multitude,  and  rally  a  great  party  to  the  standard  which  ho 
l)ears  aloft.  The  first  of  these  has  no  need  for  eloquence;  the 
second  and  third  can  get  on  without  it ;  to  the  fourth  it  is 
almost,  yet  not  absolutely,  essential ;  it  is  the  life  breath  of 
the  fifth.' 

Let  us  turn  to  America.  In  /^  .:erica  there  are  few  occasions 
for  the  first  sort  of  statesmen,  while  the  conditions  of  a  Federal 
government,  with  its  limited  legislative  sphere,  are  unfavourable 
to  the  second,  as  frequently  changing  cabinets  are  to  the  third. 
It  is  (;hiefly  for  persons  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  classes  we  must 
look.  Persons  of  those  classes  we  shall  find,  but  in  a  different 
shape  and  guise  from  what  they  would  assume  in  Europe. 
American  politics  seemed  in  the  end  of  last  century  to  be  tend- 
ing to  the  pnxluction  of  two  types,  the  one  of  whom  may  be 
called  par  excellence  the  man  of  the  desk  or  of  the  legislature, 
the  other  the  man  of  the  convention  and  the  stump.  They 
resemble  the  fourth  anil  fifth  of  our  European  types,  but  with 
instructive  differences. 

The  first  of  these  types  is  usually  a  shrewd,  cool,  hard-headed 
man  of  business.  He  is  such  a  man  as  one  would  find  succeSvS- 
ful  in  the  law  or  in  commerce  if  he  had  applied  his  faculties 
to  those  vocations.  He  has  mostly  been,  is  often  still,  a  prac- 
tising counsel  and  attorney.  He  may  lack  imagination  and 
width  of  view ;  but  he  has  a  tight  grip  of  facts,  a  keen  insight 
into  men,  and  probably  also  tact  in  dealing  \vith  them.  That 
he  has  come  to  the  front  shows  him  to  possess  a  resolute  and 
tenacious  will,  for  without  it  he  must  have  been  trodden  down 
ill  the  fiiTce  competition  of  a  political  career.  His  indepen- 
dence is  limited  by  the  necessity  of  keeping  step  with  his  party, 
for  isolated  action  counts  for  little  in  America,  but  the  tendency 
to  go  with  one's  party  is  so  inbred  there  that  a  man  feels  less 
humiliated  by  waiving  his  private  views  than  would  be  the  case 
in  Europe.  Such  compliance  does  not  argue  want  of  strength. 
As  to  what  is  called  "culture,"  he  has  often  at  least  a  suscepti- 
bility to  it.  with  a  wish  to  acquire  it  which,  if  h(>  has  risen  from 
huml)l(>  iM'ginnings,   may  contrast  oddly  with  the  superficial 

'  It  n.,,|  Ii:ii,ll\-  l,r  s;ii>l  that  tln>  rli:ir:ir(i  risti.'  .tUrilMitis  of  thiw- scvi-ral 
tM)i>  .IP  oiicfi  foiiixl  miiti'il  in  ihr  n:iiiir  pirsoii  :  jihIimmI  no  onr  ran  rise  hi»?h 
who  doc-  not  rornliinc    at  least  two  of  (lie  four  latter. 


CHAP^Lxxiv      TYTES  OF  AMERICAN  STATESMEN  233 

roughness  of  his  manner.  Ho  is  a  ready  and  effective  rather 
than  a  p(,hsh..d  speaker,  and  i-,  least  agreeable  when,  forsaking 
the  solid  ground  of  his  legal  or  administrative  knowledge  he 
attempts  th(>  higher  flights  of  (>lo(iuence.  ' 

Such  a  man  does  not  necessarily  make  his  first  reputation  in 
an  assembly      He  may  begin  as  governor  of  a  State  or  mavor 
of  a  large  city,  and  if  Iw  earns  a  n>putation  there,  can  mke 
pretty  sure  of    going  on  to  Congress  if  he  desires  it.     In  any 
case.  It  IS  in  administration  and   the  legislative  work  which 
deals  with  administration  that  he  wins  his  ..purs.     The  .sphere 
of  local  govmiment  is  especially  fitted  to  develop  such  tal(>nts, 
and  to  form  that  peculiar  quality  I  have  l,een  trying  to  describe 
It  makes  able  men  of  affairs  ;    men  fit  for  the  kind  of  work 
which  needs  the  combination  of  a  .sound  busine.sss  head  and  the 
power  o   working  along  with  others.     One  may  go  further  and 
say   that  this  talent  ,s  the  .sort  of  talent  which  during  the  last 
half-century   has   been   most   characteristic   of  the   American 
peope.     Their  greatest  achievements  have  lain  in  the  internal 
development  of  their  country  by  administrative  shrewdness 
mgenmty,  promptitude,  and  an  un..(iualled  dexterity  in  applyinc 
the  principle  of  as.sociation,  whether  by  means  of  private  cor- 
porations or  of  local  public  or  quasi-public  organisms.     These 
.  national  characteristics  reajipear  in  Federal  politics,  not  alwavs 
accompanied  by  the  largeness  of  xision  and  masterv  of  the  politi- 
cal and  economic  .sciences  which  that  wider  splu^rc  tlcman^s 

The  type  I  describe  is  less  brilliant  than  those  modern  Europe 
has  learned  to  admire  in  men  like  Bismarck  or  (  avour    per- 
haps  one   may   add,    Tisza   or   Minghetti    or   Ca.stelar.'  But 
then  the  conditions  r(>quire(!   for  the  rise  of  the  la.st-named 
men  do  not  exist  in  Am.-rica.  nor  is  her  need  U,r  them  pressing 
America  would  hav(>  all  sho  wants  if  such  statesmen  as  I  have 
described  were  more  numerous ;    and  if  a  philosophic  mind 
capable  of  taking   in   the  whole  phenomena  of  transatlantic 
society,  and  propounding  comprehensive  solutions  for  its  prob- 
iems,  were  more  common  among  the  best  of  them.     Peisons  of 
this  type  have  hitherto   been  most    fre(|uentlv   fouml  in  the 
Senate,  to  which  they  usually  rise  from  the  House  of  Kepre- 
scntatives  or  from  a  State  letrislnture.     Tl)f>v  ;.re  very  u^^eful 
ther.>;   md(>ed,  it  is  they  who  gain.-.l  for  it  thai  authorif"v  which 
It  long  enjoyed  but  is  now  fast  losing. 
The  other  kind  of  statesman  is  tlu.  product  of  two  factors 


f 


234 


THE   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PAKT   III 


which  give  to  American  politics  their  pccuUar  chanicter,  viz., 
an  ononnous  multitude  of  votiuR  citizens,  and  tlie  existence  of 
a  wonderful  network  of  i)arty  organizations  for  the  t)urpose  of 
selecting  and  ciuryiuK  candidates  for  ofKce.  Tc  novo  the 
masses,  a  mun  must  have  the  gifts  of  oratory  ;  to  rule  party 
committees,  he  must  be  a  master  of  intrigue.  The  -.tumf)  and 
the  conmntt(>(>-room  are  his  sphere.  There  is  a  great  deal  of 
campaign  speaking  to  he  done  at  State  elections,  at  congres- 
sional elections,  above  all,  in  presidential  campaigns.  It  does 
not  flow  in  such  a  jierennial  torrent  as  in  England,  for  England 
has  since  1876  become  the  most  speech-tiootled  country  in  the 
world,  but  it  is  more  copious  than  in  France,  Italy,  or  (Jermany. 
The  audiences  are  less  ignorant  than  those  of  Europe,  but  their 
critical  standard  is  not  higher  ;  and  when^as  in  England  it  is 
Parliament  that  forms  most  .sj)eakers  and  creates  the  tjT^e  of 
political  oratory.  Congress  renders  no  such  service  to  America. 
There  is,  therefore,  I  think,  less  presumption  in  .\merica  than 
in  Europe  that  the  politician  who  makes  his  way  bj-  oratory  is 
a  man  either  of  real  elocjuence  or  of  vigorous  thinking  power. 
Able,  however,  he  must  be.  He  is  sure  to  have  fluency,  a  power 
of  touching  either  the  emotions  or  the  hnagination,  a  cojmn:uid 
of  sonorous  rhetoric.  Prol>ably  he  has  also  humour  and  a  turn 
for  quick  retort.  In  fact,  he  must  have  the  arts  —  w(!  all  know 
what  they  are  —  which  please  the  nniltitudc  ;  arts  not  blamable 
in  themselves,  but  needing  to  be  corrected  i)y  occasional  a])pear- 
ances  before  a  critical  auihence.  These  arts  joined  to  a  power- 
ful voice  and  a  forcible  personality  Avill  carry  a  niian  far.  If 
he  can  join  to  tliem  a  ready  and  winning  address,  a  geniality  of 
manner  if  not  of  lieart,  lie  l)ecomes  wliat  is  called  magnetic. 
Now,  magnetisni  is  among  the  higliot  (luaiilies  which  an 
American  popular  leader  can  possess.  Its  presence  may  bring 
him  to  the  toj).  Its  absence  may  jjrevent  hhn  from  getting  there. 
It  makes  friends  for  Jiim  wherever  he  goes.  It  iinmensely  en- 
hances his  powers  in  the  region  of  back.stairs  politics. 

For  besides  the  visible  work  on  the  stump,  there  is  llie  in- 
visible work  of  the  committee-room  or  rather  of  the  inner  con- 
clave, whose  resolves  are  afterwards  registennl  in  tlie  conunittee, 
to  be  still  later  laid  before  the  convention.  Tln>  same  talent  for 
intrigue  which  in  monarchies  or  oligan  hies  is  spent  within  the 
limits  of  a  court  or  a  knot  of  ruling  families,  hcr(>  occupies  itself 
with  bo.sses  and  rings  and  leaders  of  political  groups.     To  ma- 


CHAP.  I XXIV      TVl'KS   OF  AMKIIK'AN   STATKS.MEN 


235 


nipulate  these  men  and  Rroups,  to  know  thoir  w(>aknesses,  their 
ambitions,  t]i<>ir  jealousies,  to  play  upon  their  hopes  and  fears, 
attaching  some  hy  promises,  entrapping  otliers  tJirough  their 
vanity,  hrowlx^atiuR  others  into  submission,  forming  combina- 
tions in  whieji  eacji  i)artisan's  interest  is  so  bound  up  '  itli  that 
of  the  aspiring  statesman  that  lie  is  sure  to  stand  faithfully  by 
his  chief— all  this  gc-s  a  l,„ig  way  to  secure  advancement 
under  the  party  system. 

It  may  be  thought  that  b.tween  such  aptitudes  and  the  power 
of  (>ffectiv<>  speecii  there  is  no  necessary  connection.     There  are 
intriguers  who  aic  nothing  but  intrigiu-rs,  of  small  account  on 
the  stump  or  on  the  platform  of  a  convention  :  and  such  a  man 
does  (X'casionally  rise  to  national  prominence.     First  he  gains 
cominand  of  his  own  St:ite  by  a  dexterous  use  oi  patronage  ;  then 
he  wins  influence  in  Federal  i)olitics  by  being  abh'  to  dispose  of 
his  State  vote  in  Federal  elections  ;  finally  he  forces  his  way  into 
the  Senate,  and  possil)ly  (>v(>n  aspires  to  the  president  ialdiair, 
deluded  by  his  own  advanc(>nient,  and  by  the  apjilause  of  pro- 
fessionals who  find  in  success  sufHcieiit  evidence  of  worthiness. 
Recent  instaiic<'s  of  such  careers  are  not  wanting.     Rut  they  are 
exceptions  due  to  tlu  special  conditicms  of  exceptionally  demoral- 
ized States.     Speaking  generally,  oratory  is  ess(  ntial  to  distinc- 
tion.    Fluent  oratory,  ho\v(>v.'r,  as  distinguished  from  eloquence, 
is  an  art  which  most  aide  men  can  accjuire  with  practice.     In 
popularly  governe(l  countries  it  is  as  common  as  it  is  worthless. 
And  a  hnk  l)etween  the  platform  and  the  connnittee-room  is 
fouiul  in  the  quality  of  magnetism.     The  magnetic  man  attracts 
individuals  just  as  he  captivate<  mass<>s.     Where  oratory  does 
not  need  either  knowledge  or  reflc-ction.  because  the  people  are 
not  intent  upon  great   (luestioiis.  or  because  the  parties  evade 
them,  wh(>re  powei'  of  viMce  and  skill  in  words,  and  ready  sym- 
pathy with  the  feelings  an<!  jirejudices  of  the  crowd,  ;ire  enough 
to  command  the  ear  of  inon>t<'r  meetings,  there  the  successful 
speaker  will  pass  for  a  statoin.in.     He  will  seem  a  fit  man  to 
l)ut  forAvard  for  high  office,  if  he  can  but  persuade  the  managers 
to  run  him  ;  and  therefore  the  other  >ide  of  his  activity  is  .spent 
among  and  upon  the  managt 

It  sometime.^  happens  thai  e  owner  of  these  gifts  is  also  a 
shrewd,  keen,  practical  man,  so  that  the  first  type  is  blended 
with  the  second.  Xor  is  there  anything  to  i)revent  th(<  popular 
speaker  and  skilled  intriguer  from  also  possessing  the  higher 


f 


236 


THK   PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART   III 


%< 


iittril)iit('s  of  slatcsmanship.     This  generation  hits  seen  the  eon- 
junetiou  hoth  in  America  and  in  Franee.     But  the  conjunction 
is  rare  ;  not  only  Inruuse  tliese  la^st-named  attributes  are  them- 
selves rare,  but  because  the  practice  of  party  intrigue  is  unfa- 
vourable to  their  (levelo|)ment.     It  narrows  a  man's  mind  and 
distorts  his  vision.     His  eye,  accustomed  to  the  ol)SCUrity  of 
committee-rooms,   cannot   range  over  the  wide  landsca|M'  of 
national  (juestions.     Habits  of  argument  formed  on  the  stump 
seldom  fit  t:  man  to  guide  a  legislature.     In  none  of  the  greatest 
public  men  that  have  ailorned  America  do  we  discern  the  features 
of  the  tyjw  just  sketched.     Hamilton  was  no  intriguer,  though 
he  once  executed  a  brilliant  piece  of  strategy.'     Neither  was  Clay 
or  Webster.     Jefferson,  who  addeil  an  eminent  talent  for  party 
organization  and  management  to  his  powers  as  a  thinker  and 
writer,  was  no  speaker ;   and  one  might  go  through  the  whok^ 
liist  without  finding  a  man  of  the  first  order  in  whom  the  art  of 
handling  committees  anil  nominating  conventions  was  developed 
to  that  pitch  of  excellence  which  it  iuus  now  reached  in  the  hands 
of  far  inferior  men.     National  conventions  offer  the  best  field 
for  the  display  of  the  peculiar  kind  of  talent  which  this  type  of 
statesman  exhibits.     To  rous(>  one  thousand  delegates  and  t(>n 
thousand  spectators  needs  powerful  lungs,  a  striking  presence, 
address,  and  courage.     A  man  capable  enough  in  Congress  may 
fail  in  this  arena.     But  less  than  hiilf  the  work  of  a  convention 
is  done  on  the  public  stage.     Delegates  have  to  be  .seen  in  private, 
combinations  arrangt d,  mines  laid  and  those  of  the  opponent 
discovered  and  countermined,  a  distribution  of  the  good  things 
in  the  gift  of  the  party  settled  with  swarms  of  hungry  aspirants. 
Easy  manners,  tact.  an(lsupi)leness,  a  reputation  for  remembering 
and  requiting  good  turns  and  ill  turns,  —  that  pleasant  famili- 
arity which  makes  a  man  "  a  good  mixer,"  with  some  of  the 
habits  which  form  the  courtier,  —  an;  the  qualities  which  the 
intrigues  of  a  convention  require,  develop,  and  perfect. 

Besides  such  causes  inherent  in  the  present  party  sy.stem  as 
have  tended  to  make  first-class  statesmen  more  rare  than  might 
be  exi)ected  from  the  vastness  of  the  nation  and  its  lx)undless 
energy,  there  an>  two  others  which  spring  from  the  constitu- 
tional arrangenu  iits  of  the  country.     ( )nc  is  the  «lisconuection  of 

>  In  aRTppiriK  that  the  nationul  rapital  should  Ik-  plaoed  iti  the  South  in  return 
for  tho  support  of  two  Southern  men  to  his  plan  for  thu  settlpmcnt  of  the  puhlio 
debt. 


CHAP.  L.;x.v      TYPES  OF   AMKKICAN    STATESMEN 


237 


Congress  from  th(>  oxcM-utivc.  How  this  works  to  prevent  true 
leadership  has  l,e<.n  ulrea.ly  expl.ine.l.'  Anoth,-r  is  the  existeZ. 
of  States,  each  of  whieh  has  u  pohtical  hfe  an.l  .hstinct  party "r 
gan,.atK,n  of  ,ts  own.  Men  often  rise  to  eminence  in  a  Statc> 
without  makn.K  their  mark  in  national  polities.  They  may  be 
come  virtual  ma.st,>rs  of  the  State  eithc-r  in  a  legitima  e  way  hv 
good  serv.ee  to  ,t  or  in  a.i  illegiti.nate  way  as  its  Losses.  I  . 
either  case  th.-y  have  to  1„.  re,-kon,.,|  with  when  a  presi.lential 

one  to  du-tate  the.r  terms.     Thus  tlu-y  push  their  way  to  the 
front  without  having  .ner  shown  the  ,,ualities  nec.led  for  guiding 
he  nation  ;   they  crowd  out  Letter  m.-n.  an.l  they  m a k,  party 
leadership  and  management  ,>ven  mor(>  of  a  game  tiian  the  spoils 
system  and     h(>  convention  system  have  tended  to  mak'<  it. 
lie  State  vote  com,-s  to  he  in  national  politics  what  tlu-  ward 
vote  IS  in  city  politics,  a  commodity  which  a  Boss  or  Hi„g  can  rlis- 
pose  of  ;  the  man  who  can  influence  it  has  a  power  gr.'ater  than 
his  pensona  merits  (>ntitle  him  to  ;  and  the  kind  of  skill  which  can 
make  friends  of  tlu-se  State  bosses  and  bring  them  into  a  "pool" 
or  working  combination  luvomes  valuable,  if  not  essential,  to  a 
national  party   ea.l.T.      In  fact,  the  ..omiition  of  things  is  not 
wholly  unlike  that  of  England  in  the  mi.l.ll,.  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  when  agreat  borough-monger  like  the  Duke  of  Newcastle 
was  a  power  in  the  country,  who  must  be  not  only  consulted  and 
propitiated  at  «>very  ,Tisis.  but  even  admitt(.,l  to  a  ministry  if  it 
was  to  secure  a  parliamentary  majority.     Whm  a  crisis  rouses  the 
nation,  the  pow(>r  of  thes,.  organization-nKjngc-rs  or  vote-owmTs 
vam-shes  just  as  that  of  th,.  Knglish  borough-owning  magnat,> 
%ms  checked  on  like  occasions,  Iuh-uus,.  it  is  only  wIumi  the  ,„.ople 
of  a  State  are  listless  that  their  Hoss  is  pot.Mit.     I  'nable  to  oppose 
a  real  wish  o  the  masses,  he  can  „s,>  their  vote  only  by  prof.-ssing 
obedience  while  gui.iing  it  in  the  <lirectioii  of  tju"  men  or  the 
schemes  he  favours. 

This  remark  sugg,.sls  another.  We  hav.>  note<l  that  among 
statesmen  of  the  form<-r  (,f  the  two  types  described,  ther..  alwavv^ 
exist  ability  and  integrity  sufficient  for  carrving  on  the  regular 
business^  of  the  country.  Mm  with  thosi-  Mill  high.T  gifts 
which  Lurop(.an  nations  look  for  in  their  prim.,  ministers 
(though  they  do  not  always  fin.l  them)  have  indeed  never  been 
absent,  but  they  have  been  compaiat  ively  rare.     The  Americans 

'  St-c  Chapters  XXI..  X.\V.,  ami  .\XVI.  in  Vol.  1. 


238 


THE  PARTY  SYSTKM 


PART   III 


■^1 

if 


admit  the  fact,  hut  explain  it  by  arguing  that  thoro  has  l)orn  no 
crisis  needing  those  gifts.  Whether  this  is  true  may  I)e  (louJ)te(i. 
Men  of  constructive  statesmanshij)  were  surely  net-ded  in  th(! 
period  after  the  Civil  War;  and  it  is  possible  that  a  higher 
statesmanship  might  have  averted  the  war  itself.  The  Ameri- 
caas,  however,  maintain  that  when  the  hour  ct)mes,  it  l»ringstho 
man.  It  brought  Abraham  Lincoln.  When  h(>  was  nominated 
by  the  famous  convention  of  1800,  his  name  was  net  widely 
known  beyond  his  own  State.  Bv;t  he  rose  at  once  to  the  level 
)i  the  situation,  and  that  not  merely  by  virtue  of  strong  clear 
sense,  but  by  his  patriotic  steadfastness  and  noi)le  simplicity  of 
character.  If  this  was  luck,  it  was  just  the  kind  of  luck  which 
makes  a  nation  hopeful  of  its  future,  and  inclined  to  overlook 
the  faults  of  the  methods  by  which  it  finds  its  leaders. 


5 


CHAPTER   LXXV 


WHAT  TUf;    I'KOf'LK   THINK   OF   IT 

lur  iiKtho  >.   oi   M.nalny   ,n   ^orn.-  1- trivial i^.-  an.l   wu!nn,,u\ 
bodies,  may  hav.  hn.,  .tr-i.k  !,y  it-  dark  iir,.-.     if,  J^  ',      t 

yn  hola.^  I      A.<un!inii.  a-  a  Kurop^an  i-  apt  to  -lo  that  th.-  work 
mg  o    pohtK-al  tna.hin<.ry  fairly  r.i].:-u  L  i.nn.r^^^J^^^ 
moral    .tand.rd    of   th.  .ov..r,nn.    da-,    an-l  'v^o^  t^  it 
Arn.nca  i^  govern..]  !,v  th-  who!,  r-or,!-.  h.-  n,av  ^.r^a  l^w 
opimon  of  tho  p.opl..     i>,.,h.p    h.  J<.ap-  to  .h.  <ur..lZu^Z 

an  ho,.il<.,..     p.H.ar,-  h-  .orK..iv<.-  that  th-  Um.t  n.<^,.  .].-.'>«,; 

with  a  M-lf-r-onfi.i,..rH-.  ',.rn  of  th-ir  rapi-!  rn..-i...i  pr-^n-,-  an- 
hhnd  to  th-  fon-q.i.nr-,.-  uhi-h  th-  /i.-.r-.-  ' 

mu-1  i,iv„lv.-.     All  th-r  iu.!;:>.  ..';t-  o;/';". 


by  p,  r- 


■^'n-^  ^vho  !;avf-  vi-it,-!  u.,.  !•,,;., 


I  ar 


'•-ntly  by  jw.r-o!i-  ivh'O  hav-  w.i^     It  i 
"vifw  that   \vhat'V(r  putJi 


f  oji'rjiojj 


thr 


at 
r<- 


prorioufj'-<-«i 
'i'  ■!  .';jor<   'Of.'fj- 

'••j^'   a  piaiii-ibl<- 
'"    Jr.'   Arr,-ri''a 


upoii  rebE^on   or  ir.oraliry,  or  iir.  ra^ur-  .  th.n-  -a.  h.  lit^l.  ary.ut 
politic.,  and  that  th.  l-aoinj.  rr.ir.i-.  whi-h  ..  al]  .o.-i..-    -Z! 

a":  Mm'  ''"r""   '""•  "    ^""■'•''•^  ^'"^^-''■''  '-^'>ur..Sr 
an^J  J-ft  th-  polit;r-ian-  to  U'>  th'  ir  owr.  v.av. 

pubLr.  opinion  ^tron...  or  mon-  a.. :  v,  ^  h.n  i.  ^  h-  ( >i..   S^^' 

t-rac..-  Lk-  tho^-of  K.rop-  do  r,o'  -v.,   ,,,  ^,.:,„,J;^,.j^ 
latn-e  f>^iiev  ar-  niatn-dy  1-  p^u-rful  ar.o'  l-..  md<'i^^,A^aX 


f 


•240 


THK   PARTY   SYSTKM 


PART    III 


n* 


i:;j 


It  may  stviii  a  para.lox  to  ail.l  that  piihli.-  opinit.n  is  on  th«' \vli(»l«- 
whoU'somr  and  iipriiiht.     Nfv»'rtlitl.ss,  this  also  is  trm-. 

Hrro  \vi-  art-  l.roUKht  faco  to  lac.'  with  the  ••iinlitml  problem 
of  AmiTiran  politics.  Whir."  political  life  is  all-pt'rvu<lin>r. 
can  practical  politics  lu-  «)n  a  lower  lcv«-l  than  pulilic  opinion? 
How  can  a  fn-c  lu'oplo  which  tolerates  i^ross  evils  Iw  a  [)ure 
pet.ple.'  To  exi)hiiM  this  is  the  hardest  titsk  which  one  who 
desciilHS  the  liiitcd  States  >ees  confroiitinR  him.  Kxp«Tience 
has  tau.nlit  ine.  :us  it  teacln-s  every  traveler  who  se.'ks  to  justify 
when  he  returns  to  Kurope  his  faith  in  the  American  |)«'(.ple, 
that  it  is  inipossil)le  to  jjet  KuKlishmeii  at  any  rate  to  realize 
the  coexistence  of  phenomena  so  unlike  those  of  their  own 
country,  and  to  draw  tlie  inferences  which  thi)se  i)henomena 
suj?KCst  to  one  who  hius  seen  them  with  his  own  eyes.  Most 
Knglish  admirers  of  popular  jioveriunent,  when  pressed  with  the 
facts,  deny  tiuiu.     Hut  I  have  already  admitted  them. 

To  pnwnt  a  just  i)icture  of  American  public  opinion  one 
nmst  cut  deeper  than  tlie  last  few  chapters  have  done,  and  try 
to  explain  the  cliaracter  and  conditions  of  opinion  itself  beyond 
tlie  Atlantic,  the  mental  hal)its  from  which  it  springs,  the  organs 
through  whicli  it  speaks.  This  is  wliat  I  propose  to  do  in  the 
chapters  which  follow.  Meanwhile  it  is  well  to  complete  the 
survey  of  the  actualities  of  party  politics  by  stating  in  a  purely 
jx)sitive,  or.  as  tlie  Germans  say.  •objective,"  way,  what  the 
Americans  think  aliout  the  various  features  of  their  system  por- 
trayed in  these  la.st  chapters,  about  Sj)oils  and  the  Machine, 
aiK)Ut  corruption  and  liirtion  frauds.  I  omit  attempts  at  ex- 
plaiuition  :  I  simply  sum  up  the  bare  facts  of  the  case  as  they 
strike  one  who  listens  to  conversation  and  reads  the  newspapers. 
Ci>rrui>ti,'n.  Most  of  it  the  jH'ople,  liy  which  I  mean  not  the 
ma.>.ses  but  all  da.sscs  of  the  people,  do  not  sec.  The  proceedings 
of  ("ongr-'ss  excite  less  interest  than  tlio.se  of  li-gislative  chambers 
do  in  France  or  Kiigland.  \  etiality  occurs  chieHy  in  connection 
with  private  leuislation.  and  even  in  Washingttm  very  little  is 
known  about  this,  the  ratlier  as  committi'es  deliberate  with  flosed 
(kxjrs.  Almo>t  the  only  i>ersoris  who  possess  authentic  informa- 
tion as  to  what  goes  on  in  the  Capitol  are  railroad  men.  land 
siH-culators,  and  manufacturers  who  iiavi- had  to  loi)by  in  con- 
nection with  the  tariff.  The  same  remark  a|)plies,  though  less 
forcibly,  to  the  venality  of  certain  State  legislature-..  A  fanner 
of   Western  New    York  may  go   through   a  long  lift;   without 


<HAP.    LXXV 


WHAT  THE  PKOI'LK  THINK   OF  IT 


24  J 


J/IV 


kium-inp   how  his   n.,,n.s..ntativ..  U-hav-^   at  .\l(,am        \ll 
IS  iK.t  within  his  horizon.'  -^i  -ti'Miu       \ji. 

The  iHH.plr  s,.,.  littl..  an.l  th.v  U-li-v.-  l.-s-      'Jru.     it.    .      , 
newspajHTs  am,se  th.-ir  om>on.-nt.     I.nt    tV  '*"•  Pa.iy 

always  n-vihim  son.ef  Jlv  T^"  s  .'  l^",r""'"'""  ^^' 
Mn.n.  that  th.  tal.  has  littl.-  nl^Jl,:,.  o  In^rt  -7  '^l 
fouRht  i)n-si,l..ntiai  <ont«-st  .i.arK.-^.  aH.-,-tjnL  t  .  /' 

say  that  th.y  ,ij.K<.li.v.d.  "iiitw^-n   U  h      J       '  .       '.'"  '"'' 
^^aninte^n.diat.stat.ofm^.i  *^  "^  ''■^'"''"  "'"" 

^  a  .at.  rath,  of  la.s,tud.  til;;;;"     i,^  .^ '•'^:  '^^ 
o  tmuk  tnat  poln.nans  ha^•.  a  rnorains  o^  U,..,r  ,Tw„   .  .i      um 

afruir.      ■; It  is  oniy  th.   f>olm..ans        vvf.a'  .  ar  vou  .^y^.-uZ 
the  pc^tK-ians:'-      l..av,n,  ou.  u.  .,ni.>  o„  tn.  on''  .i     Z 

ofordinary  ntiz..ns.  Th.   fan  .on-iusion  f,,.,,,   t...    i......         1:^^' 

-lariuKi.  and    .hat    tno..    «-n„   do   r.-ah^.    r  ar<    no' 


sufiif'ienti.v 

la..-    11,     rnn:r  tlKi 


242 


THK  PAUTY  HYSTKM 


PAWT    III 


1^    't 

! 

i       i 


alannwl.    Tlu-y  tukf  it  Uw  caHily.     Yet  im»w  ami  tlit-n  when 

roiwt'd  tlu-y   will   inllict  wvi-rc   |M'milti«'«  on  tin    u iv«»i>i  of 

l)rilH>M,  m  tiu'Y  did  on  the  N«'W  York  aldi-rrni'ii  who  wtn-  hrifM-d 
to  grant  the  right  of  laying  a  street-car  line  in  Broadway. 
The  givers  of  brilK's  are  apt  to  Ik*  nuire  h-nienllv  <lealt  with. 

EUdioix  Frauds.  -  As  these  are  offences  agaiiisi  :>«)piiliir  gov- 
ernment and  injure  the  opiKwite  |)arty,  tlu-y  excite  stronger, 
or  at  least  more  general  disapproval  than  do  acts  of  venality, 
from  which  only  the  pul>lic  purse  sutTcrs.  Nt)  one  attempts  to 
palliate  them  ;  hut  pn)«)f  is  <iifficult,  and  pimishmcnt  therefon* 
uncertain.  I^'gislative  remedies  have  Imumi  tried,  and  fresh 
one«  are  constantly  being  triinl.  If  iM-ople  are  less  indignant 
than  they  would  he  in  Kngland,  it  is  because  tliey  are  less  sur- 
prisetl.  There  is  one  exception  to  the  general  c(tndcmnation  of 
the  practice.  In  the  South>'rn  States  negro  siilTrage  pro<luced, 
during  the  few  years  of  "carpet-bagging"  and  military  govi-rn- 
ment  which  followed  the  war,  iiicredil)le  miscliief.  \\\um  these 
States  recovered  full  self-government,  and  the  former  "rebels" 
were  readmitted  to  the  suffrage,  the  uj)iH'r  class  of  the  white 
population  "took  hold"  again,  and  in  «)rder,  as  they  expressetl 
it,  "to  save  civiUzation."  resolved  that,  come  what  might,  the 
negro  and  white  Hepublicun  vote  should  not,  by  obtaining  a 
majority  in  the  State  let';islatures,  b(«  in  a  position  to  play  these 
pranks  further.  The  negroes  w(  re  at  first  roughly  handled  or, 
to  use  the  technical  term,  "bull-dozed,"  but  as  this  excited  anger 
at  the  Nortli,  it  was  found  better  to  attain  the  desired  result 
by  manipulating  tlie  electimis  in  various  ways,  "using  no  more 
fraud  than  was  necessary  in  the  jjremises,"  a.s  the  pleaders  say. 
As  few  of  the  negroes  are  fit  for  the  suffrage,  these  services  to 
civilization  have  been  leniently  regarded  even  at  the  Nortli, 
and  are  justified  at  the  South  by  men  alxjve  the  suspicion  of 
jXTsonal  corruption. 

The  Machine.  —  The  perversion  by  rings  of  the  nominating 
machinery  of  primaries  and  conventions  excites  a  disgust  winch  is 
proportioned  to  the  amount  of  fraud  and  trickery  employed,  an 
amount  not  great  wiien  the  "good  citiz(>nH"  make  no  counter 
exertions.  Tlu-  disgust  is  often  mingled  with  amusement  The 
Bo~s  ia  a  R)rt  of  juke,  albeit  an  expen-sive  joke.  "After  all," 
people  say.  '  it  is  our  own  fault.  If  we  all  went  to  the  primaries, 
DT  if  we  all  voted  an  IndefM'ndent  ticket,  we  could  make  an  end  of 
the  Boss."     There  is  a  sort  of  fatalism  in  tlieir  view  of  ilemocracy. 


'»<•■  ixxv       WHAT  TilK   l>K(.PLK  THINK   OK  IT  J4.i 

If  a  thinu  .'VHt.  in  a  fn...  ..mntrv,  it  1.,.  a  ri^l.t  t.,  .x.m,  |.„  „ 

Ml  What  thry  .lo  „of  .  .vt.nuuisl..      NVv.rf  h.-|.-,  t),.   .l,>u.iM    ro^- 
M,  ..nouKh  to  ,.nahl..  th.-  nfon....r.  t..  nnin-   th.  .  na.tMu.n. 

Miiash  the  Macliiiic. 

nr  s>o,7.  V/.,..        A.  to  .,M>,1-  aM<l  tavount.Mn  .,.  patroM- 

.■rntcd  lH,tl>.      H<-Wasa..nMo,„.,itotlnr,k  rotation   n*   oHi-,    a 
nroKM.t.o,,  ot  ..quality,  an.l  .  ,.h,.,.k  on  tl...  ^nnvt},  ol  that  oM 
>UKfH^ar.Hn'ur,st..-ra..yofoffH...loM.r.-      Javo.n„-.n  ....,,...1 
..■itun,l.  an.l  .-onifH.titi' .■  ...xar,:,nai.on«  -...lant,..       \  ...j,u,    .,„„. 
tioncHl  a  rortam  :un.,unt  .,f  joU,.  rv  .<,  yo,,  mu>x  not  I,.   t.,o  l.u-l 
on  a  n.an  u-h..  .1.....  no  n,..,-..  than  oth-r-  ha...  -ion-    .,.!.„.    Inn, 
Tu.  con.lix.t.   a<   u-..ll   u-  it,-  ..,:t,n„.nl     of   ih.    ,.  o,,i.    ,.^  v. 
"lurl.  letter  than  tl,.-  pra-tM.    of   „oi:t,nan-  ,*,.,   ,   ,.   f.^r-l  v 
..n.lerstan.i  why  th..  latt.  r  an    j,.!,..,l  .,  i,.,,,.,,,,,       ^^Vnh- 
nan-  .-.tiz.-n,  ,nu..},  h-^^  ■,  man  ol  .o,.iaJ  Mar..hn,  ar.i  hi^h  -.lu.a- 

^Mth  li  tl..  fear  of  .i,-,.ra...       T;„.  ran.  r  ..<  tt„    ia,,.-,  ,.  ,„„  „.  . 
.|-tn.ye<l.  whil.-  th..  forrn.-r  ^^.,a^\  lo-    th.    n-.^.-.-x   ,,<    .,,.   ,....,,| 

iKmrs.  an.l  prohaf.ly  fu-  ,-1.., „,  ,»„   „„,.i,i;    j,,.     ;  ^„.,^^,.;;- 

i.<.  similar  contract  l..tw...n  tl,,-  ton-   o!  puM^   ^^.i  i.,at  of  ,,n- 

Thf.n-  i».  )io\v..v'.r.  otl-  -  .-pf.-i   ..,  ui.j, 
rx'litif-a]  morality  of  if„-   rf,ii..j   -lav - 
•  i.K-'i  injusTic..  t'.  t.h"  f'Trfi.T. 

Th.  Enuh-h  i,uv..  tu^,  rr,or.ln..-  !or  pvl.    1:|.     m.   on.   -un- 
v'.ntional  or  i.|..a].   th-  ..l„.r  a-':..]      Tn.    -  •„,  vMnonal   h,,.,. 
"xpr..ss,on   not   ni..r..ly  in  th.-   -..Jpn.   (,ui    ai>o   in  t;,.    .o.-..,.n..^ 
"t    puMi.-    m.-ri,    in   th..   tin\<-li-^    ol   y,ur>rch<.       \.^ 
normal  Bnti-'i  vtat..-niat)  t<,  *,-■  ;,a^'r■io^. 
ful.   aii'j    inairnani'noM-.    it    loat-   <.\<-r\ 
fn.m  a  «-cl]-,..ttl.-i  -tan^lanl  ot  rl,,,,-    a  '..„i.    , 

ii'-tion  whi.-h  .iix.ntni..-  tf,.  r.j.,,-:,  p,  t,„  ,.„„(,„.,„,  ;:,;■;, 

.'11-  own  party.   I)ui   i!r>.-   t,o!   -'m,-  v,.-    i:''"'-i\   t  ti 

l^ritish    j«,l,tu-uJ   lif.,      'J-i„     a.-Vu:;    -...J.,     a^.„„%a-„..-    ,' 

iTi    tn..    iooil|(.»    oi    1  »|(      i-         -l;,f  ,  V.     I   t    ■,■■    .„.r         ,..    ». 

"!  rMiti-al  rhjl,^.  or  .■-.Mi-rnn,... -roo,...  a^  .ont,..,,.,!  ..i.-Moi.^  i^ 
a  diffm-nt  aflair.  It  n-Kao|,.  ,„  iat.  n  r-Kao..,,  „,.  ,.,.,o.tx 
Ol  \oT..rv  a^  an  ofien-;.  .^uj\  u  •,.•:.  .i..r..,.i,oti  !uliow.;d     it  u^^uuiH^ 


a  '  u'!if;a'.>oi'  of  i)„ 
itr.   T.ai    o'    J.ni^iand 


if'iinv    In. 
'  li^i  t.'l.T  i-s'  I-       t  •  '.;'  (. 
'a  ii'    a-    <!    'i.Ti'lii'ii'ji 
'ico 
■I,    < 

0!,(      o'' 


244 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


that  a  minister  will  use  his  patronage  to  strengthen  his  party 
or  himself ;  it  smiles  at  election  pledges  as  the  gods  smiled  at 
lovers'  vows ;  it  defends  the  abuse  of  parliamentary  rules ;  it 
tolerates  equivocations  and  misleading  statements  proceeding 
from  an  official  even  when  they  have  not  the  excuse  of  State 
necessity.  It  is  by  this  actual  standard  that  Englishmen  do 
in  fact  judge  one  another ;  and  he  who  does  not  sink  l)elow  it 
need  not  fear  the  conventional  ideality  of  press  and  pulpit. 

Perhaps  this  is  only  an  instance  of  the  tendency  in  all  profes- 
sions to  develop  a  special  code  of  rules  less  exacting  than  tho.sc 
of  the  community  at  large.  As  a  profession  holds  some  things 
to  lie  wrong,  because  contrary  to  its  etiquette,  which  are  in 
themselves  harmless,  so  it  justifies  other  things  in  themselves 
blamable.  In  the  mercantile  world,  agents  play  sad  tricks  on 
their  principals  in  the  matter  of  commissions,  and  their  fellow- 
merchants  are  a.stonished  when  the  courts  of  law  compel  the  ill- 
gotten  gains  to  be  disgorged.  At  the  University  of  Oxford 
everylK)dy  who  took  a  Master  of  Arts  degree  was,  until  1871, 
required  to  sign  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  of  the  Cyhuren  of  Eng- 
land. Hundreds  of  men  signed  who  did  not  Iwlievo,  ;».id  ad- 
mitted that  they  did  not  Iwlieve,  the  dogmas  of  this  formulary  ; 
but  nolx)dy  thought  the  worse  of  them  for  a  solemn  falsehood. 
We  know  what  latitude,  as  regards  truth,  a  "scientific  witness," 
honourable  enough  in  his  private  life,  permits  himself  in  the  wit- 
ness box.  Each  profession  indulges  in  deviations  from  the  es- 
tablished rule  of  morals,  but  takes  pains  to  conceal  these  devia- 
tions from  the  general  public,  and  continues  to  talk  al)out  itself 
and  its  traditions  with  an  air  of  unsullied  virtue.  What  eacli 
profession  does  for  itself  most  individual  men  do  for  themselves. 
They  judge  themselves  by  themselves,  that  is  to  say,  by  their 
surroundings  and  their  o\vn  pa.st  acts,  and  thus  erect  in  the  inner 
forum  of  conscience  a  more  hmient  code  for  their  own  trans- 
gres.sions  than  that  which  they  apply  to  others.  A  fault  which  a 
man  has  often  committed  seems  to  him  slighter  than  one  he 
has  refrained  from  and  sees  others  committing.  Often  he  gets 
others  to  take  the  same  view.  "  It  is  only  his  way,"  they  say  ; 
"it  is  just  like  Roger."  Tiie  same  thing  happens  with  nations. 
The  particular  forms  in  which  faults  like  corruption,  or  falsehood, 
or  unscrupulous  partisanship  haveapjx'ared  in  the  rirent  political 
history  of  a  nation  shock  its  moral  sense  less  than  similpr  offences 
which  have  taken  a  different  form  in  some  other  country. 


!°:"!l^'"''' _^^'^_^  "^HE  PEOPLE  THINK  OP  IT  245 

Each  country,  whil.>  accustomed  to  judge  her  ONvn  statesmen 
Z  7     T.u     f  *'"""'  '"'^'^^iou'-  generally,  by  the  actual  stand- 
ard,  and  therefore  to  overlook  many  deflections  from  the  ideal 
usually  applies  the  conventional  or  absolute  standard  to  other 
countries.     Europeans  have  done  this  to  America,  subjecting 
her  to  that  censorious  scrutiny  which  the  children  of  an  emi- 
Krant  brother  receive  on  their  return  from  aunts  and  uncles. 
now  then  does  America  deal  with  herself? 
She  is  so  far  lenient  to  her  own  defects  as  to  judge  them  by 
her  past  practice ;  that  is  to  say,  she  is  less  shocked  by  certain 
political  vices,   l)ecause  these  vices  are  familiar,  than  might 
have  l«^en  expected  from  the  generally  high  tone  of  her  people, 
r  hil  r  ^'■""\«^^^r"K  things  up  as  the  English  do,  professing 
a  high  standard,  and  applying  it  rigorously  to  other  countries! 
but  leniently  to  her  own  oflFspring,  she  gives  an  exceptionally 
free  course  to  pubiidty  of  all  kinds,  and  allows  writers  and  speak- 
-rs  to  paint  the  faults  of  her  politicians  in  strong,  not  to  say 
aggerated,  colours.     Such  excessive  candour  is  not  an  un- 
mixed gam.     It  removes  the  restraint  which  the  maintenance 
of  a  convenuonal  standard  imposes.     There  is  almost  too  little 
of  make-l>elieve  alwut  Americans  in  public  writing,  as  well  as  in 
private  talk,  and  their  dislike  to  humbug,  hypocrisy,  and  what 
tJiey  call  English  phansaism,  not  only  tends  to  laxity,  but  has 
made  them  wrong  in  the  eyes  of  the  Old  World  their  real  moral 
sensitiveness.     Accustomed  to  see  constant  lip-service  rendered 
to  a  virtue  not  intended  to  l)e  practised,  Europeans  naturally 
a-ssume  that  things  are  in  the  United  States  several  shades  darker 
than  they  are  painted,  and  interpret  frankness  as  cynicism 
Were  American  politics  judged  by  the  actual  and  not  the  con- 
ventional standard  of  European  countries,  the  contrast  between 
the  demerits  of  the  politicians  and  the  merits  of  the  people 
would  be  less  striking.  ^ 


246 


THE  PARTY  SYSTEM 


PART  III 


Supplementary  Note  to  Editions  of  1910  and  1914 


REUARKB  ON   THE  GROWTH  OF  PARTT  :    ITS  PERVERSIONS  AND  THE 
REMEDIES  APPLIED 


It  may  be  well  to  add  here  a  few  further  observations,  suggested  by 
recent  events,  on  the  Party  System. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  of  every  State,  and  of 
every  City,  was  originally  intended  and  expected  to  be  conducted  by 
the  people  as  a  whole  through  their  elected  representatives,  who, 
being  the  best  and  wisest,  were  to  act  for  the  whole  people  in  their 
common  interest.  But,  within  a  few  years  of  its  establishment,  the 
government,  both  in  the  nation  and  in  the  States,  and  subsequently 
in  the  cities  also,  was  seized  ujMjn  l)y  Party,  which  has  ever  since  con- 
trolled it  and  worked  it,  so  that  no  other  way  ot  working  it  has  even 
Ijeen  thought  of,  or  can  now  be  easily  imagined.  Out  of  Party  there 
naturally  grew  the  Machine,  i.e.  an  elaborate  system  of  party  organi- 
zation created  for  the  purpose  of  selecting  candidates  and  securing 
their  election  by  the  people.  The  Machine  is  the  offspring  of  two 
phenomena,  both  natural,  though  both  unforeseen.  One  was  the 
deficiency  of  public  zeal  among  the  citizens,  a  deficiency  not  indeed 
more  marked  here  than  in  other  countries  but  here  more  unfortunate. 
The  other  was  the  excess  of  private  zeal  among  the  politicians,  who 
perceived  that  public  work  could  be  turned  to  private  gain.  Thus  the 
Spoils  System  spnmg  into  beinr;,  office  being  the  prize  of  party  victory. 

But  the  action  of  these  factors  was  mightily  increast'd  by  the  in- 
fluence of  democratic  theory  pushed  to  extremes.  The  doctrine  of 
human  equality  was  taken  to  imply  that  one  man  was  just  as  good  as 
another  for  public  office.  The  doctrine  of  popular  sovereignty  was 
applied  by  giving  the  election  of  nearly  all  officials  in  State,  county, 
and  city  to  the  voters  and  by  choosing  the  officials  for  very  short  terms. 
The  consequence  of  this  was  that  it  became  in)]>ossiblc  for  the  voters, 
in  such  large  communilit's  as  States  and  great  ei.ies,  to  know  who  weio 
the  fittest  nu'n  to  choose  for  the  large  number  of  elective  otTices.  Hence 
the  action  and  power  of  the  Machine  became  inevitable.  Since  the 
voters  could  not  possibly  select  the  numerous  candidates  needed,  it 
stopped  in  and  selected  tliem.  Siin-c  the  incessant  elections  required 
a  great  deal  of  work,  it  stepped  in  an<l  conducted  the  elections. 

These  e\ils  grew  with  the  increasing  size  of  the  <-ommunities  and 
the  increasing  wealth  of  the  country,  which  threw  into  the  hands  of 
legislatures  and  officials  iinnierise  opportunities  for  J>estowing  favour.- 
on  unscrupulous  groups  of  men  lient  on  gain.  It  is  »'a.sy  f(»r  such  men 
to  influence  a  h'gislatiire,  and  it  was  well  worth  their  while  to  do  so. 

At  last  a  point  was  reached  at  which  the  evils  a.oused  the  public 
eonseiencc  anrl  wt-re  frit  to  bt^  iiijuriiif;  the  v. holt-  t^rinmiiuity.  How 
were  they  to  be  dealt  with?  Human  intelligence,  by  a  sort  of  natural 
law,  chiM>ses  the  path  of  least  resistance,  and  instea*!  of  trying  to  root 
out  an  evil  altogether,  often  seeks  to  discover  some  expedient  which 


CHAP.    LXXV 


WHAT  TIIK   PKOPLE  THINK  OP   IT 


247 


SLn     7.""''  ""■  "'"  ''"•'  ''^"'''  '"^  ^^••"•-  '•ons,.q,„.n..,-s      S„  i„  ,his 
SHv    ^  "•"::•  ""'?*'•"'  .I.'^uoyinu  .ho  ^L.hin..  or  .',      .^  i 

ns<  rl'  1  ,  ,    I        "        :      '""■'•   ""*'  ""■  "'•""•il>'<-  ""■  party  slan.ls  f„r. 
nM,rl.-(    to  t  1..  plan  ot  .-natintr  siatiilorv  primaries  ll.at    s  t„  s-.v   nf 

a:ts  "n:  ririh'^'  '""''rv'  i-tyVi'Hio,.  ,o-H;;;:;s.^.a:..u:i;a : 

h^    ll    f       ■   '''""■«'■">■'•••'•  "''■'•'"•"  »«,r  -hoosins'  (.tlieials.     Already 
He  eonhdfiicc    .V  1  heir  siil)^i.r\  .•,,,„.,,  i,,  ,i,     at      ■•  "^".*  "'^'  l"">- 

{.-ferondum  and  tl...  hu.iativ..,  tlu...  l,..i„fr  in  th.ir  .^<s,  '  an  'fl  ,r 
to  Kot  nd,  not  only  of  tl...  .vils  in<-i,l,.nl  to  tl.,-  .nlfishnes.  o  J'  -uun 
and    her  anu-nal.ility  ,o  i.nprop.r  inl!n..n,...s.  I.„,  a"s,,    f  Vlr         "o  f 

shortest  way  to  acconipjisli  their  will  iumh^,  ine 

an.UMtl^'l;  '"■"""■'■"'   r'-'"-'  "/  <'<>"stit,itional   <l..ve!op„.e„,s   in   State 

n     (  ity  povernnu-nt  has  evolv.d  its.lf  naturally  anc    lo^ieally  wi  h  n 

■ttio  more  than  a  eent.,ry.     Th..  eonst.nt  eLmen.  in  U  e    erie«  la 

l^endom.,erat.etheory./.,  the  faith  in   unlimited  and  ,  i    n-t   pJhr 

diu.e.  and  the  .loetrine  that  one  n.an  is  as  tit  for  pul.lie  o«i' •. ,    an  tSe  r 

These  doetrmes,  largely  ai.stra.-t  in  their  ori-in,  rooted  them    Ives  in 

uu^ns-  nunds.  under  eonditions  whiH.  n.ade  tl.en.  seem  nj  ^  .^   , .' 

mall  eommun.fes.  where  the  eiti.ens  were  nearly  un  a  leyel  in  e   u'ea 

trSii  ;,?■"'■''•  """'"■'""  '.'"'  """■^"""^  of  Koyernn.ent  that  mso 
^  tro  ^^,th.n  the  ranire  of  an  ordinary  man's  knowh.d^re.     Wht-n  sueh 

not  ons  eame  to  he  applied  to  hu« mn.unities  like  the  States  and  the 

ast  modern e.ties,  the.r  inapplieahility  was  manifest,  while  a.  tl  e  sam^ 

""«  »l"'.".vd  for  an  organization  to  work   .he  I'artv  Systen    leeamo 

"<.re    ey.dent.       .nproyemenls    in    the    representative    ivstem    nS 

haye  seemed  to  U.  the  oi.yiows  ren.e.ly.  !„„   unfortunately  the  same 

.•hanpes  had  so  injur...!,  an.l  at  last  .iisen.lii,.,!,  ,h..  L.^islatuns  of  States 

ami  ••.ties  that  the  ..ftorts  f.,r  reform  i:,ok  a  .li.Ten'nt  lin.. 

Smee  1,S!)4,  when  the  pr.ee.lint:  .hapl.-rs  on  tlu-  I'artv  Ssstem  w.-re 
.0.1  rey.se.l.  pul,,,.  opini.m  has  (......m,.  .n.,n.  impati.m"  of  "th,.  rule  of 

ho  Maehui...  an.l   more  s.-nsitn,.  to  s..an.!a!s.  wliil..  -tr...,,!  ..iti/,.„s" 
huvo  hepun  to  show  more  n.-tix  ity  in  ih..ir  .-ampaijrn  for  purity.     '•Ii,;.ss 
rulo     seems  t..  I,..  los,n«  its  hol.l  in  some  .,f  (h,.  ..JtL.s.  .,,,.1  n,,;  (..nden-y 
o.™ane,pate,l„.,afr,.,,.theSt:M,.!..,aM^^^ 

Unts  to  fran...  hetl.T  s,.h..m..s  ..f  f;oy..rnm..nt  ami  tHu.a  more  constant 

nt.Tes    ,n     h,..r  ^^.,rkm,^  has  irain.vl  f.r..un.l.     A.-eordinsiy.  although 

the  faets  set  f..rth  al...y..  ar..  still  so  far  generally  true  thaVthe  "  S 

ments  eau  prop,.rly  I.e  alluvv,.!  ,„  -laud,  i!  may  ;afoiy  I,-  -.';.i  !t.:.^\!.. 

>iky  IS  brighter  in  1M14    '  '  ' 


mail  11    «as  iij   i,>; 


t' 


PART   IV 


PUBLIC   OPINION 


CHAPTER  LXXVI 

THE   NATURE   OF   PUBLIC   OPINION 

In  no  country  is  public  opinion  so  powerful  as  in  the  United 
States  •  m  no  country  can  it  he  so  well  studied.  Before  I  pro- 
ceed to  describe  how  it  works  upon  the  government  of  the 
na  .on  and  the  States,  it  may  be  proper  to  consider  briefly  how 
It  IS  formed,  an,  what  is  the  nature  of  the  influence  which  H 
everywhere  exercises  upon  Rovernment. 

What  do  we  mean  by  public  opinion  ?  The  difficulties  which 
occur  m  discussing  its  action  mostly  arise  from  confounding 

fZZ;^l:f  *'f  T'"  "'™^^  ^'''''"^  '^  *«  gather  it  anS 
from  using  the  term  to  denote,  sometimes  everybody's  views  - 

that  IS,  the  aggregate  of  all  that  is  thought  and  said  on  a  subject 
-sometimes  merely  the  views  of  the  majority,  the  particular 
type  of  thought  and  speech  which  prevails  iver  other  t^es 

Ihe  simplest  form  in  which  public  opinion  presents  itself  is 
fTn^  1  «^nt.ment  spontaneously  rises  in  the  mind  and  flows 
from  the  lips  of  the  average  man  upon  his  seeing  or  hearing 
something  done  or  said.     Homer  presents  this  with  his  3 

Xn  tt'?T  •"  \^'  lir  ^^-^'^^^  '"-^^"^"^'^^  -^"-^  -  the  I  had 
Hhen  the  effect  produced  by  a  speech  or  <>vent  is  to  be  conveyed  • 

And  thus  any  one  was  saying  as  he  looked  at  his  neighbour  "" 

1  his  phrase  describes  what  may  be  called  the  rudimentary  stage 

of  opinion.     It  IS  the  prevalent  impression  of  the  moment.     It 

IS  what  any  man  (not  every  man)  says,  i.e.  it  is  the  natural  and 

the  general  thought  or  wish  which  an  occurrence  evokei.     But 

sPvZl''^;!;"'''  ^^'"'  ^''ir"  "P^"  government,  it  has  togo  through 
several  other  stages.  These  stages  are  various  in  different  ages 
and  countries      Let  us  try  to  note  what  they  are  in  England  or 

thTo'ther  '""'''^"*  *'"'^'  ''"'*  ^""'^  '^*''''  '*^^^  ^"""^  «"*  of 

evifMT  ""^^  r^"*".  '"  ^''  n^'«spaper  at  breakfast  the 
events  of  the  preceding  day.     He  reads  that  Prince  Bismarck 

251 


252 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


has  announcoil  a  policy  of  protection  for  Ciorman  in<lustry,  or 
that  Mr.  Henry  (Jeorge  has  l)een  nominated  for  tlie  mayoralty 
of  New  York.  These  statements  arouse  in  his  minil  sentiments 
of  approval  or  disapproval,  which  may  1h>  strong  or  weak 
according  to  his  previous  predilection  for  or  against  protec- 
tion or  Mr.  Henry  Cleorge,  and  of  course  according  to  his  per- 
sonal interest  in  the  matter.  They  rouse  also  an  expectation 
of  certain  consequences  likely  to  follow.  Neither  the  senti- 
ment nor  the  exp<'ctation  is  based  on  processes  of  conscious 
reasoning  —  our  business  man  has  not  time  to  reason  at  break- 
fast —  they  are  merely  impressions  formed  on  the  spur  of  the 
moment.  He  turns  to  the  heading  article  in  the  newspaix-r, 
and  his  sentiments  and  exp<'ctations  are  confirmed  or  weakened 
accortling  as  he  finds  that  they  are  or  are  not  shared  by  the 
newspaper  writer.  He  goes  down  to  his  office  in  the  train, 
talks  there  to  two  or  three  acquaintances,  and  perceives  that 
they  agree  or  do  not  agree  with  his  own  still  faint  impressions. 
In  his  business  office  he  finds  his  partner  and  a  bundle  of  other 
newspapers  which  he  glances  at ;  their  words  further  affect 
him,  and  thus  by  the  afternoon  his  mind  is  In'ginning  to  settle 
down  into  a  definite  view,  which  approves  or  condemns  Prince 
Bismarck's  declaration  or  the  nomination  of  Mr.  (Jeorge.  Mean- 
while a  similar  process  has  been  going  on  in  the  minds  of  others, 
and  particularly  of  the  journalists,  whose  business  it  is  to  tli.s- 
cover  what  people  are  thinking.  The  evening  pajH'r  has  col- 
lected the  opinions  of  the  morning  papers,  and  is  rather  more 
positive  in  its  forecast  of  results.  Next  day  the  leading  journals 
have  articles  still  more  definite  and  positive  in  approval  or  con- 
demnation and  in  prediction  of  consequences  to  follow  ;  ami  the 
opinion  of  ordinary  minds,  hitiierto  fluid  and  undetermined,  has 
begun  to  crystallize  into  a  solid  mass.  This  is  the  second  stage. 
Then  debate  and  controversy  begin.  The  men  and  the  news- 
papers who  approve  Mr.  ( leorge's  nomination  argue  with  tho.se 
who  do  not ;  they  find  out  who  are  friends  and  who  opponents. 
The  effect  of  controversy  is  to  tlrive  the  partisans  on  either  side 
fr<  1  some  of  their  arguments,  which  are  shown  to  be  weak ; 
to  confirm  them  in  others,  which  they  think  strong  ;  and  to  make 
them  take  up  a  definite  position  on  one  side.  This  is  the  tliird 
stage.  The  fourth  is  reached  when  action  l)ecomes  necessary. 
When  a  citizen  has  to  give  a  vote,  he  \'otes  as  a  member  of  a  party, 
his  party  prepossessions  and  party  allegiance  lay  hold  on  him, 


CHAl' 


Lxxvi    THK  NATl'HK  OF  PUBLIC  OPINION 


253 


and  generally  st.flo  any  (1(.  '.tsor  repulsions  he  may  fe<>l  Brine 
m«  men  up  to  the  polls  is  l.ke  passing  a  steam  rollW  over  ftono; 
newly  laul  on  a  road  :  the  angularities  are  pressed  do,^  ami 
an  appearanc-e  of  smooth  and  ..ven  uniformHy  is  givTv^hi" 
dul  not  exist  More.  When  a  man  has  voted,  he  isTommiT  ed 
he  has  hereafter  an  interest  in  hacking  the  -lew  whicT  e  has 
sought  to  make  pr,.vail.  Moreover,  opinion,  which  may  ha^ 
l.jn  mamfoM  till  the  ,K,lling,  is  thereafter  gene  a  lyXoS 

In  examining  th..  ,)rocess  l,y  which  opinion  is  formed,  we  cannot 
^d  to  note  Ijow  small  a  part  of  the  view  which  the  av.T^e  man 
ontertams  when  he  g^nvs  to  vot..  is  really  of  his  own  maki^     h1 
onguml  .mpres.s.on  was  faint  and  perhaps  shap<.less  :  its  present 
c^^^fimtenessancl  strength  are  mainly  due  to  wha7he  has  hel^am 
read.     He  has  In-en  told  what  to  think,  and  why  to  think  it 
Arguments  have  kvu  supplied  to  him  from  without  and  contr^ 
vorsy  ha«  emiKH  de,l  them  in  his  mind.     Although  he  suppoi^ 
h.s  view  to  iM.  h.s  own,  he  hol.ls  it  rather  becau^>  hisacquS 
ances.  h.s  nexv^papers,  his  party  leaders  all  hold  it.   His  acqua  nt- 
ancs  do  the  hke.    Each  man  Lelieves  ami  repeats  certain  pW 
KH.ause  he    hmks  that  everyl.o,ly  else  on  his  own  side  bS 
them,  ami  of  what  each  In-lieves  only  a  small  part  is  his  own  orJ2 
nal  impression,  the  far  larger  part  l,eing  the  result  of  the  com- 

SStle";'-' "r*"f  r ""  ^"''  "'"'^'""  «f  *'-  impressions Ta 
mult  tude  of  UKhviduals.  m  which  the  element  of  pure  m^rsoml 
conv.ct.on,  based  on  imlivi.lual  thi.iking.  is  but  smaH 

ti.uk^lir'."  1  •■""'^"  !"-'''''^I«''^''''^'>  «'*••  things  in  some  one  par- 
ti' ular  l.gh    by  h.s  previous  education,  habits  of  mind,  accepted 

InZ^'  tr"^  T  ""^'  ^^^."'^'"■^'  ""♦'""^  «f  '"-^  own  persona 

nt  rost.     No  event   no  sp,>ech  or  articl<>,  ev.T  falls  upon  a  ikt- 

n-tly  virgm  so.l :   the  rea.ler  or  listener  is  always  more  or  less 

..apsed  already.     When  some  important  evc-nt  "happens,  wlicS 

alls   or  the  formation  of  a  view,  th..,.  pre-existing  habit  ,  .h.g! 

mas,  afhn.tu.s,  hdp  to  .let-rmim.  the  impression  which  each  man 

expenences,  an.l  so  far  are  factors  i„  the  view  he  forms      But 

th^  or>erate  chiefly  in  determining  the  first  impn^ssion.  ami  they 

oi«  rate  over  many  m.mls  at  once.     They  do  n(,t  produce  variety 

and  m.lependence  :    they  are  soon  overiai<l  by  the  influences 

whic^h  each  man  derives  from  hi.  fellows,  from  ids  leade^Xm 


204 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


llv- 

m 


Orthodox  democratic  thwrv'  luwumoH  that  rvrry  citizen  han. 
or  ought  to  have,  thought  out  for  himself  certain  opinio  s,  i.e. 
ought  to  have  a  <lcHnit»'  view,  defennible  by  argument*,  of  what 
the  country  nifdw,  of  what  principles  ought  to  i)o  applie<l  in 
governing  it,  of  the  men  to  whose  hands  tin*  government  ought 
to  lie  entrusted.     There  are  p<Tsons  who  talk,  though  certainly 
very  few  who  act,  as  if  they  lx'lieve<l  this  thec-y.  which  may  Ik; 
compared  to  the  theory  of  w»me  ultra-Protc  .<tant>»  that  every 
good  Christian  han.  or  ought  to  have,  by  the  .strength  of  his  own 
reason,  worked  out  for  liimself  from  tlu'  Hil)le  a  system  of  the- 
ology.    But  one  need  only  try  the  exp<'riment  of  talking  to  that 
representative  of  public  opinion  whom  the  Americans  call  "the 
man  in  the  cars,"  to  realize  how  uniform  opinion  is  among  all  classes 
of  people,  how  little  there  is  in  the  ideas  of  each  individual  of  that 
individuality  which  they  would  have  if  he  had  formed  them  for 
himself,  how  little  solidity  and  sub.stance  there  is  in  the  iM)litical 
or  Hocial  beliefs  of  nineteen  persons  out  of  every  twenty.     Thes«! 
beliefs,  when  examined,  mostly  resolve  thenwelves  into  two  or 
three  prejudices  and  aversions,  two  or  three  prepossessions  for  a 
particular  leader  or  party  or  section  of  a  party,  two  or  threti 
phrases  or  catchwords  suggesting  or  embodying  arguments  which 
the  man  who  repeats  them  has  not  analyzed     It  is  not  that  these 
nineteen  persons  are  incapable  of  appreciating  good  arguments, 
or  are  unwilling  to  receive  them.     On  the  contrary,  and  this  is 
especially  true  of  the  workitig  clas.ses,  an  audience  is  pleased 
when  solid  arguments  arc  addres.sed  to  it,  and  men  read  with  most 
relish  the  articles  or  leaflet>s,  supposing  themtol)e  smartly  written, 
which  contain  the  most  carefully  sifted  facts  and  the  most  exact 
thought.     But  to  the  great  mass  of  mankind  in  all  places,  public 
questions  come  in  the  third  or  fourth  rank  among  the  interests 
of  life,  and  obtain  less  than  a  third  or  a  fourth  of  the  leisure  • 
available  for  thinking.     It  is  therefore  rather  .sentiment  than 
thought  that  the  mass  can  contribute,  a  sentiment  grounded  on  a 
few  broad  considerations  and  simple  trains  of  reasoning ;   and 
the  soundness  and  elevation  of  their  sentiment  will  have  more  to 
do  with  their  taking  their  stand  on  the  .side  of  ju.stice,  honour, 
and  peace,  than  any  reasoning  they  can  apply  to  the  sifting  of 
the  multifarious  facts  thrown  l)eforc  them,  and  to  the  drawing 
of  the  legitimate  inferences  therefrom. 

It  may  be  suggested  that  this  analysis,  if  true  of  the  half- 
educated,  is  not  true  of  the  educated  classes.    It  is  less  true  of 


CHAP,  ■■xvvi    THK   NATTUK  t>IM>l'BLIC  OPINION  255 

na«on.  Jiut  it  .  Muhstantmlly  no  l.us  applicahl..  to  t\w  corn- 
ncmal  arul  ,.rof,.Hsional  .-Iuh^.s  tl.an  to  the  working  C- 
or  m  the.  fornuT.  as  wdl  ,«  in  tho  latter,  one  fin.ls  Z  p^^ 

knowl  ■  !ko   to  ..nai,ie  th..,n  to  forn.  an  in.i,-,K.,Hl,.nt  ju.lRmont 
1  he  cue    (hffer,>nn.  In-tween  Ih,.  Ho-e«lle,l  upper,  or  w.alUi 
uml  the    MunMer  strata  of  soeic-ty  is.  that  the  former  a«"i 
.nfluence<l  l,y  s..ntin.ent  an.l  ,K>s«ih|y  more  influence,!  by  notions 
often  erroneous,  of  fheir  ovn  interest.     Ha^■inK  so.netCTo 
oscN  they  una«.„e  dangers  to  their  pro,>erty  or  their  chuss  Z  " 
..ency.     Movu.k  m  a  more  artificial  society,  ti.eir  sympathies 
are   ess  rea.hly  excited,  and  th.y  n,orc  frequentiv  iS^     e 
t..n.lency  to  cyn.csm   natural  to  those  who  lea.i  a  life  full  of 
unreality  and  convcntionalis.ns. 

The  apparent  paradox  that  where  the  humbler  classes  have 

l.m-red  m  opmion  from  the  higher,  they  have  often  Uvn  proved 

by  the  event  to  have  Ikh-u  right  an.l  their  .  -called  betters  wrong 

(a  fact  8ufhc.ently  diustrated  by  the  ex,H.rien,-e  of  many  Kuro.x'an 

eountnes  durmg  the  last  half-century  ' , .  nuty  jx-rhaps  Ik-  explain^ 

.so  ution  of  a  difficult  ,x,htical  problem  .ieix-nds  are  really  just  as 
little  known  to  the  wealthy  as  to  the  poor.  Ordinary  educato^ 
even  the  sort  of  ^-ducation  which  is  n,>;vsented  by  a  univS 

sSm'e  fi-l"r  ''  >r"  '■'  '""'"'^  ^'"'^^  <.uestions.and  it 
sometimes  hils  him  with  a  vain  conceit  of  his  own  competence 
which  dose,  his  mind  to  argument  and  to  th..  accumEng 
evidence  of  facts.  E.lucation  ought,  no  <!oub,  to  enlighten  a 
man;  but  the  edueate.l  cla.s.ses,  speaking  generally.  S^e  the 
property-hold.ng  .-lasses,  and  the  possession  of  prop;rtr  does 
hZf^  "S  ^  'T  'T^  '•'""  '"'"^•^'^'""  '^"^  to  make  him 
sentiment,  he  overvalues  the  restraints  which  existing  institu- 

the ;.::::  :;^:^';S,:^.t;., -'■;•■•..;: --.'-'-■  -...(..« to  ...-Hk  down 

observation,  howUvr   dno^ZtJ^*   ".     i'    """'""■'   '"'     """''*    ''"Jn-V'-d-     This 
««  luey  any  peraonal  intorMt.     I  purposely  take  casus  far  back  in  the  part. 


Sfi6 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART  IT 


i#l/ 


tioiw  iin|K)H«' ;  he  lia-^  ii  faint  npprcciution  of  tli(«  curiitiv*'  |K)\v»'r  of 
frtH'tlom,  uimI  of  tin-  toinKiuy  which  hrinns  thiiiKs  ri^ht  when  in»'n 
have  iH't-n  loft  to  thfir  own  «l«'vic«'s.  and  huvo  learnt  from  failure 
how  to  attain  suc«('s«.  In  the  h'ss-edm-ati'd  man  a  certain  sim- 
plicity and  o|M'im<'sw  of  mind  go  some  way  to  compensate  for  the 
lack  of '  'lowledRe.  He  is  more  apt  to  1h'  influ«'nced  by  the  author- 
ity of  leaders ;  l)ut  ms,  at  least  in  EnKlan<l  and  America,  he  is 
generally  shrewd  enough  to  discern  In-tween  a  great  man  and  a 
demagoKue,  this  is  more  a  gain  than  u  loss. 

VVIiile  suggesting  these  as  explanati«ms  of  the  paratlox,  I 
a<lmit  that  it  remains  a  paradox.  But  the  paradox  is  not  in 
the  statement,  hut  in  the  facts.  Nearly  all  great  |H)litieal  and 
8ocial  causes  have  made  their  way  first  among  the  middle  or 
humbler  clas-ses.  The  original  impulse  which  haH  s<'t  the  cause 
in  motion,  the  inspiring  i<lea«  that  have  drawn  men  to  it,  have 
come  from  lofty  and  piercing  minds,  and  minils  generally  Iwlong- 
ing  to  the  cultivated  class.  But  the  principles  and  precepts  these 
minds  have  delivered  have  waxed  strong  In'cause  the  common 
people  received  them  gladly,  while  the  wealthy  and  educated 
classes  have  frowned  on  or  persecuted  them.  The  most  striking 
instance  of  all  is  to  U-  found  in  the  early  history  of  Christianity. 

The  analysis,  however,  which  I  have  sought  to  give  of  opin- 
ion applies  only  tc  :he  nineteen  men  out  of  twenty,  and  not  to 
the  twentieth.  It  applies  to  what  may  l)e  called  passive  opinion 
—  the  opinion  of  those  who  have  no  special  interest  in  politics, 
or  concern  with  them  Ix'yond  that  of  voting,  of  those  who  receive 
or  propagate,  hut  do  not  originate,  views  on  public  matters. 
Or,  to  put  the  same  thing  in  different  words,  we  have  l)een  con- 
sidering how  public  opinion  grows  and  spreads,  as  it  were, 
spontaneously  and  naturally.  But  opinion  does  not  merely 
grow  ;  it  is  also  made.  There  is  not  merely  the  passive  clas.s  of 
penwms  ;  there  is  the  active  class,  who  occupy  them.selves  pri- 
marily with  public  affairs,  who  aspire  to  create  and  lead  opinion. 
The  processes  which  these  guides  follow  are  too  well  known  to 
need  description.  Tliere  are,  iiowever,  one  or  two  points  which 
must  l)e  noted,  in  order  to  appreciate  the  reflex  action  of  the 
passive  upt)n  the  active  class. 

The  man  who  tries  to  lead  public  opinion,  l)e  he  statesman, 
journalist,  or  lecturer,  finds  in  himself,  when  he  has  to  form  a 
judgment  upon  any  current  event,  a  larger  measure  of  individual 
prepossession,  and  of  'vhat  may  be  called  political  theory  and 


.  'iliM'  .,1 
rill    . 


'■(»• 


1    i\ 


.il\ 


.HAP.  ,.xxM    THK  NATIUK   OF   |M  JJ|J<-  OIMNIOX  267 

.I.K-trirM.  than  Muuk^  („  ,|„.  av.raj...  .iti/.n.     His  vi.-vv  is  tl.rr. 
on.  I.k..|y  to  hav..  .non-  iu.livi.lualit, .  us  u.ll  as  n  ,      i  t    .' 
H-tua   valu...     On  th.  „tl,..r  han.l.  h.  |,.s  alsn  a  .s„om,..     n     i    > 
an  th..  av,;ra«..  dt  z.n   lor  k,.,,,i„«  )„  a,r..nn..Mt    v    1.       s 

?f.  of  hH  uwn     ...  „.ay  lose  l.is  iMflurn.r  an.l  his  position 

H.  luus  a  „a.st    an,l  .s  pn-v.-nt,-.!,  I,v  tl...  »Var  of  s..nni,  «  i  ,  .  : 

lilts  a  lui  t  I      i.iii  (irc!"     til  I.I  iii'i,  :<    I  ..  i  ■ 

IS  ac.-oniiiinK  .Iriv.ii  to  make  flic 

••Ml  liis  iinliviiliial  tciidt'iicirs  and 

:'  •  aycraKc  citizen  makes.     Hut  he 

ali/in«  far  more  distinctly  the 

o.ild  think,  say,  and  do,  if  I'eft  to 

id  docs  as  a  politician,  who  can  hv 

IS  a  nicmler  of  a  l)ody  of  iM-rsons 

'■  ;''■''    -iiiK  to  think  ahke. 

'iRf.  ilu    larjrest  part  of  the  work  of  forminR 

.    i-x-  •         ,  ''"''•"'"•  ~^^^'*»'in  I  do  not  call  I'rofcssional 

poll  ..cans,  lH.oause  in  Kuro,.-  n.any  of  them  are  not  s,,lely  o  !  u 

PK.d  with  pontics,  while  in  Anu-rica  the  nan.e  of  pr  t^i     I 

^  inn   "T":    ^"''  "'"''"■'•  ••'"•^'^'  ~  "'"  '""-^^  "<'^  f«T,ret     I  e 
rcact.on  ooastantly  exerc.sed  upon  them  hy  the  passive  n.ajoritv 

Sometimes  a  leadmR  statesman  or  journalist 'takes  a  1.    io 
vluch  he  finds  that  the  nutss  of  those  who  usuallv  a«ree  wi 

him.  an,   that  he  must  <-hoos,.  Letween  isolation  an.l  a  n.odifica- 
tK,n  of  h,s  own  vu.s:.     A  statesnum  m.y  sometin,es  ve  ture 
on  the  fonner  course   an,  1  in  v,.ry  rare  -as,  s  su,-,r,.d  in  \^njZ 
riK  his  own  will  an,l  ju,!^,,.,..,!      .,  his   party.     A  journal  st 
however    IS  ohliK,.d  to  hark  l.a,-k    ^   !„>  has  ina.h.  l         ,  k  n 
up  a  position  ,h.sa«r,.,.ahle  to  his  c/.'     <  A,  L.-aus,.  th,-  pro pri,' n  rs 
o    the  parKT  hav,.  tlu-ir  circuh.ion   to  ,.,>nsi,I,.r.     To  avoi,|  so 
li.saKreeahI(>.a  chou-e.  a  stat,.sman  or  a  journalist  is  usually  on 
the  alert  to  soun.l  the  general  opinion  l.,.for,.  he  commits  himself 
on  a  n.;w  ,.ssue.     H,-  tri,.s  to  f,vl  th,.  pulse  of  tu.  mass  of  aver- 
age citizens  ;  ami  as  the  mass,  on  th,.  oth.-r  hand,  look  to  him 
for  mit.ative.  tins  is  a  ,l,.li,.at..  -„, ,.ss.      U,  Europ,.an  ,.oun--'s 


.so  little       .! 
sam,.  .sc  !  .,t 
the  p"M      '  ' 
mak  -        ; 
diff," 'iiii   'I 
hin      i.  .'I  I 
U.selui  ;i'i(l  ; 
at'tinx  t  )gfil 
Aecordin.j 
of)inion  is  do: 


It  IS  generally  th,.  view  of  th,.  i,.aders  whici 
IS  modificl  hy  th,"  r,.cepti,)n  whi,h  tl 
accentuattHl  in  the  points  whi,h  tl 


1  pr.. vails,  hut  it 
1,.  mass  give  it  ;  it  becomes 
H.y  ai>j)re,-iat,- ,  while  those 


258 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PAST  IT 


parts  of  it,  or  those  ways  of  stating  it,  which  have  failod  to  find 
popular  favour,  fail  back  into  the  shade. 

This  mutual  action  and  reaction  of  the  makers  or  leaders  of 
opinion  upon  the  mass,  and  of  the  mass  upon  them,  is  the  most 
curious  part  of  the  whole  process  by  which  opinion  is  pnxluced. 
It  is  also  that  part  in  wliich  there  is  the  greatest  difference 
between  one  free  country  and  another.  In  some  countries,  the 
leaders  count  for,  say,  three-fourths  of  the  product,  and  the 
mass  for  one-fourth  only.  In  others  these  proportions  are 
reversed.  In  some  countricvs  the  mass  of  the  voters  are  not 
only  markeiUy  inferior  in  education  to  the  few  who  leail,  but 
also  diffident,  more  disposed  to  look  up  to  their  betters.  In 
others  the  difference  of  intellectual  level  Ix'tween  those  who 
busy  themselves  with  politics  and  the  average  voter  is  far 
smaller  Perhaps  the  leailer  is  not  so  well  instructed  a  man  as 
in  the  countries  first  referred  to ;  |)erhaps  the  average  voter  is 
better  in.structed  and  more  self-confident.  Where  both  of  these 
phenomena  coincide*,  so  that  the  difference  of  level  is  inconsid- 
erable, public  opinion  will  evidently  be  a  different  thing  from 
what  it  is  in  coimtries  where,  though  the  Constitution  has  become 
democratic,  the  hal)its  of  the  nations  are  still  aristocratic.  This 
is  the  difference  b«!tween  America  and  the  countries  of  Western 
Europe. 


i4 


CHAPTER  LXXVir 

aOVERNMENT   BV   PUBLIC   OPINION 

letter  written  in  1820  spoaks   wkh  th         '   I''  "1'^**""^'  '"  * 
"that  groat  compound  Jfoll v   ueakn      T  "^  ?•  '^''''''''''''  ^f 
m,  right  feoling,  ohst    J^^y^^^^^^^^ 
i«  eaJkH]  pul,Iic  o^nion  ''^'  "^"'^P^P^''  Paragraphs,  which 

the  \>neti  n  n oMli  V    IT  "T  ',"""'"'''^'  '•>'  t''''  ^'P*"*""  of 

the  or^nio^VhirtirraS  h"  t:^  "T^.j^jtr^''^^ 

«pecia.  ea^es  arl^H!'';..  J'^^^t  7^   n^^lSt^'^^  ^"•'' 

cbms  If  n:::|- .V  urZ  "  .^ITh  •  '"  '"'1  ^'"'  '•■"''^'  '^'"^ 
(so  far,  at  least,  s  r^Z  his  M  l"'  '"""'7^'*"^«  "^  ^^e  Sultan 
and  of  the  ( "nine"  ■     nl  n>      T.  ""^  ^'f'J'^^'ts).  of  the  Shah, 

thoHe  of  milit  rV  v;    ni<^  s.  J  "  <-asos  tc,  the  contrary  are  chiefl; 


20" 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART  IV 


that  oldest  child  of  war  and  conqupst,  did  not  rest  on  forct  but 
on  tliP  consent  and  pood-will  of  its  subjects,  is  shown  by  the 
smallness  of  its  standing  armies,  nearly  the  whole  of  which  were 
employed  apainst  frontier  enemies,  because  there  was  rarely 
any  internal  revolt  or  disturbance  to  be  feared.  Belief  in  author- 
ity, and  the  love  of  established  order,  are  among  the  strongest 
forces  in  human  nature,  and  therefore  in  politics.  The  first 
supports  Rovernments  dc  jure,  the  latter  goviTuments  de  facto. 
They  coml)ine  to  support  a  government  which  is  tie  jure  as  well 
as  (Ir  Jticto.  Where  the  subjects  are  displea.s(«d,  their  discontent 
may  app<'ar  perhaps  in  the  (<pi{rrams  which  tempered  the  des- 
IK)tism  of  Louis  .\V.  iu  France,  perha|>s  in  th(>  sympathy  given 
to  bandits  like  Robin  Hood,  perhaps  in  occasional  insurre<'tions 
like  those  of  Constantiuoplc  under  the  lOastern  Kmp<Tors. 
Of  course,  where  there  is  no  haliit  of  coini)ining  to  resist,  dis- 
content may  remain  for  some  time  without  this  third  means  of 
expressinu;  itself.  'at.  even  when  the  occupant  of  the  throne  is 
unpopular,  the  throne  as  an  institution  is  in  no  danger  so  long 
as  it  can  command  th(>  respect  of  the  multitude  and  show  itself 
('(ptal  to  its  duties. 

In  the  earlier  or  simpler  forms  of  jiolitical  society  public 
opinion  is  passive.  It  acqui(>sces  in,  ratluT  than  su|)iK)rts,  the 
authority  which  exists,  whatever  its  faults,  l>ecause  it  knows  of 
nothini:;  better,  because  it  sees  no  way  to  improvement,  probably 
also  bei  :iiw<  it  is  overawed  l)y  some  kind  of  religious  sanction. 
Human  iialure  must  hav  somethiii!!;  to  reverence,  and  the 
sovereign.  Ik'cmiisc  ninote  ;uitl  potent  and  surrounded  by  pomj) 
and  sf)i(ii(|oiir.  seems  to  il  niysteriou>;  and  half  divine.  Worse 
a-iministrations  than  1iio-;e  of  Asi.itie  Turkey  and  Persia  in  the 
nineteenth  century  can  li.tnlly  be  iniairined,  yet  the  Moham- 
niediin  po|inla!ioii  >lio\vr'l  tin  ^i»ns  ot'  ili-iafTecti(Ui.     The  subjects 

of   D.aiHis  ami   llu'  -iiliject-  of  Tl Iiaw  ol>eved  as  a  matter  of 

course.  They  di<l  imt  ;t^k  why  t  hey  ol)eyeil,  for  the  hal)it  of 
obedience  \\;is  -ullii  i  lit .  They  eould.  however,  if  disaffectctl, 
have  at  any  moment  ov<'rlurne<l  the  throne,  which  h;id  only,  in 
l)oth  case: .  ;iu  in-iiinilieant  force  of  i>;uards  to  protect  it.  During 
long  ages  the  human  miiul  did  not  ask  it;-elf  in  many  parts 
of  the  world  d(K>s  not  even  now  ask  itsi'lf  -  (piestions  which 
.seem  to  us  tlie  most  obviou>.  Custom,  as  Pindar  said,  is  king 
over  all  mortals  and  immoit.ih,  ;ind  custom  prescribed  olM'dience. 
When  in  anv  societ\  opinion  l»ecoines  .s(>lf-conscious,  when  it 


CHAP,  i.xxvii    (JOVKKNMKNT  I5V   PI  HLIC  OPINION 


2til 


Ix'Kins  to  nalizc  its  rorc.'  :m.l  (iiicslion  t!i(>  ri«lits  of  its  rul.Ts, 
that  socit'ty  i<  ;ilica(ly  pntsrcssiiin.  iuid  soon  HikIs  riic:ins  of 
organiziim  resistance  and  ((inipellinjr  reforiri. 

The  (lifTer.'nce,  tiierefore,  hetuceii  (lesf)otical!v  Roverned  and 
free  coimlries  does  not  consist  in  th<-  fact  tiiat  the  hitter  are 
ruled  hy  oninioii  and  the  foinier  l)y  force,  for  l)oth  are  generally 
ruled  hy  oi)i!.i(.n.     It  convists  rather  in  tliis.  that  in  the  forincV 
the  iMopI;-  iiHtinctiv.ly  o'.ey  a  power  which  they  do  not  know  to 
Im'  really  of  their  own  cnaiion,  and  to  stand  l.v  their  own  per- 
mission ;  when'as  in  i|„.  latter  th.'  peopl,-  fe,.|  their  supremacy 
andconscionsly  treat  their  rulers  as  th.'ir  a^.-nts.  whil..  the  nders 
obey  a  power  which  they  admit  to  hive   made  and  to  \:v  ahle 
to  unmake  them.       the  popular  will.      In  JM.th    eases  f(,rce  i- 
seM<.in  necessary,  or  i.  need.Ml  oidy  against  smalUroiips.  h.raiise 
the  hahit  of  ol)edience    n  places   it.     Conflicts  and  revolutioiH 
helons  to  the  intermediate  si aii.-.  when  the  people  are  awakeninu 
to  the  sease  that  they  are  truly  the  supreme  pow.'r  in  the  Stati" 
but  when  the  rulers  have  not  yet  heconieawan  that  their  author- 
ity IS  nuTely  delefiate.l.     \Mien  snper-titioii  an.l  the  hahit  of 
suhini.ssiou  have  vanishe.l  from  the  whilom  subjects,  when  the 
rulers,  recosnizinu'  tljat  they  are  no  more  than  agents  for  the 
citizens,  have  in  turn  formed  lli(>  hahit  ot   oliedienc.  .   inihlic 
opinion   has   become  the  active  and  controHin-r  director  of  a 
business  in  which  it  was  before  the  sleeping  and  generally  for- 
gotten partner.     Hut   even  when  this  staire  has  been   reaCherl. 
as  has  now  ha|)i)ene.|  in  most   civiliztd  States,  there  are  dif- 
ferences in  the  degree  and  mode  in  an. I  by  which  public  opinion 
as.serts  itself.     In  some  coun.tii.s  the  habit   of  obeying  rulers 
und  officials  is  so  strong  that  t'le  people,  -xice  they  have  chosen 
the  legislature  or  executive  he.id  by  whom  the  oifici.ds  are  ap- 
|>ointed,  allow  these  olficiaN  almost  as  wide  a  range  of  authority 
as  in  the  old  days  of  despotism.     Snrh  people  h.ave  a  profound 
respect  for  government   as  Government,  and  a  n  hictance,  due 
oitlier^    theory  or  to  mere  l.izin.--.  pc  rh.ips  to  both,  t(»  interfere 
with  ii.;  action.     They  say,  '  'i^hat  i    a  m.atter  for  the  .\dminis- 
tration  :  we  have  nothingto  do  with  it  "  ;  .and  stand  as 'iiuch  aside 
or  submit  as  humbly  a^  if  th.>  u..vrrnment  did  not  spring  from 
♦heir  own   will.      Perhaps  they  pradically  leave  themselves,  as 
('id  1h(>  (;ernians  of  Hismarck's  day,  in  the  hamfs  of  a  venerated 
monarch  or  a  forceful  minister.  gi\irr.r  these  ruler-  ;i  free  hand 
so  long  a.s  their  jxilicy  moves  in  accord  with  the  sentiment  of  the 


K,-'  -■KFfP-''m3fS-'/-v^;^ii 


262 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


Part  it 


nation,  ami  nmintains  its  glory.  I'crhaps  while  InMniontly 
{•hanKniKtlu'imiiiiistri.s,  lliry  ncvcrlli.'Icss  yivUl  tocucli  miuHtry 
and  to  lis  rxccutivc  .suhonlinatcs  all  ov<t  the  country,  an  author- 
ity  Rrcat  whiii"  it  lasts,  and  larjidy  controllinK  the  "action  of  the 
individual  iiti/.cu.  This  seems  to  l.e  still  true  of  I-Yance.  There 
are  other  countries  in  which,  though  the  sphen-  of  K<.vernment 
•s  strictly  limited  l,y  law,  and  the  privat.-  citizen  is  littl.'  in,-lined 
to  bow  U-fon-  an  (.fHcial,  the  hal.it  has  been  to  check  the  ministry 
chiefly  thrniifih  tl„.  legislature,  and  to  review  the  conduct  of 
iMjth  ministry  and  |.-islaiuiv  <.nly  at  lonj:  intervals,  when  an 
election  of  the  leKisl.-.ture  takes  place.  This  has  been,  and  t<, 
«ome  extent  is  still,  1  he  case  in  Mril.mi.  AHhouRh  the  people 
rule  they  rule  not  dire.Mly.  but  through  the  House  of  ( •..mnions, 
which  they  choos«-  only  once  in  four  or  five  vears,  and  which 
may,  at  any  niven  moment,  repn-sent  rather  the  iMust  than  the 
present  will  i,f  tiie  nation. 

I  make  these  observations  for  the  sake  of  indicating  another 
form   which   file   ,„i,.  of  the  p.-ople  may   assume.     We   have 
distinguished  three  Mages  in  the  evoluti(»n  of  o[)inion  fnmi  its 
uncon.scii)us  and  passive  into  its  con.scious  and  active  eondi- 
ti(m.     In  the  first  it  ae(,uiesces  in  the  will  ..f  the  ruler  whom  it 
has  been  accustomed   to  obey.     In  the  s<-,-(,Md  conflicts  arise 
b(|tween  the  ruling  |mtsoii  or  class,  backed  bv  those  who  are 
still  disp,)se.l  to  obedience,  (,n  the  one  hand,   and  the  more 
indefM>ndeiit    or   pK.giessive   spirits   on   th<-   other:  and    these 
conflicts  are  deeidcl  by  arms,      hi  the  tliird  stag.^  tli<>  whilom 
ruler  has  submitre.l,  and  .lisputes  are  referred  to  th.-  s(»vereign 
muhitude,   whose  will   is  expressed  at  certain  intervals  upon 
shps  of  paper  deposited  in  boxes,  and  is  carried  out  by  the  min- 
ister or  legislature  to  whom  the  pc.pular  mandat.-  is  entrusted 
A  fouHli  stage  wouM  be  iv„.|m  d,  if  the  will  of  the  majority  of 
the  citi/ens   were   to   become   ascertainable   at   all   times    and 
without  the  need  of  it>  p:issiiig  through  a  bodv  of  representa- 
tives, possibly  even  wii!i.,iit   the  need  of  voting  machinery  at 
all.     In  such  a  state  of  ;  !migs  tlie  sway  of  public  opinicm  would 
have  become  more  con.plci,-,  becaiis.-  tiioiv  continuous,  than  it 
IS  in  those   Kiiropeaii  ,,,,1111  nes  whi<-li,  like   France,    Italv.  and 
Britain,  look  ch„  fly  to  parliaments  as  exix.ti.'iits  of  nati.mal 
sentiment.     The  .nithority  would  seem  to  remain  all  thi'  whilr' 
in  the  mass  of  th','  .iti/eiis.      !>o,,nIar  government  would  have 
been  pushed  .so  fur  lus  ahno.st  U>  dispense  with,  or  at  any  rate 


CHAP.  Lxx VII    (JOVKItXMKXT  BY   PFMLK     OPIN[()X 


263 


to  ant  input.-,  the  |.,ral  uuhIvs  in  whi.l,  th.-  majority  siH'uks  its 
will  at  tlu'  pulliiiK  lH>otlis  :  ;„„l  this  iiUuniKil  l.ut  .lirirt  control 
of  the  niultitu.lc  would  dwarf,  if  ii  ,ii,|  ,„.i  sii|,..r-«-d(.  the  im- 
I)<)rtHn('('  of  those  foniml  but  occiL-ional  .Icliv-.Tuiic.  s  made  at  the 
t'hrtioiw  of  rcim'sn.tativ.-s.  To  mi.I,  a  condition  of  thinRs  the 
phnw,  ••Uulc  ,,f  ,,„|,|i,.  ,,,„„ioM,"  niinht  1...  „„.>t  properly 
applied,  for  pul.lic  opinion  would  not  ..idy  iviirn  I, it  govern. 

Tlu  inec.'ianical  dillicultics.  us  one  may  call  ih.-,i,  ..f  working 
huch  a  nu'thod  of  >-<»vermneiit  are  ohvi.ius.      Hov.   is  tii<-  will  of 
the  nmjority  to  \>v  asctTtain.-d  cxcfpt  l.v  count  im:  vot.s'  how 
without  the  Kr.-atcst    in.dnvenicnc,-,   ,••„,    votes   i...  frcfim-ntly 
taken  on  all  tin-  <-hi,t-  .|n.'sti..Ms  that  arJM.-.'     Xo  iaru.-  country 
luLs  yet  surmounted  tlu-sc  iiiconvciiicnc-.  thou;tli  iittlr  Swii/.  r- 
landwith  her  U<J,r(,nhn,i  <iml  I,nti,ihrc  has  faced  au^l  fuirtially 
(h'ult  with  some  of  them,  and  some  of  the  American  Mates  are 
tivadiiiK  in  the  same  path.     Mut  what   I  dcsiiv  to  point   ,.ut   i.s 
that  even  where  tin-  machinery  for  wriuhmj.-  or  mcasurin---  the 
popular  will  from  w.-ek   to  w.-.-k  or  month  to  month  hu«  not 
been,  and  is  not  lik.ly  to  br.  inwnlcd,  there  mav  ncwrtheless 
be  a  disp..sition  on  the  i)art  of  thr  iuKts.  wheth.-r  ministers  or 
legislators,  to  act  as  if  it  .xiMcd  :  that  Is  to  sav,  to  look  inces- 
santly for  manifestations  of  current  ix.j.iiiar  opinion,  and  to 
shape  their  cour.se  in  acionlanc-  niiji  their  rcidinn  «>f  those 
manifestations.     .Such  ;i  <!isp„>i(ioii  will  be  accompanied  by  a 
constant  oversight  of  public  alfairs  by  the  mass  of  the  citizens 
aiK    by  a  sense  on  tli.-ir  part  that  they  aiv  the  true  Kovernors' 
and  that  their  agents,  executive  an.|  Ic-islative.  are  ratlicr  serv- 
ants than   aKcnts.      Where  this  js  the  attitude  of  the  ,.eopl(.  on 
th(!one  han.l  an  '   >f  the  person^  wli.)  do  t!ie  actual  work  of  gov- 
crmnnontheotii.T.  it  mayfaiilx  be  -aidthat  th,  re  .-xists  a  kind 
of  Kovermneiit  materially,  if  not  luiinally,  dilTerent  from  the 
representative  .system  as  it  pro-nted  it.-.  If  i„  Kuropean  think.-rs 
and  .statesmen  of  the  hist  K«'iic)Mliun.     And  it  is  to  this  kind  of 
government  that  d»-mocratic  nations  seem  to  l)e  teniliinr. 

The  .state  ui  things  hen-  noted  will  lind  ilhistration  in  what  I 
have  to  say  in  the  l'oll,,win;;  chapters  rej^ardinu' opinion  in  the 
United  States.  .Meanwhile  a  few  remarks  may  be  hazarded  on 
the  rule  of  pulilic  opinion  in  general. 

The  exc<-l|ence  of  popular  jjovernment  lies  not  s,,  nnicli  in  its 
wisdom --  tor  it  is  a.s  apt  to  err  as  other  kinds  of  government 
—  as  in  its  strength.       ll   has  been  compared,  ever  since   tiir 


264 


PUnLIC  OPINION 


PART  IV 


.11 


m 


William  Temple,  to  ji  pyramiil,  tlie  firmest  based  of  all  huildings, 
NolKKly  ran  l>e  hlained  for  oheyiuR  it.  There  is  no  apjM'al  from 
its  decisions.  Once  the  principle  that  the  will  of  the  majority 
honestly  ascertained  must  prevail,  has  soaked  into  the  mind  and 
formed  the  hal)its  of  a  nation,  that  nation  acquires  not  only 
.staliility.  hut  nnmcnse  effective  force.  It  has  no  mnvl  to  fear 
discussion  and  agitation.  It  can  Ixmd  all  its  resources  to  the 
accomplishment  of  its  collective  ends.  The  friction  that  exists 
ill  countries  where  the  laws  or  institutions  handed  down  from 
former  Kciicrutioiis  :ir''  incompatihle  with  the  feelinRs  and 
wishes  <)f  the  people  has  disaj)iH'arcd.  A  key  has  been  found 
that  will  uiildck  every  d«M)r. 

On  the  other  hand,  such  a  Kovernment  is  exposed  to  two 
dangers.  One,  the  smaller  one,  y(>t  .s«mietimes  trouhh-soine,  is 
the  difficulty  of  ascertaiiiiuM:  th(>  will  of  the  majority.  I  do  not 
m<'an  th»>  difficulty  of  K'-ttinu;  all  eiti/ens  to  vote,  hecaiise  it 
must  he  taken  that  those  who  <lo  not  vote  leave  their  will  in 
the  hands  of  those  wlio  do.  \nit  the  difficulty  of  ol)taininK  hy 
any  machinery  yet  devised  a  <|uite  honest  record  of  the  results 
of  votiuR.  Wher(<  tlie  issues  are  weiRlity,  involving  immense 
interests  of  individual  men  or  groups  of  men,  the  danger  of 
l)ril)ery,  of  force,  and  still  more  of  fraud  in  taking  and  counting 
votes,  is  a  sitIous  one.  \\  hen  there  is  reason  to  think  that 
liallols  have  been  taniiMTed  with,  flie  value  of  the  system  is 
gone  ;  and  men  are  remitted  to  the  (»ld  methods  of  settling  their 
difTerences. 

The  other  danger  is  that  minorities  may  not  sufficiently  a.'^sert 
themselves.  Where  a  majority  has  erred,  the  oidy  remedy 
against  the  nrolongatinii  or  rep.f  jlion  of  its  error  i<  in  tlie  con- 
tinued protots  and  a-iitjitioii  of  ihe  miiiorily.  an  agitation  which 
ought  to  he  conducted  pe;i<M:il.|y,  l.y  voice  and  pen.  hut  which 
nuist  l)e  vehement  <'iioU!ih  to  rou>i>  tlie  people  and  deliver  them 
from  the  coiisefiueiice^  of  their  l-luiiders.  Hut  the  more  com- 
|»lete  the  sway  of  maiuiili.s  is.  so  much  the  less  disposed  is  a 
miiiorily  1o  iniiiiitaiii  l!ie  ( ontest.  It  loses  faith  in  its  cause  and 
ill  itself,  and  -Hows  jfs  \i,i,-e  to  he  silenced  by  the  triumpiiaiit 
<'ri<'s  of  its  oi.  M.nehts.  How  ;ire  men  to  ac(|iiiesce  promptly 
and  loyall\-  ii'  tln'  .Iciisinii  of  a  iiiajorit\,  ;iiid  yet  to  go  on 
arguing  a'j.ini^t  it"  how  can  they  be  at  once  submissive  :iiid 
agirr-i's^i\c  •*  I  l|,i;  ((.iici  it  of  liis  own  gooihii'ss  and  ureatness 
wliicli    iii!o\irat(-    .III    al'ohile     nioiiaich    licsel^    a    .sovereign 


^mmmm 


^smmM 


mmmmmmmmimmmmmm 


CHAP.  Lxxvii    (iOVKRNMKXT  UV   PIMLIC  OPINION 


•JIW 


J 


rM.opIo  also,  an.l  the  .slavisln.css  with  uhicl,  |,is  ,ui,.i.st.T>  un- 
proach  an  OruM.tal  .l.-spot  n.ny  n-app.ar  in  the  p,.liti.  ia„s  <,f  a 
W o«t(;rn  clemocracy.     The  .Inly,  thcn-torr,  u(  a  patrioti,-  .states- 
man  in  a  country  wlicrv  pul-lic  opinion  nil.  s,  would  strni  to  !«• 
rather  to  resist  an<l  .-ornrt   than  to  .-n.-ourap.  th..  .lonm.ant 
sentiment      H<-  will  not   !.,•  <<.ntcnt   with  trvinj,-  to  Inrn.  an.l 
moul.l  an.l  I,.a.l  it,  l,„t  h,-  will  .•..ntVonl  it,  l.rtnr..  it,  ren.in.l  it 
that  It  IS  falhhl...  roas..  it  out  „f  its  .s.||-,-o.„p|a.vn.v.     rnfor- 
tunati>ly,   courap-   an.l   in.|..p..n.l,..uv   aiv   plants   whi.l,   a   soil 
impreKnate.1  with  the  [..'li.-r  in  th..  wis,|,„n  oi  nini.lMrs  .|.,es  n..t 
ten.l  to  pr...lu.r-    nor  is  th.iv   any  art   kn.,wn  t..   Mat.'sin.'n 
wherehy  their  growth  .-an  he  I'oslind. 

Experien.-e  has,  h.)W<-ver,  su-jiest..l  plans  |„r  le.s.s,.ninK  the 
ri.sks  incident  t..  the  .I.Mniuan.-e  of  one  parti,  ular  s.^t  of  opin- 
ions. One  plan  is  for  th..  p..op|,.  th.jus.lv.s  t..  limit  their 
powers,  /.(■.  to  surroun.l  th.^ir  .)wn  a.ti..u  an.l  the  a.tion  ..f 
their  iiKents  will,  rest ri.t ions  ..f  ij,,,..  an.l  in.tho.l  whi.li  .•oni- 
p<-l  delay.  .\n.)ther  is  f.,r  th.jii  .s.,  to  pair.  I  .,iit  f.in..ti..ns  am..nK 
many  anents  that  no  sinjrl.-  one  .h.^s,.,,  indiscrertK .  ..r  ..heyinj; 
his  mandate  overz..al..u>ly.  .an  .lo  mii.h  iiiis.hi.l.'aii.l  that". Hit 
of  the  multiplirity  of  auent.^  .liff.ren.-.s  ..f  \irw  mav  .spriiiir 
which  will  e.it.'h  the  altenti.Mi  of  ih.-  .•iti/.ns. 

The  tem|..-r   an.l   eh.na.-t.r  of  a   p.-.p!,.   mr.v   supply   nu.re 
valnai)le  safenuards.     Th.-  .•oimtry  whi.l,  ha>  w..rked  out  for 
Itself  a  truly  (rw  jiovernmeiit  iiiusi  have  .l.iii.'  so  in  virtue  .)f 
the  vifiorous  in.livi.hiaiiiy  ..f  iis  .hil.livn.     .^n.h  an   indivi.lu- 
iihty  do<-s  n.)t   .s.,oii  yiel.l  .-ven  to  tJi.'  pre»m-  ..f  .l.'in..erati.- 
cMiditi.Mis.     In  a  n.Mtiou  with  :,  krv^^  moral  s.ns..  an.l  a  .-apac- 
ity   f..r  stniii;,'  .•iiiotiniis,  opinion   h.-is,,]  o,,   a  lov.-  ..f  what    is 
•  l.'enie.!  just   .„•  frood  will   ivsiM    tl„.  niuititu.l.    wh.n   l..'nt   .,1, 
evil:    an.l  if  ih.-iv  i...  ;,   un.;,t    v;ri.iv  of  so.m;,|  .-onditi.Mis    of 
modes  .,f   lif...  of  nil-ion-,   |„  !i,  u,   th.  -  wiii   pn^v  .entres  ..f 
resistanee  to  .'i  .lomiiiaiil  t..n.l.i>.y.  !ik,.  -o.-ks  stan.linj>-  up  in  a 
river,  at   winch  Ji..  whom  1h<-  .'urnnt   -w.tps  .jownwar.ls  may 
Clutch.      Instan.-.-s  miirht    I.,,  .it...]   .'v..!.   from  .•oimiri..s  wh.Te 
th.'  majority  lias  ha.l  ..very  sou.-vr  of  -nvniitl,  at  Ms  .•oi„m;tn.l 
—  phy.sieal   f.ir.-e.   tra.liti.m.   fh..  ;ili   i.nl    univir-:i|   |),.rsiiasi..iis 
nn'  prejudi<.e>  of  ih..  low..r   ,.  w..|i  ;,,  of  ;|„.  Iiij.cr  .■i;.ss.->       in 
wni.-h   small  mh.oriti,.-   i,.p,.     -riumph..!.  fr  -    !;,    -i.-ntrmi;  an.l 
then    hy    |..:i\..|iinu;    :r.i<\    ..onx  ni.Iliu    the    lir, '.li  ii  \ ,        11, i>    til,., 
iiav.    ,i<»Me  in  virtue  .^1  thai   irHm-ii  v   of  !.,.>  1  uh'i.h  i^  ..fleii.    i 


FW^?mmW- 


266 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART  IV 


found  in  a  Hmall  8<>ct  or  group,  not  lM>cau8c  it  in  Hmall,  but 
because  if  itH  In'Mef  won*  not  intense  it  would  not  venture  to 
hold  out  at  ull  uRuinst  the  adverse  muMi.  The  energy-  of  each 
individual  in  the  minority  makes  it  in  the  long  run  a  match 
for  a  majority  huger  but  h'ss  instinct  with  vitality.  In  a  free 
country  more  esixn-ially,  ten  men  who  care  are  a  match  for  a 
hundred  who  do  not. 

Such  natural  compensations  as  thin  occur  in  the  physical  as 
well  a-s  in  the  spiritual  and  moral  world,  and  presj'rve  Ixjth. 
But  they  a.-e  compensations  on  which  the  |)ractical  statc^sman 
cannot  saf<'ly  rely,  for  they  are  partial,  they  are  uncertain,  and 
they  probably  t<'n»l  to  diminish  with  the  progress  of  deinocracj'. 
The  longer  public  opinion  has  ruled,  the  more  abs<j|ute  is  the 
authority  of  the  majority  likely  to  become,  the  less  likely  arc 
energetic  minorities  to  aris(>,  the  more  are  politicians  likely  to 
occupy  themselves,  not  in  forming  opinion,  but  in  discovering 
and  hastening  to  obey  it. 


CHAPTER  LXXVIII 

HOW   PIULIC   OPINION   KULE8   IN   AMERICA 

It  was  obsorvr,!  in  last  rhjiptcr  that  th<.  phrasr  "Rovom- 
ment  by  pul)  ic  <.pii,i„„"  is  most  .spccificullv  applicable  to  a 
system  wlH.re.n  the  will  of  tJ...  p,.,p|..  acts  directly  an.l  con- 
stantly up,jn  Its  ex.'cutiv..  an.l  I..Kislativ<-  a^ent.s.  "  A  K..v~rn- 
ment  may   be  both   free  an<l  k,k,(|   witho.it   beins  subject  to 
this  continuous  and    inm.e«liate  control.     Still  this  is  the  Roal 
towards  winch  the  extension  of  the  surtVaKe.  the  more  rapid 
diffusion  of  n,.ws.  and   th.-  pnutice   of  self-Kov.Tnrnent  itself 
nocessanly  lead  fr.H.  nations  ;  and  it  may  even  be  said  that  one 
of   heir  chief  prob|,,„s  is  to  d.-vise  means  wherel,v  th..  national 
will  shall  be  most  fully  express,.|.  most  .,uickiv  kno^^•n,  most 
unresis  ingly    and   cheerfully   obeyed.     I)..|avs  "and   jerks   are 
avoided   friction  and  cons,^,uent  waste  of  force  an.  prevented 
when  the  nation  itself  wat.-lu-s  all  the  ,,lay  of  the  machinerv 
and  Kuides  Its  workman  by  a  glance.     Towards  this  goal  the 
Americans  have  march..l  with  st.vtdy  sf.ps,  unconsciou.sly  as 
well  as  consciously.     X,,  „th,.r  p,.,p|c  imw  stands  so  near  it 

Of  all  the  experiments  which  Am.rica  has  made,  this  is  that 
which  lK>st   deserv.s   stu.ly.  for  h.-r  solution  of  the    problem 
differs  from  all  pievioi.s  solutions,  and  sh..  has  shoAni    more 
Mdness  m  trusting  public  opinion,  in  recoKnizinR  and  pvinR 
offiH't  to  It.  than  has  yet  iuM-n  shown  els,.wher(..     ToweriiiK  over 
residents  tmd  Stat.>  Kovernors.  ov<>r  ConKress  and  State  lem.s- 
latures,  over  conventions  and  the  vast   machinerv  of  party 
public  opinion  stands  out.  in  th.«  Inited  States.  .-Is  the  great 
source  of  p„wer.  the  master  of  servants  ^Ulo  irembl..  before  it 
l-or  the  sake  of  innkii.e  <lear  what  follows.  1  will  venture  to 
recapitulate'  what  was  sai.I  in  an  .  .Hier  chapter  as  to  the  three 
torms  which  govenunent    has  tak<>n  in    free  countries      First 
came  primary  assemblies,  such  as  tl...se  of  the  (Jreek  republics 
of  antiquity,  or  those  of  the  <'..riy  Teutonic  tribes,  which  have 
suryive<i  in  a  few  Swiss  cantons.     The  whole  fHH.ple  met   de- 

2»17 


2IVS 


prniiFc  OPINION 


PART  I* 


hiitt-*!  nirifiil  qm'stitdis,  drcidfil  liiflii  lt\  its  \•o\^'H,  cIiom*'  tliont' 
who  wore  lt>  nirry  cmt  its  will.  Siit'li  u  system  of  dirrrt  |H>pu- 
lur  novornmcnt  is  |M)ssil)U-  only  in  snuill  conuiumitit's,  ami  in 
ihis  day  of  lurgr  States  lias  hci-oine  :i  mutter  rather  of  uuti- 
(|iiarian  eiiriosilv   than  of  practiral  inument. 

In  the  scuutl  form,  iMjwer  IwlonRs  t«)  repres<>ntative  IkxIIj"!*, 
I'arliament-.  ami  Chamlwrs.  Thr  [H-ople  in  their  various  loeal 
areiis  eleet  men,  sup|)ose«l  to  lie  llieir  wis«'st  or  most  infim>ntiul, 
to  (leiilM-rate  for  them,  resolve  for  them,  (•h(K>s4'  their  executive 
servants  lor  them.  Tiiey  Ri\e  these  representatives  atoleruMy 
fn-e  hand,  leaving  them  in  |H)\ver  for  a  considerahle  spare  u{ 
time,  and  allowiiiir  them  to  act  imehe(ke«l,  exeejjt  in  so  far  as 
eu.stom,  or  |M»ssilily  s«»me  fundamental  law,  limits  their  discre- 
tion. This  is  tlone  in  the  faith  that  the  Chamlter  will  ftn-l  its 
resj)onsiliility  and  act  for  the  Im-sI  interests  of  tlie  «'ountry, 
carrying  out  what  it  Relieves  to  he  the  wishes  of  the  majority, 
unless  it  shuiild  he  convinced  that  in  some  |)articiiiar  point  it 
knows  Iw'tter  than  tl  ■  majority  what  the  intc-rests  of  the  c»»untry 
re(juire.  Such  a  syst<'m  has  lonjj  prevailed  in  I^n^land,  au«l 
the  Kn^hsh  nuMJel  has  Ix'en  widely  imitated  on  the  continent 
of  Kurop*'  an«l  in  the  British  colonies. 

The  third  is  something  hetweeii  the  otlier  two.  It  may  he 
regarded  either  as  an  attempt  to  ai)ply  the  principh'  of  primary 
assemhiies  to  huKc  countries,  or  as  a  nuMlification  of  the  repre- 
sentative system  in  the  tlirecti«)n  of  <lin'ct  |Mtpular  sovereignty. 
There  is  still  a  h'nislature,  hut  it  is  elected  for  so  .short  a  time 
and  checked  in  so  niany  ways  that  much  of  its  power  and 
(liKuity  has  departed,  lltimate  authority  is  not  with  it.  hut 
with  the  jH'ople,  who  have  fixed  limits  heyond  which  it  cannoi 
Ko,  and  who  use  it  merely  as  a  {)iece  of  machinery  for  carrying 
out  their  wish  ■<  and  settlinti;  points  of  detail  for  them.  The 
su!)remacy  of  tin  if  will  i>  exprosed  in  the  «'xistence  of  a  Con- 
stitution |)laced  al»ove  the  IcKislatiU'e.  altliounh  "apahle  of 
alteration  hy  a  direct  |M)pul;ir  vote.  The  position  of  the  rejtre- 
sentatives  has  heeii  ;iltrre<l.  They  are  conceived  of,  not  as 
wi>e  and  stronjj  men  chosen  to  tioverii.  hut  as  (U'le(j;ates  under 
specific  orders  to  he  renewed  at  short  intervals. 

Thi^  is  the  form  estahli-lied  it  the  I'lited  States.  Congress 
sits  U'  two  years  only.  It  is  strictly  liniit*^!  hy  the  Consti- 
tution, and  !)y  the  coexistence  of  the  State  Kovernnu-nts,  which 
the  <  institution  protect.s.     It  has  (.except  hy  way  of  imi)each- 


CHAP.  Lxxviii    PUBLfC  OJMNIOX   FirLh>4   IN  AMKRICA 


•Mi 


r 


ment)  no  control  ovrr  the  K«Hlfnil  rxrcutivo,  which  is  directly 
named  hy  and  rcHfWHisil.lc  to  the  jx-ople.  So,  t<M>.  the  State 
leginlatun'M  .sit  for  siiorl  peri.Kls.  do  not  apjK.iiit  the  State 
cXHmtivj'x,  are  heilgnl  in  \>y  the  prohibit ioii,s  of  the  State  con- 
Htitutions.  Tiie  pi>ople  fre«|iiently  lejrislate  directly  by  enactiuK 
or  altcrinR  a  constitution.  The  princi|)le  of  pl)piilar  sover- 
eignty  could  hardly  U-  expressed  ntore  unniistakal)ly.  Allow- 
ing for  the  differences  to  wlii<h  the  vast  si/e  of  the  country 
KivcH  ri.s«',  the  mass  of  the  citizens  may  he  deenH-d  as  directly 
the  Huprenie  fxiwer  as  the  .Vssenil.ly  was  at  Athens  or  Syra- 
cu.se.'  The  only  check  on  the  muss  is  that  wliirh  Ihey  have 
themselves  injpoM'd,  and  wlii.h  tlie  aneient  democracies  did 
not  p<).sses.s,  the  difliculty  of  cliinifrinK  a  rinid  constitution. 
And  this  difficulty  is  serious  only  as  regards  the  IV<leral  Con- 
.stitution. 

Ah  this  is  the  most  developnl  form  of  popular  Koveriunent, 
so  is  it  also  the  fonii  which  most  naturally  pro<luces  what  I 
have  called  (lovernment  liy  I'uhlic  ( )pinion.  Popular  govern 
inent  may  Iw  said  to  exist  wiierever  all  power  is  lodged  in  and 
i.s.sues  from  the  people,  (lovernment  liy  pul.li<'  opinion  exist.s 
where  the  wishes  ami  views  of  the  peojjle  |)revail,  even  before 
they  have  lH'(>n  conveyed  throujrh  the  remilar  law-appoint<'<l 
organs,  and  without  the  need  of  their  beiiiK  '^o  conveyed.  \h 
in  a  limite<l  monarchy  the  king,  however  powerful,  must  act 
through  certain  oHicers  and  in  a  defined  legal  way,  whereas  in 
a  despotism  he  may  act  just  as  he  pleases,  and  his  initial  written 
on  a  scrap  of  i)aper  is  ;is  sure  of  obedience  as  his  full  name; 
signed  to  a  parchment  authentic;iled  by  the  Crea*  "^eal  or  tlu; 
coimter-signature  of  a  uiinister,  so  when"  the  power  of  the  peo|)le 
is  absolute,  legislators  and  adiiiinisf  raturs  are  (|uick  to  catch  its 
wishes  in  whatever  way  they  nniy  !•<■  indicated,  ami  do  not  care 
to  wait  for  the  methods  which  the  law  pn^cribrs.  This  haj>pens 
in  .\merica.  Opinion  rules  more  fully,  more  directly,  than  under 
tlu'  second  of  the  systems  described  uliove. 

A  consideration  of  the  nature  of  the  State  govenuneids,  as 
of  the  National  goveriiineiit,  will  show  that  legal  lh(<ory  as  well 
as  i)opular  .self-confidence  gives  birth  to  this  rule  of Ojjinion. 
Supnwe  ix)wer  r  sides  in  the  whole  mass  of  citizens.     Thev 

'  Hiiiiic  i.H  a  sonicwliat  pc-uliar  r-asr,  l»  imiisc  she  left  far  iiMin-  powrr  to  Iht 
imii-roprfsciitativi'  Scnat.'  and  to  Ij.  r  rnaL'i-tiat.  s  than  llir  <  Irck  (Iciiicicrafi.H 
tiki  to  thfif  uouucils  or  odiciala.     .Sii-  (  liapttr  XXV.  iu  Vol.  1. 


MUCROCOrV  RESOIUTION  TEST  CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


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270 


PljflLIC  OPINION 


PART  IV 


have  prescribed,  in  the  strict  terms  of  a  legal  document,  the 
form  of  government.  They  alone  have  the  right  to  change  it, 
and  that  only  in  a  particular  way.  They  have  committed  only 
a  part  of  their  sovereignty  to  their  executive  and  legislative 
agents,  reserving  the  rest  to  themselves.  Hence  tlieir  will,  or, 
in  other  words,  public  opinion,  is  constantly  felt  hy  these  agents 
to  be,  legally  as  well  as  practically,  the  controlling  authority. 
In  England,  Parliament  is  the  nation,  not  merely  by  a  legal 
fiction,  but  because  the  nation  looks  to  Parliament  only,  having 
neither  reserved  any  authority  to  itself  nor  bestowed  any  else- 
where. In  America,  Congress  is  not  the  nation,  and  does  not 
claim  to  be  so. 

The  ordinary  functions  and   business  of  government,   the 
making  of  laws,  the  imposing  of  taxes,  the  interpretation  of 
laws  and   their  execution,  the  administration  of  justice,  the 
conduct  of  foreign  relations,  are  parcelled  out  among  a  number 
of  bodies  and  persons  whose  powers  ar(>  so  carefully  balanced 
and  touch  at  so  many  points  that  there  is  a  constant  risk  of 
conflicts,  even  of  deadlocks.     Some  of  the  difficulties  thence 
arising  are  dealt  with  by  the  Courts,  as  questions  of  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Constitution.     But  in  many  cases  the  interven- 
tion of  the  courts,  which  can  act  only  in  a  suit  between  parties, 
comes  too  late  to  deal  with  the  matter,  which  may  be  an  urgent 
one  ;  and  in  some  cases  there  is  nothiii";  for  the  courts  to  decide, 
because  each  of  the  conflicting  powers  is  within  its  legal  right! 
The  Senate,  for  instance,  may  refuse  the  measures  which  the 
House  thinks  necessary.     The  President  may  veto  bills  passed 
by  both  Houses,  and  there  may  not  be  a  two-thirds  majority  to 
pass  them  over  his  veto.     Congress  may  urge  the  President  to 
take  a  certain   course,   and   the   President   may  refuse.     The 
President  may  propose  a  treaty  to  the  Senate,  and  the  Senate 
may  reject  it.     In  such  cases  there  is  a  stoppage  of  govern- 
mental action  which  may  involve  loss  to  the  country.     The 
master,  however,  is  at  hand  to  settle  the  quarrels  of  his  ser- 
vants.    If  the  question  be  a  grave  (.ne,  and  th.>  mind  of  the 
country  clear  upon  it,  public  opiniim  throws  its  weight  into  one 
or  other  scale,  and  its  weight  is  decisive.     Should  opinion  be 
nearly  balanced,  it  i«  no  doubt  difliciilt  to  asecrt.ti;!,  till  the  next 
election  arrives,  which  of  many  discordant  cries  is  really  the 
prevailing   voice.     This   difliculty   must,   in   a   large   coiintry, 
where  frequent  plebiscites   are  impossible,  be  endured ;  and  it 


CHAP.  Lxxvm    PUBLIC  OPINION  KULES   IN  AMERICA       271 


may  be  well,  when  tlie  i)reponderant'e  of  opinion  is  not  great, 
that  serious  decisions  should  not  he  quickly  taken.  The  genl 
eral  truth  remains  that  a  system  of  government  bv  checks  and 
balances  specially  needs  the  presence  of  an  arbiter  to  incline 
tht^  scale  in  favour  of  one  or  other  of  the  balanced  authorities, 
and  that  public  opinion  must  therefore  be  more  frequently 
invoked  and  more  constantly  active  in  America  than  in  other 
countries. 

Those  who  invented  this  machinery  of  checks  and  balances 
were  anxious  not  so  much  to  develoj)  public  opinion  as  to  resist 
and  build  up  l)reakwaters  against  it.     No  men  were  less  revo- 
lutionary in  spirit  than  the  founders  of  the  American  Consti- 
tution.    Tluy  had  made  a  revolution  in  the  name  of  Magna 
(  harta  and  the  Bill  of  I{ijr],ts  :  they  were  penetratetl  by  a  sense 
of  the  dangers  incident  to  democracy.     They  conceived  of  pop- 
ular opinion  as  aggrt'ssive,  unreasoning,  j^assionate,  futile,  and 
a  breeder  of  mob  violence.     W(>  shall  presently  inquire  whether 
this  conception  has  been  verified.     Ali-antime  })e  it  noted  that 
the  efforts  made  in  1787  to  divide  authority  and,  so  to  speak, 
force  the  currcMit  of  the  jiopular  will  into  manv  small  channels 
instead  of  jiermitting  it  to  rush  down  one  broad  bed,  have 
really  tended  to  exalt  public  opinion  above  the  regular  legally 
appointed  organs  (if  government.     Each  of  these  organs  is  too 
small  to  form  opinion,  too  narrow  to  express  it,  too  weak  to 
give  effect  to  it.     It  grows  u])  not  in  Congress,  not  in  State 
legislatures,  not  in  those  great  conventions  which  frame  plat- 
fornis  and  choos(>  candidates,  but  at  large  among  the  people. 
It  is  expressed  in  voices  everj-vvhere.     It  rules  as  a  pervading 
and  impalpable  jwvver,  like  the  ether  which  jjasses  through  all 
things.     It  l)inds  all  th(>  parts  of  the  complicated  .system  to- 
gether, and  gives  them  whatever  unity  of  aim  and  action  they 
possess. 

There  is  also  another  rea.son  why  the  opinion  of  the  whole 
nation  is  a  more  important  factor  in  tlie  government  of  the 
United  States  than  an.vAvhere  in  Europe.  In  Europe  there  has 
always  been  a  govfTiiing  class,  a  set  of  persons  whom  birth,  or 
wealth,  or  education  has  raised  a})ove  their  fellows,  and'  to 
whom  has  boon  left  the  making  .if  puidic  opinion  together  with 
the  conduct  of  administration  and  the  occupancy  of  places  in 
the  legislature.  The  pui)lic  opinion  of  (}(>nnany,  Italy,  France, 
and  England  has  been  substantially  the  opinion  of  the  clasa 


272 


PTTRLIC  OPixrON 


■  Tj 

i 


PART   IV 

*^-.o.i  i,y  ,i,.,„„i,u„„  „;'„':n,t  :'L  ;x :™  ""s'"*r 

tlie  inomhers  of  tJic  RritJvl,  P....i-         ^"'^'"".>  nmer.     Although 
their  con.titue.twhe.     he  ^10^"'"*  ""^'  ?.'^^'^'  *'^^  "^^^  "^ 

the  influe,.cewJ.iehXs   m^t       Xr  tV'"^         ""'''  ^*'^' 
them  i8  the  opi.iio.i  of  ■.  ,   .?        1     ^    "  *^'^"'  ''"^^  penneate. 

natio...  TJu^e  a  ^to  u1.i  h  thr  T''  "'"'  '^"^  "^  t''^'  ^J'"l^' 
I'oth  Houses  I  it ng  0-^  e  an.r  "''^"^^r  "^  ^"""'^^''^  "^ 
pi-1  in  professio,"' i^-  i  t  r  ighTr'S  ''?  '"'"'"  ""•"- 
tlu.  cla.  whic-h  ehiefly  foruJl  '^  i^^!^';  .^  J^^rr^  /« 
lie  opuuon.     Even  in  th,^<o  ,1..,.,    e    ■  ■,  '    '^"''•'  P"'>- 

stitueneiesoneiSman™^^^^^^  "^fr/^''^"*  ^"'*  ™t'«g  ^"n- 
democratie  robus  nJi  o  n  ov  I  r."""''  "^  ^'"'"'"""«  ^he 
like  wax  under  the  iXC  T^' ^'"''^V'.  ^^^^°^"  ^^^^«  "»^Jt« 
club  smoking-rooms  Unt"  a  nu-»  "'^  dinner-parties  and 
House  who  claimed  to  be  La^r'  1  "'""'^"'"^  '""^^'^  '^'^ 
views  of  working  men  the  cln."r^  representatives  of  the 
it  was  hard  to  "  keep  iouch ''^n>^rh  "''^'-'^  ''"  ^'""^''^  '^^^ 
In  the  United  States  oubli.  "^^'T"  °^  ^^^^  '''^^^' 

whole  nation    w-ithfttleHf  7-  T'""'' f  *^"  ^^P''^"'^  «f  tl^e 

Pohticians,  indudl^'^'^i*S"f  C  n""''  ^'T''  ^""^ 
legislatures,  are,  perhaos  not7««  a  ''V^""g''««s  and  of  State 
ate)  below,  yet  certainlv  iSp^?  Amencans  sometimes  insinu- 
constituen  s"^  Vley  find  no  dfrn^'H '^'  T"^^  ^''''^  ^^  ^^eir 
outside  opinion  Washing!  A, \^  '"  ^""P^'^^  t«"«h  ^th 
but  not  in  the  way  of  nSv  °'"  ti''^"^  "^"^  ^"''^"Pt  ^^em, 
do  not  aspire  toX  fuSn^^'-  ''''-''''^^  '^'^'-  '^^^^ 
like  the  hiJ:ZeZoZys'lT''  'TT'  '"^^^^  ^^ 
there  any  one  class  or  set  of  T  """  ^""^  ^'^^>^-       ^^^  i« 

which  more  tha.  another  ..rt?'  ""i  ^"^  ^"^  "««^^^1  '^y^r," 
cal  doctrine  Ctrmai^he'' •^'"''^  'f!'''^"^'  "P  P««ti- 
resultant  of  the  v^^eHr'not  Zl  '"T"  V^'  "^*'«»  ^^  ^^^ 
multitude  of  indiv  h mis  dvl  ''""^^'!:  ^^  '^^'''''  but  of  a 
but,  for  the  pun^^  tf'  nS  '  f""  ?""''■•  ^'""^  ""^  ^"^^her, 
wej.  me...berro/gr::;^,£^;J^^j;:-  ;  --  |han  if  they 
The  c(i.i.sequences  are  noteworthv      S ,.  '^  Property. 

Europe,  dedan..  any  sc^nt  m  .rui^i.h  .f      «  T"  '^""«*'  ^  ''^ 


THAP.  ixxviti    puRur  opixrox  urij^s  fn  amrrka 

t«)  111.- juiisscs.     \\'li;it  til. •  ciuplovcr  thinks   | 
A\liiit  till'  wJiol 


iT,i 


■au'  iiicM 


aiul  tlic  poorer  customers  feel.      l)i 


•  employer  Ihinks,  liis  workiiieii  think.' 
■JKiiit  ieels,  the  ri-tail  storekeeper  feels 


cal  and  iu)l    Jiorizoutal.     Ol 


easily   aseertained,   Avhil 


visions  ol  opinion  are  verti- 
'l)iiii()ii  more 


viouslv  this  mak 


Se   inereasiiif;-   its   force   as 


a  ucjvf 


ruing 


>i>^''^  ^<^  'Jic  ^vliole  l)eople,   without    distinction  of 
classes,  a  clearer  and  lullei'  consciousni-ss  of  hejnjr  the  ruler.s 
o!   then-  country,    than    European   peoi)|es   have.     Every   man 
kuows  that  he  is  himself  a  i)art  (.f  the  government,  houiuj  |,y 
<  uty  as  well  as  l,y  self-interest  to  devote  part  of  his  thne  and 
Ihou-hts  to  11.     lie  may  lu-hrt  his  duty,  l.ut  he  a«hnits  it  to 
be   :\  «l>»l.y.     So   the   system    of    party    orjianizations   alreadv 
described  is  built  upon  this  theory  ;   and  as  this  svst(>m  is  more 
recent,  and  is  the  work  of  practical  politicians,  it 'is  even  better 
evidence  (•f  tlie  ,i;eneral  acceptance  of  the  doctrine  than  are  the 
provi.sions  ol  (\)n>iiiutions.     Compare  EuiopH-an  countries,  or 
compare  the  other  States  of  the  New  \\orld.     In  the  so-called 
republics  ,A  C.ulral  and  S.jutli  An;erica  a  small  section  of  -he 
mhabitants  pursue  i)olitics,  whil(>  the  rest  follow  their  ordinary 
avocations,  mdiffeivnt  to  elections  and  i)ronun'-iamentos  and 
revolutions.     In  Cvnnany,  and  in  tlu>  ( lerman  and  Slavonic 
I)arts  of  the  Austro-IIunjiaiian  monarchy,  peo})le  think  of  the 
government  as  a  j-reat  machine  which  Mill  j.o  on,  Avhether  they 
put  their  hand  to  it  or  not,  a  few  jx'rsons  workinjr  it,  and  all  the 
rest  paying  and  lookiim;  on.     The  same  thinR-  is  largely  true  of 
republican   France,   and  of  semi-rej)ublican   Italv,   where  free 
liovermnent  is  still  a  novelty,  and  local  self-government  in  its 
lufaiM'v.     Even  in  i:n<2;land,  thouj^h  the  eij^hty  years  that  havc^ 
passetl  since  the  f>reat   Heform  Act   have  brought  manv  new- 
ideas  with  them,   (he  ordinary  voter  is  still  far  from  feeling, 
as  the  American  does,  that  the  government  is  his  own,  and  he 
individually  responsible  for  its  conduct. 

'  Of  .•ouisc.  I  ,!,.  M.,f  inrh.,1,.  ,|„.'slinns  <|„viMily  nlatiiiK  to  lalwur,  in  whirh 
there  limy  he  a  .hn  ,  t  ,,MifIi,(  ,,|  i„|e,vs(s.  \or  is  it  t.)  be  .lenied  that  the 
wealthiest  iiii-ii,  esi.ecially  lii.aiiriet«,  have  I.eeoine  iikiiv  ,,f  a  class,  hohlinp; 
views  of  their  own  on  .luestions  alfeetiiiK  eapital,  than  tli.v  were  some  deeadea 
ag<j. 


CHAPTER  LXXIX 


.,  ( 
'''i■^  ■ 


ORGANS   OF  PUBLIC   OPINION 

How  does  this  vague,  fluctuating,  complex  thing  we  call 
public  opinion -omnipotent  yet  indeterminate,  a  sovereign  to 
whose  voice  every  one  listens,  yet  whose  words,  becausThe 
speaks  ^vIth  as  many  tongues  as  the  waves  of  a  b^iste  ou    sea 

m  America  ?    By  what  organs  is  it  declared,  and  how   since 

wh  ch  of  them  speak  most  truly  for  the  mass  ?  Tlie  mo  e  com- 
pletely popular  sovereignty  prevails  in  a  country,  so  nmch  the 
more  nnportant  is  it  that  the  organs  of  opinion 'shoultade- 
Terancef  aK"'  T^*'  '""'  ^"^^  -mistakable  in  tht 
r  ranee,  it  is  now  felt  that  the  most  successful  party  leader  is 

eLbn  '"  ^  ''"■''*  ^PP^^^'  ^'^  "^^^1*"  t"  them  at  an 

I  have  alrea<iy  observed  that  in  America  public  oninion  is  a 
power   not   satisfied   unth   choosing  executive   and  Sa   ve 
agents  at  certam  intervals,  but  continuously  watchi  g  and  euid 
mg  those  agents,  who  look  to  it,  not  merelv  for  a  ?ote  of  an 

So^^i^;:  tcs  ;;rr  t-'  'v^\  ^- 

learnt  their  meaning  Tl^l^^i;;!':^  ;^  ^  ^  ^^^ 
IS  therefore  more  essential  to  the  government  of  the  Sed 
States  than  even  to  England  or  to  France 

An  organ  of  public  opinion  is,  however,  not  merely  the  ex 
pression  of  jnews  and  tendonc-ies  already  in  existenrbut  a  factor 
m   urther  developing  and  moulding  the  judgment  o  the  peopTe 
Opm  on  makes  opinion.     Men  follow  in  the  path  whichXv 
see  others  tn.ac  na;  •  th«n-  h-wf,>n  t ,  o  j     +  ^l  ,  ^ 

hkelv  to  nrovlil      H  ,^'^  ^^'^^  '''"'''  that  seems 

UKeiy  to  prevail.     Hence  every  weightv  voice,  be  it  that  of  n 

speaker,  or  an  association,  or  a  public  meeting  or  a  new.lper 
IS  at  once  the  disclosure  of  an  existing  force  and  a  furtherTrce 

274 


CHAP.  Lxxix  GROANS  OF  PUBLIC  OPINION 


275 


mfluencing  others.  This  fact,  whil.  it  multiplies  the  organs 
through  which  opmiun  is  oxpn-ssod,  increases  the  difficulty  of 
usmg  them  aright,  because  every  voice  seeks  to  represent 
Itself  as  that  of  the  greater,  or  at  least  of  a  growing  number. 

The  press,  and  particularly-  the  newspaper  jjress,  stands  by 
common  consent  first  among  tlu"  organs  of  opinion.  Yet  few 
thmgs  are  harder  than  to  estimate  its  power,  and  state  precisely 
m  what  that  power  consists. 

Newspapers  are  influential  in  three  ways -as  narrators,  as 
advocates,   and   as   weathercocks.     They   report   events,    they 
advance  arguments,  they  indicate  by  their  attitude  what  those 
who  conduct  them  and  are  intcTcsted  in  their  circulation  take  to 
be  the  prevaihng  opinion  of  their  readers.     In  the  firs^  of  these 
regards  the  American  press  is  the  most  a.-tive  in  the  world 
Nothmg  escapes  it  which  c-in  attract  any  class  of  readers     It 
does  not  even  confine  itself  to  events  that  have  happened, 
but  IS  apt  to  describe  others  whidi  may  possibly  have  hapl 
pened,  however  slight  the  e^•idence  for  tliem  :  pari ter  facta  ataue 
infeda  canebat     Ihis   habit   affects   its  worth  as  an   historic 
record  ajid  its  influence  with  .sc)ber-minded  people.     Statesmen 
may  be  heard  to  complain  that  once  an  untrue  story  has  been 
set  flying  they  cannot  efface  the  effect  however  complete  the 
contradiction  they  may  give  it ;  and  injustice  is  thus  frequently 
done.     Sometmies,  of  course,  there  is  .lelil  erate  misrepresen- 
tation.     but  more  often  the  erroneous  statements  are  the  nat- 
ural result  of  the  high  pressure   under  which    the   newspaper 
business  is  carried  on.     The  appetite  for  news,  and  for  highly 
spiced  or     sensation"  news,  is  (iiorinous,  and  journalists  work- 
nig  under  keen  competition  and  in  ui.ceasing  haste  take  their 
chance  of  the  correctness  of  the  information  they  receive 

Much  harm  there  is,  but  sometim(>s  good  also.  It  is  related 
of  an  old  barrister  that  he  observed:  "When  I  was  young  I 
ost  a  goo,l  many  .-auses  which  I  ought  t<.  have  won,  and  now 

..';',.  T\  T'''";:'*'  '?''  •■•^•"■"'""••'■'».  I  win  a  good  man; 
auscs  winch  I  ou^ht  to  lose.  So,  on  the  whole,  justice  has 
een  done.  If  m  its  heedlessness  the  press  often  causes 
pain  to  the  innocent,  it  does  a  great  an<l  necessary  service 
in  exposing  evil-(h„Ts,  many  uf  uii„ni  would  escape  were  it 
never  to  speak  except  upon  sufficient  evidence.  It  is  a  watch- 
dog whose  noisy  bark  must  Ik.  toltTatc-d.  even  when  the  person 
who  approaches  has  no  bad  intent.     No  doubt  charges  are  so 


270 


PrBLTC  OPINFON 


PAKT   IV 

promiscuously  an.l  oftrn  so  lijrj.tly  ,na<l,.  as  t(,  tell  loss  than 
thoy  would  ,n  a  country  where  tlu-  law  of  lihd  was  more  fn" 
quontly  appeulcH  to.  Hut  man^  abuses  are  unveik.l.  nany 
more  prev(«!ite(l  l.y  the  fear  of  pul.licity.  ^ 

AlthouKh  th(>  leaduirt-  American  newspaixTs  contain  far  mnrr 
n<.n-pohticaInuater  than  those  of  Euro,',  th."  Us,  .  ."a^ 
-P.'e,any.  of  cours,,  |,,.f<>re  a,.y  inM,..rtan/ ei.vti,.,  n..re  ,1  ^^^ 

<•    joht.cal  „;  el  i,«,,u;..  than  any,  exc-ept  p<.rhaps  two  or  th".. 
of    he  cJuef  JMiRhsh  journals.     Much  of  if  is  ina.-curate    l,u 
PHrt,.a>.sh,p  <hstorts  it  no  n.ore  than  in  Ivn-ope.  per     ps  I 

he  pul,hc  has  the  benefit  of  lu-arinj,  everything  it  .-an  wish" 

n     ,ri         '  ''  """'''*  ,'"  ^■'^'''  ^"  "^""'^^  ^'">"^  --rv  occ  u- 
r  n, ,.  an,    every  personahty.     The  intellijr,,,,,  is  not  quit.-  of 
(he  same  kni.l  as  .n  England  or  Fran.-e.     Th.-re  are  fewer 'report 
of  .spe,M-h,..s.  ixvause  fewer  spcMrlu-s  of  an  argumentative-  nit     e 
"••7"'«1;S  l>ut  more  of  the  schemes  and  .loi^.^s  of  ..onvem      . 
and  poht.ca  chques,  as  well  as  of  the  sayin,s'of  individ.Jl. 

As  the  advocates  of  political  doctrines,  newspa.xTs  are  of 
course  powerful,  because  they  are  univer  allv  n        ad  oft 
ably  wnt^t..n.     Tlu-y  are  accused  of  unfairness  a  uV    tup  la 
.on,  but     doubt  ,f  there  is  any  mark..!  dilTerence  in  th  s  reCt 

ot  ( X,  itement.  .\or  could  I  discover  that  their  arguments  w.tc 
any  more  frequently  than  in  Europe  addresse.1  to  p  cju  ice 
rather  han  to  rea.son  :  indeed  ,hoy  are  less  n.ark.-d  v  ar  v 
orKan.s  than  are  those  of  liritain.  In  Am.Tica,  how,-ver  a  le  v  l- 
n^  ar  He  carnes  less  weight  of  itself,  bein,  .liscounted  b'    L 

h  X,  e  t" : '' ''''  "T'  li'"^  "■*''"^'  ^''"  "=^"--  '"'-^  "f  '•-"•- 

•'•  ,    ''"^  '-^  ";*^=^'  *»'<•  ""'-l-'Ui  fx.litician  has  to  fear.     Mere 
abuM.  he  does  not  care  for,  but  constant  n.f,.ren.-,.s  to  and  .-om- 

The  mfluence  attribute,!  to  th,>  pr,>ss  is  ,.vi,l,-n.v,l  n,.(  „nly 
by  the  posts  respecally  for,-if,n  l,.«ations)  fr,.,,u,.ntlv  b,>st„w,!d 
upoa  the  owners  or  e,litors  of  lea,lin«  journals    but  i>y    l.e        ! 

on  appeals  ma,le  to  ^uod  party  nu-n  t,.  tak,-  in  only  stanch 
parly  pap,.rs    a.ul  by  th,-  thn-ats  to  "reml  out"  of  the  p.;  v 

ournals  wh„.h  show  a  dan^.-rous  in,l,,„.u,len,.,-.  Nev,.rtheh  1' 
If  the  party  press  be  estimat,.!  as  a  factor  in  the  formation  of 


CHAP.    I.XXIX 


()I{(i.\XS  OF   I>l  JU.IC  OPIXION 


277 


opinion.  wlitllitT  liv  ainiimcnl  or  \>\  :uilli(»rity,  it  miisl  he 
ilccincd  less  powciliil  in  .\nit'iic;i  tlian  in  1miii)|)«'.  lurausc  its 
avcruK''  piil'lif  i-<  siircwdcr,  more  iudcpi'iulfnt,  less  readily  iin- 
prt-ssi'd  by  llic  niysicrious  '•\vc."  I  douhl  if  iIutc  Im*  any 
paper  hy  which  any  considcralilc  iuinii)cr  of  pfoph'  swear  ;  and 
am  sure  that  comijaratively  tew  (|uoic  their  favourite  journal 
as  an  oracle  in  tiie  w.iy  many  person.-  .still  do  in  l^nniand.  The 
vast  area  of  the  reiiihiic  and  the  absence  of  a  (•ai)ital  prevent 
any  one  pa|)er  fimii  wimiinj'-  its  way  to  i)redominance,  even  in 
any  particular  siciion  of  the  country.  Herein  one  notes  a 
remarkaltle  contrast  to  tjie  phenomena  r)f  the  Old  World. 
Although  the  chief  .\nierican  news|)apers  are,  rejjarded  as  com- 
mercial properties,  '•  lii^frer  ihinj^s"  than  those  of  I'lurope, 
they  do  not  dominate  the  whole  press  as  a  few  jouriuils  do  in 
most  lOuropean  countri(s.  Or,  to  ])ut  the  same  thiu};-  ditl'er- 
ently,  in  l-inj^land,  and  much  the  .suae  may  he  said  of  I'Vancc 
and  ( iermany.  some  twei;ty  newspapers  cover  nine-tenths  of 
the  readiuf;-  puitiic.  whereas  in  America  any  j^iven  twenty  j)apers 
would  not  cover  one-tliinl. 

In  those  cities,  moreover,  where  one  finds  really  strong  papers, 
each  is  ex])osed  to  a  severer  competition  than  in  Europe,  for  in 
cities  mo.st  peoj)le  look  at  more  than  one  newspaper.  The  late 
Mr.  Horace  Oreeley.  who  for  many  years  owned  and  edited  the 
A't/r'  York  Tribune,  is  the  most  uotal)le  ca.-<e  of  an  nlitor  who,  by 
his  journalistic  talent  and  f>:reat  self-confidence,  ac(iuired  such  a 
personal  influence  as  to  make  nmltitudes  watch  for  and  follow 
his  ileliverances.  He  was  to  i  he  later  \\\\\^  party  and  the  earlier 
Republican  i)arty  nmch  what  Katkoff  was  to  the  National  party 
in  Uu.ssia  between  INTO  .and  1S80,  and  had,  of  course,  a  far 
greater  host  of  readers. 

It  is  chiefly  in  its  third  capacity,  as  an  index  and  mirror  of 
public  opinion,  that  the  i)ress  is  looketl  to.  This  is  the  function 
it  chiefly  aims  at  (hscharging  ;  and  public  m(>n  feel  that  in 
showing  deference  to  it  they  are  propitiating,  and  inviting  the 
•'omnumds  of,  ])ublic  opinion  itself.  In  worshipping  the  deity 
you  learn  to  concili.-ite  the  j)riest.  Hut  as  every  po.>;sible  view 
and  tendency  finds  ex]>ression  throuuh  <u\\w  t)rgan  in  the  press, 
the  problem  is  to  discover  whidi  views  have  got  popular  strength 
behind  them.  Profi.s.sed  party  journals  are  of  little  use,  though 
one  may  .sometimes  discovi'r  from  the  way  they  advance  an 
argument  whether  they  think  it  will  really  tel'  on  tin;  oppo- 


278 


PUHLK'  OPfXlON 


FAKT  IT 

that"  tr'?"""  '■"■'■'■""' "'  *■■'  ^-K  n  iir^-: ' 

that  they  discuss  current  politics  iit   Ir-nirtf,      \vi        .,  ' 

great  i.  ,,„#  „„„,,,  l-caus,.";,,,.  i';.;'!,;   'S'  „  ,  ^  l':'..    S,;  ,'; 

ence  seems  to  (rrow  u'ifl,\i,«  •  •    ^"''"'''  ''"•'  ^''^r  mHu- 

writing  they  coE,  '"•  "'"""""«  ""'"'""  "'  "S'"-""^ 

re™.t  of  several  Repuh,ica"„%tr<!r;:Mk/T,e;":nr,^' 

to  convov  the  imnression  th..t  fK       1    .  -^   P"'"^'""  '^  ^^ 

Newspaper    tak^mor    m.tie  ^'■^'""  ''  «'"'""«  ground, 

from  friendly  .LSTa.^:"-,""^  a.un.er    both  by  quoting 


CHAP.   LXXIX 


OROANS  OF  rVMAV  OPINMONf 


279 


4 

i 


The  AmcrictuH  hiivr  iiivontcd  im  orK.iii  for  ciitc-hiiiK,  measur- 
ing, and  indicutiiiK  opinion,  uinujst  unknowi  in  Europe,  in 
their  pnietice  of  citiiiK  the  private  deliveranccH  of  prominent 
men.  Sometimes  this  is  done  hy  fMihlishins  a  letter,  addressed 
not  to  the  newspaper  hut  to  a  friend,  who  jjives  it  the  jmbheity 
for  M-hieh  it  was  desiRned.  Sometimes  it  is  dimoiineed  how 
the  prominent  uian  is  jroiiiK  to  vote  at  the  next  election.  A 
short  paragraph  will  state  that  .Jndge  So-and-So,  or  Dr.  Blanlt, 
an  eminent  elergyman,  is  goiiifr  to  "Itolt"  the  presidential  or 
State  ticket  of  his  party  ;  and  perhaps  the  reasons  as.xigned 
for  his  conduct  fc'low.  ( )f  the  same  nature,  hut  more  elahorate, 
ii  the  interview,  in  which  th(>  jjrominent  man  uidjosonis  him- 
self to  a  reporter,  giving  his  view  of  the  political  position  in  a 
manner  less  formal  and  ohtrusiv(>,  l»ut  not  less  effective  than 
that  of  a  letter  to  the  editor.  Sometimes,  at  the  editor's  sug- 
gestion, or  of  his  own  motion,  a  hrisk  reporter  waits  on  the 
leading  citizen  and  invites  the  expression  of  his  views,  which 
is  rarely  refused,  though,  of  course,  it  may  l)e  given  in  a  guarded 
and  unsatisfying  way.  Sometimes  the  leading  citizen  him- 
self, when  he  has  a  fact  on  which  to  comment,  or  views  to 
communicate,  sends  for  the  report<'r,  who  is  only  too  glad  to 
attend.  The  plan  has  ma!iy  conveniences,  among  which  is 
the  possihility  of  disavowing  any  particular  phrase  as  one 
which  has  failed  to  convey  the  speaker's  tnie  meaning.  All 
these  devices  help  the  men  of  eminence  to  impress  their  ideas 
on  the  puhlic,  while  they  show  that  there  is  a  part  of  the  puhUc 
which  desires  such  guidance. 

Taking  the  American  press  all  in  all,  it  seems  to  serve  the 
expression,  and  suhserve  the  formation,  of  puhlic  opinion  mon; 
fully  than  does  the  press  of  any  part  of  the  European  continent, 
and  not  less  fully  than  that  of  England.  Individual  newspapers 
and  those  who  write  in  them  may  enjoy  less  power  than  is  the 
case  in  some  countries  of  th(>  Old  World  ;  hut  if  this  he  so,  the 
cause  is  to  he  found  in  the  fact  that  the  journals  lay  themselves 
out  to  give  news  rather  than  views,  that  they  are  less  generally 
bound  to  a  particular  party,  and  that  readers  are,  except  at 
critical  moments,  less  warmly  interested  in  politics  than  are 
educated  Englishmen,  hecaus(>  other  topics  claim  a  relatively 
larger  part  of  their  attention.  The  American  pr(\ss  may  not 
be  above  the  moral  level  of  the  average  good  citizen,  —  in  no 
country  does  one  either  expect  or  find  it  to  he  so,  —  but  it  is 


2S0 


PHHLrC  OPINION 


■, 


PAHT   IV 

l."  war  WH«..<|  ...^.uns,  ,1,,...  w.,rthi..s,  ,1...  l^Mn    u.  I    '  ron. 
r.'  orm  l.y  <l,.a««iM«  ...,rru,,,ioM  f,.  i/kI,,        ''  "' '  '"  """  '""'''"  "^ 

0mMmm 

of  llu.  ,-,„u,l,v  i„  its  HH,    I   V     T,         ""■;""■■"'  "'■"li.n.'nt 

or  «v,.  ,iis,,.n,i„,  Vi!:;:  s"    ;.;,;■■';''::":;  ;,f  7,"'/""^ 

of  »„,■!,  fri,.,„ls,  l,v  „.,■„„,.  h,.  .-an  1.  I  ,;    ,'-','■'  "  "'"■'" 

typic-al  r«.pr..s(.nt:,ti\vs  of  i,„lifi..Tl      .  .  '''*"'"    "'"^ 

■We.  i,,  usually  l„.|,l  ,,„»„„,  pn.-Hr,'  Moo,   si    '';,"' 

o  ....  as,,,,,,.,.  .i,.„„,,,s, f  ,„ ,  „ .:    ;'^^'^;  :: 

lion.      UJiciMiisTnicli()riis,|,.siiV(i  i|,,.|,.,|,;,  |.  ,     .•        ,   "'" 

m,,,, „r „.„,.,„ „i,,. .., „.,„„,„ ,,„',:;;:',;;;■',:   ■™~;'-™,;; 


CHAP.    LXXIX 


OlKiANS  OK  IMULIC  OPINION 


2Sl 


si'nators  a:;  I  cx-si'iiators  to  iifccpt  such  frcs.  The  iiu-ctiiiKH 
(luring  all  election  cHiiip.i.^ii,  wliitli  ate  iminerou.s  enough,  do 
not  always  provide  ar>;iiiueiit;itive  speaking,  for  those  wh(» 
attend  are  assumed  to  Se  ail  memhers  of  one  party,  sound 
already,  and  needing  nolliini,!;  l>iit  an  extra  dose  of  enthusiasm  ; 
hut  sitice  first  the  protective  lariti'  and  thereafter  silver  and  the 
furrency  IxM-anie  leadinj;  i-^-iic-,  the  j)ro|)ortion  of  reasoning 
to  decliunation  has  increased.  Memhers  of  ( "onuress  do  not 
deliver  such  annual  discourses  to  their  constituents  as  it  Jias 
hecojue  the  fashion  for  menilters  of  the  House  of  Commons  to 
deliver  in  Knujland  ;  and  have  indeed  altogether  an  easier  time 
of  it  as  regards  speakinjr,  thouuih  a  far  h.arder  one  as  regards  the 
K<'ttinK  of  places  for  their  constituents.  American  visitors  to 
I'jiKland  .seem  surprised  and  even  a  little  edified  when  tliey  find 
how  jimch  meetings  are  ma<le  to  do  thi-re  in  tin-  way  of  elicitinu 
an<l  cultivatiny;  opinion  amonj^  the  electors.  I  have  often  lieard 
them  praise  the  ilnf^ii^h  custom,  and  e.xpn-ss  the  wish  that  it 
prevailecl  in  their  own  country. 

As  the  ceaseless  desire  of  every  pui)lic  maii  is  to  know  which 
way  the  people  are  K'>inK.  Jmd  as  the  polls  are  the  oidy  sure 
in<lex  of  opinion,  every  election,  however  small,  is  watched 
with  close  attention.  Now  elections  ;':<•  in  the  United  States 
a.s  plentiful  .as  revolutions  in  Peru.  The  vote  cast  for  each 
party  in  a  city,  or  .State  legislature  dislrict,  or  congressional 
district,  or  State,  at  the  last  previous  election,  is  compared 
with  that  now  cast,  and  inferences  drawn  as  to  what  will  hap,- 
pen  at  the  next  State  or  presidential  ejection.  Special  interest 
attaches  to  the  State  |)ollinj!;s  that  imniciliately  precede  a  presi- 
dential election,  for  they  not  only  indicate  the  momentary 
temper  of  the  j)articul.ir  voters  luit  tell  upon  the  country  k'""- 
erally,  affectinu;  that  lar^e  niunlier  who  wish  to  he  on  the  win- 
ning side.  .\s  happens  in  the  similar  case  of  what  are  called 
"hy-electlons"  to  the  Hou>;'  of  Commons  in  lliifiland,  too  much 
weight  is  f';er"rally  attril)Ufeil  to  these  contests,  which  are  some- 
times, thouj^h  less  l're(iuently  than  in  Mnnland,  decided  i>y 
purely  local  causes.  .Such  elections,  however,  give  the  people 
ojjportunities  of  ex|)ressinj;  their  displeasure  at  any  recent 
miscoutluct  ciiaigeaiile  (o  a  p.ii  I  \ ,  and  scirnelijins  lead  llie 
})arty  juanagers  to  repent  in  time  and  change  (heir  course  he- 
fore  the  graver  struggle  arri\es. 

Associations  are  created,  extended,  and  worked  in  the  United 


282 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


r;1. 


si 

I*  •').■ 


\il-H 


El-!, 


PART  IX 

than  in  the  promptitucie  XreS  the  ,  e/^''  ''^"^''-  '^^'"^ 
for  a  common  object  is  taken  nn  in  h  "^  ""  organization 
that  makes  every  !,ne  ^^^otins^star  hl^rnr  [""■^""^ 
m  the  practical,  business-like  tun  vvh  c  n  "  '"*'?  '"^  f'^'^^^' 
with  take.     Thus  in  1SS4  7h,:      ...  ^^"  'h.cussions  forth- 

finding  difficult^  in  dr^in«    hi   r;"";''  ''V'''''^'"^'  ^^-^^ 
ming  and  Montana,  .sudcl'ly tnU^^^^^^^^^^  ^^.^Vyo-' 

Chicago  which  presented  a  »lan  fr,r  fht     /  m      *  convention  in 
route  from  South  to  Nmth    and  r.    I      f  ^^'''?''"*  "^  ^ '^''^ad 
for  obtaining  the  nece:s^a  y  ieg"hS    "1^  !'""  ^'"'"  ^'^"^- 
concerned  nith  associations  o^ror^^nT^    T'''''  '''  '''' 
propagating  opinion.     The  ^.re  "tor  TJl    Tl  ^"'J^'^'^'^^f^  and 
societies,  ramify  .,ver  the  cCn^rv  T  i'      ^^  ^' **'"  *^'"'I'^''«"^^ 
political  organiz'ation  whrch  Cos  ^StT'T  '  '""''^'^  '' 
dential  contests.     Nearly  every   ''oaiHe ''  .7.    7^"  '"  ^^^^^'■ 
nom,c,  or  social,  has  something  of  the  k  nd    '"  r.^'"^' • '   '^"- 
or  committees  are  often  formed  in  ^li     T         .^  associations 
politicians  in  the  interests  n    n^-  n         ,"  '"'^'''^^^  *^'^  ^^^^^in,. 
important  election  calls  inffl^'^^'  '■'^"""  '  ^^'"1*'  ^very 
clubs,"  which  wo'rrv^Ue  t  ^tZ^:  uT'"'  r'  "--r>aign 
solved.     For   these   money   is    soon   fnlf  h  '  '"     ^''  *^'"  ^'■'^- 
Plentiful  than  in  Europe  and  snhserib    I      '"'"'"'^ '■  '*   ''   ">«re 
cal  purposes.  ^  '         «"^''«'-'^>^<'  more  readily  for  politi- 

principles,  submit  pI^I^^LX^I::^!;;^^^'  ^^^ate 
produce  that  impression  of  »  «r>.  i  stimulate  their  members, 
so  far  towards  succ^H  t  f  a  s;SMic""r'"'  "^'^'^  ^"- 
Possu.t  ,uia  posse  -/../.r  s  c  ^^  tn^  in"t"""*'^'^^  P'^^"^- 
the  spectators  as  well  as  the  acto  s  ,e  ause  th  "'''  '""  ''^''''^' 
strength  gathers  recruits  as  well  as  n  ^  T  i  «PP<'arance  of 
combatants.  Unexpe(-te(Nupnlr.rh  I  f  '"'"  '^'  ""^'""' 
If  it  be  truethat  individullityis tot^^^^  T"«  ---• 

and  self-reliant  statesmen  or  pulX^.  ft  "  i^    '"""^'■•^ '  •^*''""« 
greater  is  the  value  of  this  In^         f  "  ^"'''  '"  '""^'h  the 

creates  new  centres  o     Z^t^i  1  Jr"""''  T^" '''■"''"'"'  f"'"  ^^ 
causes  and  unpopular  <^^"rin"   i^ "  ,f  i^r  T'^  ^""'"^ 

noss.     But  in  any  case  tlu-v  aro     -f;  ■^"  ™*  aggressive- 

tendencies  at  work  and  thX^  l^S  C^S^^^  ^ 


CHAP.    LXXIX 


ORGANS  OP  PUniJC  OPINION 


283 


watchinR  the  ;it,tcn< lance  at  the  meetings,  the  lanfjiiage  held, 
the  amount  of  zeal  displayed,  a  careful  observer  can  discover 
what  ideas  are  getting  hold  of  the  popular  mind. 

One  significant  difference  Ix^tween  the  formation  and  expres- 
sion of  opinion  in  the  I'niteil  States  and  in  Europe  remains  to 
he  noted.  In  England  and  Wales  over  half  of  the  poi)ulation 
was  in  1911  to  he  found  in  sixty  cities  with  a  population  exceed- 
ing 5(),00().  In  France  opinion  Is  mainly  produced  in,  and  pohcy, 
excei)t  upon  a  few  of  the  broadest  issues  dictated  l)y,  the  urban 
population,  though  its  number  falls  much  t)elow  that  of  the  rural. 
In  America  th(>  cities  with  a  population  exceeding  50,000  inhab- 
itants were  in  1010  one  hundred  and  nine  with  an  aggregate 
population  of  about  24,oO(),()00,  little  more  than  25  per  cent  of 
the  total  population.  The  number  of  jiersons  to  the  s(juare 
mile  was  in  1911  018  in  England  and  Wales,  and  was  in  the 
contim'ntal  United  States  (1910),  30.9.  Hence  those  inHuences 
formative  of  opinion  which  city  life  jjroduces,  the  presence  of 
political  leaders,  the  influence  they  ))ersonally  diffuse,  the 
striking  out  and  testing  of  ideas  in  conversation,  may  tell 
somewhat  less  on  the  American  than  tliey  do  on  the  English 
people.  crowd(Ml  together  in  their  little  island,  and  would  tell 
much  less  but  for  the  stronger  social  instincts  of  the  Americans 
and  the  more  general  hal)it  of  reatling  daily  newspa})ers. 

In  endeavouring  to  gather  the  tendencies  of  jjopular  opinion, 
the  task  of  an  American  statesman  is  in  some  respects  easier 
than  that  of  his  English  com])(>er.  As  social  distinctions  count 
for  less  in  America,  tlie  sam(>  tendi>ncies  are  more  generally 
and  uniforndy  diffused  through  all  classes,  and  it  is  not  necessary 
to  discount  so  many  special  jioints  of  difference  which  may 
affect  the  result.  As  .social  intercourse  is  easier,  and  there  is 
less  gene,  between  a  person  in  the  high(>r  and  one  in  the  humbler 
ranks,  a  man  can  better  })ick  up  in  conversation  the  sentiments 
of  his  poorer  neighbours.  Moreover,  th(>  nunii)er  of  persons 
who  belong  to  neither  party,  or  on  whom  party  allegiance  sits 
loosely,  is  relatively  smaller  than  in  England,  so  t'.'e  unpredict- 
able vote —  the  doul)tful  elcmrnt  which  inchides  those  called 
in  England  "arm-chair  politicians"  (l(»(>s  not  so  much  disturb 
calculations.  Xevertlieless,  the  task  of  discerning  changes  and 
predicting  cons(>(iuences  is  always  a  difficult  one.  in  which  the 
most  skilful  observers  may  (mt.  Pul)li<'  (i|)inion  does  not  tell 
quite  so  quickly  or  quite  so  directly  up<jn  legislative  bodies  as 


284 


PfBLrc^  (HMXrON 


I 


I'.'- 


PAUT   IV 

in  KnKlan.l   ,u,t  that  J..«islators  ,1.,  n...  uisi,  <o  km.^v^    hni  Zi 

moment  .losiro      I,.a,l,.rs  1  n  t  1-     ""  ^''"P'''  ^*  *'"■ 

not  be  hurried       V  stitosrC  ,   '<  '^^  ^lon.    1  he  people  must 

ine  sy,npathy  with  his  eountrv  n  n      n  '  '"  ^""'" 

knowius  whereto  lool-  f...  f   .  •  .      possesses  th.>  art.  of 


CHAITKR   lAXX 


* 


NATIONAL,   CHAHACTKiasTK'S   AS    MOIILDINC    IMJHLIC   OPINION 

As  llic  pulilir  upiiiioii  of  a  people  is  evei'  more  directly  than 
its  political  institutions  the  reflection  ami  expression  of  its  char- 
acter, we  may  bejijin  the  analysis  of  opinion  in  America  by  noting 
some  of  tl-.os(>  j^eneral  features  of  national  character  which  give 
tone  and  cohnirto  the  pe()i)Ie's  thoughts  and  feelings  on  politics. 
There  are,  of  I'ourse,  varieties  pro|)er  to  dilTerent  classes,  and 
to  (lifTerent  parts  of  the  vast  territory  of  the  Union  ;  but  it  is 
well  to  consider  first  such  characteristics  as  belong  to  th(>  nation 
as  a  whole,  and  afterwards  to  examine  the  various  classes  and  dis- 
tricts of  the  country.  And  when  I  speak  of  the  nation,  I  mean 
the  native  Americans.  \\l>at  follows  is  not  applicable  to  the 
recent  immigrants  from  Eiuope,  and,  of  cours(>,  even  less  appli- 
cable to  the  Southern  negro(>s. 

The  Americans  ar(>  a  good-natured  people,  kindly,  helpful  to 
one  another,  disiiosed  to  take  a  charitai)U'  view  even  of  wrong- 
doers. Their  anger  sometimes  flames  up,  but  the  fire  is  soon 
extinct.  Xowliere  is  cruelty  more  al)tiorred.  Kven  a  mob 
lynching  a  horse  thief  in  tlie  West  lias  consideration  for  the 
criminal,  and  will  give  him  a  good  drink  of  whiskey  before  he  is 
strung  up.  Cruelty  to  slaves  was  imusiial  while  slavery  lasted, 
the  b(>st  proof  of  whii'li  is  th(>  (luietiiess  of  the  slavc-s  dm'ing  the 
war  when  all  the  men  and  many  of  the  boys  of  the  South  were 
serving  in  the  ( 'onfe<lerate  armies.  As  everybody  knows,  juries 
are  more  lenient  to  ollVnces  of  all  kinds  but  one,  ofTences  again.st 
women,  than  they  are  anywhere  in  lOurope.  Th(>  Southern 
"rebels"  were  soon  forgiven:  an<l  though  civil  wars  are  pro- 
verbially bitter,  tlu-re  have  been  few  struggles  in  which  the 
combatants  did  i^o  many  little  friendly  ;icts.  for  one  anotluT, 
few  in  which  evi-n  the  vanciuished  have  so  (|uickly  buried  their 
resentments.  It  is  true  that  newspapers  and  i)ul)lic  speakers 
say  hard  things  of  their  oppoiK  iits  ;  l»ut  this  is  a  part  of  the 

■263 


286 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


i-i 


Part  iv 

game,  and  is  besides  a  way  of  reliovm„fj   •  7~^- 
is  sometimes  tho  lou.ler  hw/n  ,t  t,nf  l^Ti^  ^"'''"^^^    t'^^^ '>ark 
•     VmcHctivenoss  sJiovvn    by  a  nubl.V  In  -T^'  "°*  ^"""^^• 

approval,   and  the  max  m  Cf  U  ,      "■'■''*'"^  ^^^^''a^  '''«- 

pushed  so  far  that  an  Snder's  nl^,   T'""  'f  '^^'^""'^"^  '« 
whent.u.you.httobereSe^j'  ^:;^,;-  "^^^  ^^-^otten 

century  as  Ihe  rich  ^rt^^  '''"T''''  ^'"  "''-^^"'"th 

Nor  is  this  sense  of^^hiietu'^T^on?    "*'"*!" '''«^*^™*'>- 
brilliant  writers.     It  irTffZT  '"^^' '''''^''''^^^ 

colours  their  ordinary  hfe  f^d'^^'^t/'"'  .t^'l  '""^"'^  '  >^ 
tivoly   new   flavour  wh  eh  T\^J  T  *''^''  ^'^^^  ^"«t'"c- 

capaeity  for  enjoyi„ra    ioke         ' '?  .f'"*^^  ^"J"^"^-     ^'^eir 

UlustratedattheStof   herSTvL*';r^         ""'^  «^''">^ 
ment,  by  the  merrinu^nt  whth  ,  •  '     A""^  "^  ■^*''''"  ^^^^tc- 

the  Fe,ieral  troops  a  ?Lb.i^Tn^?n*'"'  ^''^'^*-^'  "'^''^at  of 
M.  Tweed  was  ru  i.^.  1^,  ;!"'>?""  i^""-  ^^"'"■"  William 
the  bench  men  who  were  lenh  n?  r?\^'''^'  '^"'^  ^'^*'  '^^'t  «» 
found  the  situation  !o  arnush  l  E  h  "^  /"''"^'  ^'"  ^'*'^-« 
angry.  Mueh  of  Presi^S  Snmin'!^''''  ^'r^'  ''"•««*  *«  ^'« 
LsoofthegiftheshouT    f.rn  popularity,   and   much 

^t  the  dar4t  trtn;,    thenar "f  '"f '''""  ^"  ^^^  ""^^^ 
way  he  used  to  turn    hinL  l  '      '  ^  ^l^"  *^'  *'^^  humorous 

be^im.inmea.;:j^:;tb:;r^::?j^:^r^-^-  «^  - 

with  the  belief  in  orila  s  n  f '"f  ^"T'^tors  were  penetrated 
get  amusen.ent  outTt'v.h  .f^^^^^  -^•^''  *« 

which  it  produces  mav  be  nv^  ^"  "^  .''"''"*  "^  seriousness 
its  significance  ;  or Zn  e  hZu'''7J  }[''"''  ''■'^-  ^'"^  it  has 
use,  a-s  we  see  me-^  ^Tw  into  "^^^^ 

caiSg^hi^elr  nr;;L;^];::r  z  -^^  ^^-  -^  '-^^  - 

their  veins  the  bounding  pX'cJ  vouth'T'"^  """\^''  '^'•'  '" 
of  years  stretching  out  b,.  orVthom  ^1  "?  ^  ^""^  ''''^^ 

timeenoughtc,cureallthe    fa^.If  7'        '''"'''  ^'^^'^  "*"  ''^ve 
that  block  their  r.ath      tI-  '  ^V;?''-.^"'"^'  all  the  obstacles 

with  its  still  onlvhalf-exnln,;,)   "  r     *'"""»""«  territory 


CHAP.    LXXX 


NATIONAL  CHARACTERISTICS 


287 


trast  the  comfort  and  intelligence  of  their  labouring  classes  with 
the  condition  of  the  masses  in  tiie  Old  World.  They  remember 
the  dangers  that  so  long  threatened  the  Union  from  the  slave 
power,  and  the  rebellion  it  raised,  and  see  jjcace  and  harmony 
now  restored,  the  South  more  prosperous  and  contested  than 
at  any  previous  epoch,  perfect  good  feeling  between  all  sections 
of  the  country.  It  is  natural  for  them  to  believe  in  their  star. 
And  this  sanguine  temper  makes  them  tolerant  of  evils  which 
they  regard  as  transitory,  removable  as  soon  as  time  can  be 
found  to  root  them  u|). 

They  have  unbounded  faith  in  what  they  call  the  Peoi)le 
and  in  a  democratic  system  of  government.  The  great  States 
of  the  European  contment  an'  distracted  by  the  contests  of 
RepubHcans  and  Monarchists,  and  of  rich  and  poor,  —  contests 
which  go  down  to  the  foundations  of  government,  and  in  France 
are  further  embittered  by  religious  j^assicms.  Even  in  England 
the  ancient  Constitution  is  always  under  repair,  and  while 
some  think  it  is  being  ruined  by  changes,  others  hold  that 
further  changes  are  needed  to  make  it  tolerable.  No  .such 
questions  trouble  nsitive  American  minds,  for  most  men  believe, 
and  everybody  declares,  that  the  frame  of  government  is  in 
its  main  lines  so  excellent  that  such  reforms  as  seem  called 
for  need  not  touch  those  lines,  but  are  required  only  to  protect 
the  Constitution  from  being  perverted  by  the  i)arties.  Hence 
a  further  confidence  that  the  people  are  sure  to  flecide  right 
in  the  long  run,  a  confidence  inevitable  and  essential  in  a  govern- 
ment which  refers  every  question  to  the  arbitrament  of  numbers. 
There  have,  of  course,  been  instances  where  the  once  insignifi- 
cant minority  proved  to  have  been  wiser  than  the  majority  of 
the  moment.  Such  was  eminently  the  case  in  the  great  slavery 
struggle.  But  here  the  minority  prevailed  by  growing  into 
a  maj- rity  as  events  develoixvl  the  real  issues,  so  that  this  also 
has  l.cen  deemed  a  ground  for  holding  that  all  minorities  which 
have  ri  ;ht  on  their  side  will  bring  round  their  antagonists,  and 
in  the  long  run  win  by  voting  power.  If  you  ask  an  intelligent 
citizen  why  he  so  holds,  he  will  answer  that  truth  and  justice 
are  sure  to  make  their  way  into  the  minds  and  consciences  of  the 
majority.  This  is  deemed  an  axiom,  and  the  more  readily  so 
deemed  because  truth  is  identifieil  with  common  .sense,  the 
quahty  which  the  average  citizen  is  most  confidently  proud  of 
possessing. 


288 


PCIUJC  OPINION 


PAUT    It 


lil 


Ihis  fediuK  sluulrs  oir  into  allot  luT,  cxtcrimlly  like  it,  but  at 
Lottom  .hstmct  the  tV..linK  not  only  that  th.-  majority,  1... 
It  riglit  or  wrong,  will  and  must  prevail,  but  that  its  k-ing  the 
majority  prov,>s  it  to  bo  right.  This  itlea,  which  appears  in 
the  guise  sometimes  of  piety  aiul  sometimes  of  fatalism,  seems 
to  be  no  contemptii>le  factor  in  th.'  prc'sent  character  of  the 
people.     It  will  be  more  fully  dealt  with  in  a  later  chapter 

The  native  Americans  are  an  ..hicated  people,  compared  with 
the  whole  mass  of  the  population  in  any  European  country 
except  .Switzerland,  ,,arts  of  (iermany.  Norway,  Icelan.l,  and 
Scotland;  that  i.s  to  say,  the  average  of  knowledge  is  higher, 
tlie  habit  of  reading  and  thinking  more  gemTallv  diffused,  than 
in  any  other  country.     Th.-y  know  the  Constitution  of  their 
own  country  they  follow  public  attairs,  th.y  join  in  local  gov- 
ernment  ami  l,.arn  from  it  how  government  must  be  carried  on 
ami  in  particular  how  discu.ssion  nmst  be  conducted  in  meet- 
ings and  Its  results  tested  at  elections.     The  Town  Alec^tit.g  was 
for  New  England  the  most  perfect  school  of  self-gov(>rnment 
in  any  modern  country.      In  villages,   men  used  to  ..xerciso 
their  muKls  on  theological  questions,  debating  points  of  Chris- 
tian  doctrine  with  no  small  acuteness.     Women  in  particular, 
pick  up  at  the  public  schools  and  from  the  popular  magazines 
tar  more  miscellaneous  information  than  the  women  of  any  Eu- 
ropean country  p<3s.sess,  and  this  naturally  t(>lls  on  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  men.     Almost  everywhere  one  fin.ls  women's  clubs 
in  which  literary,  artistic,  and  social  questions  are  <liscussed, 
^"^  *"  y.^'^'*'  ,'"™."f  '"^'•k  are  brought  to  deliver  krtures. 

That  the  education  of  the  ,na.sses  is  nevertheless  a  super- 
iU,Z  ';'";';^.*'';"  ^''^/^-it'^out  saying.  It  is  sufficient  to  enable 
th.m  to  think  they  know  something  about  the  great  problems 
of  politics:  insuhicient  to  show  them  how  little  thev  know. 
injf       ^^''■'";'.''t'"-y    scliool    gives    everybody   th(>    key  to 

lot  time  to  teach  him  how  to  use-  the  k,>y,  whose  use  is  in  fact, 
l.y  the  pr(.ssure  of  .laily  work,  almost  confined  to  th(>  newspaper 
fTn  *';M"^^^^'"^'-  ^"  '^-^  "'^y  .<ay  that  if  the  political  elluca- 
t    "  vL!      ^7'"^.«'\'>"«''-i''^^'^  voter  be  compared  with  that  of 

w  th        f  '1      '"  '•";"";•  "  ■^^^'"•'•^  '''^'''  •  '^"t  if  it  be  compared 

vith  i...  nmctions  which  the  theory  of  the  American  government 

lavs  on  him,  which  its  spirit  implies,  which  the-  mc>thods  of  its 

party  organi/'ition  assum..,  its  inadequacy  is  manifest      Thii 


niAP.  i.xxx 


NATIONAL  (  IIAUA( TKUISTirS 


2S!I 


oltHervution,  liowcvcr,  is  not  so  iiiuch  a  reproach  to  tlit'  schools, 
which  j2;cii('rally  tlo  what  Eii^Usli  schools  omit  -  instruct  the 
child  in  the  jjrinciplcs  of  the  Constitution  —  as  a  trii)Utc  to  the 
height  of  the  i(!  'al  wiiich  the  American  conception  of  poj)ular 
rule  sets  up. 

For  the  functions  of  the  citizen  are  not,  as  has  hitherto  been 
the  case  in  J^urope,  confined  to  the  choosing  of  legislators,  who 
iire  then  left  to  settle  issues  of  j)olicy  and  select  executive  rulers. 
The  American  citizen  is  one  of  the  governors  of  the  Rt-puhlic. 
Issues  are  decided  and  rulers  .si'lected  I)}'  the  direct  jjopular  vote. 
Elections  are  so  frequent  that  to  do  his  duty  at  them  a  citizen 
ought  to  l>e  constantly  watching  public  afTairs  with  a  full  com- 
prehension of  the  princi})les  involved  in  them,  and  a  judgment 
of  the  candidates  d<'rived  from  a  criticism  of  their  arguments 
as  well  as  a  recollection  of  their  past  careers.  The  instruction 
received  in  the  conunon  schools  and  from  the  newspapers,  and 
supposed  to  l)e  developed  by  the  i)ractice  of  primaries  and  con- 
ventions, while  it  makes  the  voter  deem  himself  capable  of 
governing,  does  not  fit  him  to  weigh  the  real  merits  of  statesmen, 
to  discern  the  true  grounds  on  which  questions  ought  to  be  de- 
cided, to  note  the  drift  of  events  and  di.scover  the  direction  in 
which  parties  are  being  carried.  He  is  like  a  sailor  who  knows 
the  spars  and  ropes  of  the  ship  and  is  expert  in  woi-king  her,  but 
is  ignorant  of  geography  and  navigation  ;  who  can  perceive 
that  some  of  the  officers  are  smart  and  others  dull,  but  cannot 
judge  which  of  them  is  qualified  to  use  the  sextant  or  will  best 
keep  his  head  during  a  hurricane. 

They  are  a  moral  and  well-conducted  people.  Setting  aside 
the  adluvies  gentium  which  one  finds  in  Western  mining  camps, 
now  largely  filled  by  recent  immigrants,  and  which  popular 
literature  has  presented  to  Europeans  as  far  larger  than  it  really 
is,  setting  aside  also  the  ral)ble  of  a  few  great  cities  and  the 
negroes  of  the  South,  the  average  of  t(>mperance,  chastity, 
truthfulness,  and  general  probity  is  somewhat  higher  than  in 
any  of  the  great  nations  of  Europe^.  The  instincts  of  the  native 
farmer  or  artisari  are  almost  invarial)ly  kindly  and  charitable. 
He  respects  the  law ;  he  is  deferential  to  women  and  indulgent 
to  children  ;  he  attaches  an  almost  excessive  value  to  the  pos- 
session of  a  genial  manner  and  the  observance  of  domestic  duti(>s. 

They  are  also  —  and  h(Te  again  I  mean  the  jjcople  of  nalive 
American  stock,  es|K'cially  in  the  Eastern  and  Middle  State . ,  on 
u 


290 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART  IV 


■•;1 


the  whole,  a  rehgious  ,„H,,,Ie.     It  is  not  invrvly  that  they  resn,.ct 
rehyon  and  its  nmusfrs,  »or  that  tme  n.iKht  sav  „f     uH  , 
Siahans,  not  mer..|y  ihut  they  are  a.ssi,hu,u.s  ehur.-l  -ro  '  1 
Sunday-school    teachers,    l.ut    that    they    hav    an    in    -Len 
interest  in  the  f..rn.  of  faith  they  ,.roL.  are      ou sl^tS 
«u,,er«t,t.on,   and   zealous   without   l,i«otrv.     The   inirr    n 
wh,eh  some  st,ll.  lh.,u,li  ail  nu.eh  less  th^tn  former  Ht^. 
to  doKmata;  propositions,  .Iocs  not  prevent  them  from  fjl 
the  moral  side  of  their  th.-ology.     Christianity  inlluenees  m^ 
duct,  not  .nde.Hl  half  as  much  as  in  tlu^ory  it  ouRht    lu    nr 
ably  more  than  it  does  in  any  other  modern  country     a     far 
more  than  it  did  in  the  so-called  uKe.«s  (,f  faith 

haze  of  self-complac..nt  sentiment.     The  d,.sire  to  expunge  or 
cure  the^y,.s,|,h>  evils  of  the  world  is  strong.     Nowh,.  e  ^e    o 
many  philanthropic  and  n-formatory  agencies  at  work      Zeal 
outruns  discretion,  outruns  th.-  possil.ilities  of  the  cai   inl  o 
a  few  of  the  efforts  made,  as  well  l>y  legislation  as  l^  volu  tary 

Religion  apart,  they  are  an  unreverential  people.  I  do  not 
mean  irreverent,  --  far  from  it ;  nor  do  I  mein  that  they  have 
not  a  great  capacity  for  hero-worship,  as  they  have  many  a  Vfme 

questions  —  political,  economical,  or  social  —  to  defer  to  the 

seZrE  .    r-"'?  ";'  T'  T  '^^'^^^"^  -■^*-^'^*"'  ^h-  them! 

and    elf  i;  i'nt      S       "''  '"  T"^*'  ''"  ""^'■^•'•'"^''  indepemlent 
ana  selt-reliant.     Hv  goes  early  into  the  world  •  he  is  left  tn 

make  his  way  alone  ;  he  tries  one  occupation  after'anoti  .  if  tl  e 
each  man  is  his  own  best  helper  aiul  advis,>r.     Thus  he  is  led   I 

tTatTutT'f"  '""Ik'T  n  "^""""'^-  ^"^  ^— •  tho:e  whodo 

need  of  •  "^  ^Y  ^""  ^'''''  ^"'■"^"^^  *^"™'  ^""^  ^^>  ^-'1  "ttle 

need  of  aid  from  otluTs  tcnvards  corrc-cting  tlu^m.     TIutc  is 

therefore,  less  disposition  than  in  Kuro,,e  to  expc.-t  lig  It    i.  d 

leading  on  public  affairs  from  sneakeri  or  wri  e  s.     (  rlt'y 

Special  knowledge,  which  command,  d.ference  in  aj.plied  scienc^ 
or  m  finance,  does  not  command  it  in  politics,  because  tha    is 
not  deemed  a  special  subject,  but  one  within  the  co        eh  t  o 
of  every  practical  man.     Politics  is,  to  be  sure,  a  profLion'^d 


CHAP.    LXXX 


NATIONAL  ('l!ARA('TKmsT!(\S 


201 


1 

J 


so  far  might  seem  to  need  profcssionjil  iiptitudcs.  Rut  the 
profesisional  i«)litici!m  is  not  the  inua  who  has  studii'd  Htatt's- 
manship,  but  tiic  man  who  has  jjractisctl  tho  art  of  running 
convent  ions  uiid  wiMJiin^  ricctioris. 

Even  tnat  str()U>t  point  of  Anicrica,  tlic  (•((mplctcncsH  and  highly 
popular  characttT  ot  local  govcriuncnf,  contrihutcs  to  lower  the 
standard  of  attainment  expected  in  a  puiilic  man,  liccause  the 
citizens  judge  of  all  i)oiitics  \>y  the  politics  they  see  first  and 
know  best,  those  of  their  township  or  city,  —  and  fancy  that 
he  who  is  fit  to  l)e  selectman,  or  county  eoiiunissioner,  or  alder- 
man, is  fit  to  sit  in  the  great  council  of  the  nation.  Like  the 
shepherd  in  N'irgil,  they  tliink  the  only  difTerenc);  between  their 
town  and  Home  is  in  its  size,  and  believe  that  what  does  for 
Lafayetteville  will  do  well  enough  for  \Vashingt(»n.  Hence  when 
a  man  of  statesmanlike  gifts  appears,  hi-  has  little  encouragement 
to  take  a  high  uiid  stutesniiinlike  tone,  for  his  words  do  not  neces- 
sarily receive  weight  from  his  position.  He  fears  to  be  instruc- 
tive or  hortatory,  lest  such  an  attitude  should  expose  him  to 
ridicule;  and  in  .Vmerica  ridicule  is  h  terrible  power.  Nothing 
escapes  it.  Few  have  the  courage  to  face  it.  In  the  indulgence 
of  it  even  this  humane  race  can  be  unfeeling. 

They  are  a  busy  people.  I  have  already  observed  that  the 
leisured  chiss  is  relatively  small,  is  in  fact  confined  to  a  few 
Eastern  cities.  Th(>  citizen  has  little  time  to  tliink  about  polit- 
ical prol)lems.  Engro.ssing  all  the  working  hours,  his  avoca- 
tion leaves  him  only  stray  moments  for  this  fiuidamenta!  duty. 
It  is  true  that  he  aihnits  his  responsibilities,  considers  himself 
a  member  of  ;i  parly,  takes  some  interest  in  current  events. 
But  although  he  would  reject  the  idea  that  his  thinking  shouhl 
be  done  f(}r  him.  he  has  not  leisure  to  di  it  for  himself,  and  must 
practically  lean  ui)on  and  follow  his  party.  It  astonished  me  in 
1870  and  18S1  to  find  how  small  a  paf-t  politics  jjlayed  in  con- 
versation among  the  hest  e(lu<'ate<l  classes  and  generally  in  the 
cities.  Since  iSlMi  then>  has  been  a  livelier  and  more  constant 
interest  in  public  affairs  :  yet  ev(Mi  now  business  matterssooccupy 
the  mind  of  tlie  finiincial  and  connnercial  clas.ses,  and  athletic 
competitions  the  minds  of  the  uneducated  classes  and  of  the 
younger  sort  in  ;dl  classes,  that  political  questions  are  apt,  except 
at  critical  moments,  to  fall  into  tlie  background.'      In  a  presi- 

'  Till'  inorciiscd  spaci'  trhcii  to  ntlilttio  and  cuiiii'S  of  :J1  sort.s  in  tho  news- 
papers marks  a  change  iu  puljlic  taste  nu  less  atriking  here  than  it  is  in  Britain. 


2U2 


PIBLIC;  OPINION 


■i 


PAHT  IT 

dontial  year  and  especially  durinR  (ho  months  of  apresid^^ 
n««pa,Kn  then-  ,s.  of  .-ourse,  alxnulanoe  of  private  talk,  Iwel 

s  of  pu  .1...  sp<.Hk.nK,  l.ut  ev..n  then  th..  issues  raised  ar^  ZX 
Personal  rather  than  political  in  the  Europ..an  sens,..     ^Z 
other  tunes  the  vs.tor  is  apt  to  f.vl  -  num.,  I  think,  tha     he 
f.-els  anywhere  m   IJritui.i  -  that   his  host  has  |,e<.n  Cir^ 
F)ress,H    by  lus  own  hnsin,.ss  ..otuvrns  dnrin^  the  day  and  that 
when  th..  hour  <,f  relaxation  arrives  he  «ladly'turns  tin  ^    l      , 
"lore  aKre(.al.le  topies  than  the  stat,.  of  the  nation.     Tht  rem"  k 
IS  .^ss  applH.Hl,lo  t(,  th,.  ,hvell,.rs  in  villaK,.s.     Ther,.  is  ph'nt v  of 
P<» l.tH'a  ehat  round  the  store  at  the  ,.ross  roads,  and   hZhft  s 
ra  h,.r  m  th,.  nature  of  gossip  than  of  ,lc.|,at,.   it    e,.       al  n« 
U-.  h  th,.  pra,.t„.,.  „f  |,„.Hl  Kovernm,.nt,  to  sustain  the  iie  t " f 
onhnary  f,)Ik  m  public  affairs.'  "'"rt^  oi 

to  p,  hti,-s.     One  f,.,.|s  It  ,.ven  mor,.  as  n-^ards  ,.,.„n„mical  'in.l 
so,.,al  qu,.st„,ns.     To  it  nn,st  b,.  as..rib,.l  th,"  vitalitv  of  ,',  r 
pr,.jud.,vs  and    alla,-i,.s  whi.-h  ,.oul,l  s,.ar,-,.|y  surv  v,.    he  ,• 
h7Am,.Hc^r'Tr'  such  vigorous  minds  L  on,.  fin,l.s  an;..;  « 
h    Ann.ncans.     The.r  (,u.,-k  p,T,-,.ptions  serv,.  th,.m  so  w,.||  in 
usm,.ss  and  m    h,.  .ordinary  aflfains  of  privat,-  life  that  th,.v  , 
ot   ..,.|  the  n,.,.l  f„r  minute  i.^vestiKatior.  and  pati.-nt  r,.fl,.,'ti 
n  the  und(.rlymK  prm,.ipl,.s  of  things.     Th,.y  L  apt  to  i^  r . 
d  fhcult,,.s,  and  wh,.n  they  .-an  no  lon^-.r  iKn,>r..  th,.m,  th,.y  S 
c"a<le  thein  ratlu-r  than  lay  si,.g,.  to  them  a.ronling  to  th,.  ru  •' 
ol  art.     Th,.  s,.n.s,.  that  tlu-r,.  is  no  tin,,,  to  spar,,  haunts  an  AimTi- 

s^if  i;,1;:;- ^ -r^*  «"^  ^^^  ^^-^  -^  -i^i  ^o  \!Sz 

Som,.  on.>  will  say  that  an  aversion  to  st,.a.ly  tlunking  belongs 
to    h,.av,.raK,.man  ,.v,.rywh,.re.     Tru,>.     But  k-ss  is  eJc  ,^ 
from    he  av,.ra„.  man  in  ,.tlu.r  ..uutnVs  than  from  aT-pl' 
ho  hiv,.  ,.arn,.,|  the  ,loct,in,.  „f  jK.pular  sov,.r,.igntv  furt  u  r 

anil  Ir    '".•?"■.'""";  ""^''"'  '"'^•^'•-      ^hoy  are  tri    1  by     l": 
stan,lan'  winch  the  theory  of  their  «,)vernm,.nt  assumes      In 

t^;!H:!::;S:::Si!:^:!;:;.:s;::;.::i!;'':;:i  ;"';i  t  'f:  ''\  -  =' '-'-'-  '-""- 

'  The  IJinipcaii  .■..imtrv  where  ,|„.  ......i.„„,,  ,„.„„i,    i      ,         ,  ,        . 

1»  S»i(/,.Tl,n„i.       M,Mt   where  thev  )  .'iL-   .i       .         •"'!''•  ■'".-'     "■■i'Tstai.,1  ,..,lities 


I 


niAi'.  i.xxx 


NATIONAL  CIIAUACTKUISTICS 


21»:t 


otluT  cuuiitrics  statt'siiit'ii  or  pliilusoplirrs  do,  uiul  jin-  rxpt'ctt'il 
to  do,  tin- .st»lid  lliiiikirin  for  the  hulk  of  tlic  pcoplr.  Ilcri'  tin* 
pj'opli'  urc  sup|M)S('d  to  do  it  for  tlu'insclvcs.  To  suy  that  they 
do  it  iinpt'rf«'ctly  is  not  to  deny  thmi  the  credit  of  doiiij;  it 
hcttiT  than  a  Kuropcaii  j)hil(»sopli(r  mi^lit  liavc  prcdictcil. 

Th<'y  art'  a  commercial  |)co|)l(',  wliosc  j)oiiit  of  view  is  pri- 
marily that  of  persons  accustomed  to  reckon  profit  an*l  loss. 
Their  impulse  is  l(»  apply  a  direct  ])ractical  test  to  men  and 
measures,  to  assume  that  tJie  men  who  have  jj;ot  on  fastest  are 
the  smartest  men,  and  that  a  scheme  which  seems  t(»  |)ay  well 
deservi's  to  he  sujjported.  Abstract  reasonings  they  dislike, 
suhtie  reasonings  tliey  suspect  :  they  accept  nothing  as  i)ractical 
which  is  not  ])lain,  downright,  apprehensihie  hy  an  ordinary 
understanding.  Altliough  opeii-niimh-d.  so  far  as  willingness 
to  listen  goes,  they  are  hani  to  convince,  because  they  Jiavc 
really  made  up  their  minds  on  most  subjects,  having  adopted 
the  prevailing  notions  of  their  locality  or  j)artj'  as  truths  due 
to  their  own  reflection. 

It  may  seem  a  contradiction  to  remark  that  wit  s  shrewd- 
ness and  the  sort  of  hardness  it  produces,  they  are  vertheless 
an  impressionable  i)eoj)le.  Yet  this  is  true.  It  is  not  their 
intellect,  however,  that  is  impressionable",  but  their  imagination 
and  emotions,  which  respond  in  unexix'cted  ways  to  api)eals 
made  on  behalf  of  a  cause  which  seems  t(;  have  about  it  some- 
thing noble  or  pathetic.  They  are  caj)able  of  an  idealitj-  sur- 
passing that  of  Englishmen  or  Frenchmen. 

They  are  an  unsettled  jjcople.  In  no  State  of  the  Union  is 
the  bulk  of  the  ])oi)ulation  so  fixed  in  its  residence  as  everywhere 
in  Europe;  in  some  it  is  almost  noiiii.dic.  Except  in  the 
more  stagnant  parts  of  the  South.  iiol)ody  feels  rooted  to  the 
soil.  Here  to-day  and  gone  to-niorroAv.  he  caiuiot  readily 
contract  habits  of  trustful  dc'pendence  on  his  neighbours.  ( 'om- 
munity  of  interest,  or  of  ix-lief  in  such  a  cause  as  temperance, 
or  protection  for  native  industry,  miites  him  f(»r  a  time  with 
others  similarly  mimh'd,  but  congenial  spirits  seldom  live  long 
enough  together  to  form  a  school  or  tyjx'  of  local  oi)ini()n  which 
develops  strength  and  Ix-conics  ;i  j)r()selytizing  force.  Perhaps 
this  tends  to  prevent  the  growth  of  variety  in  oj)inion.  When 
a  man  arises  with  some  power  of  original  thought  in  politics, 
he  is  feeble  if  isolated,  and  is  d(>pressetl  by  his  insignificance, 
whereas  if  he  grows  up  in  favourable  soil  with  sympathetic 


204 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


IP 


I    .1 


PAKT   II 

inaopomient  ."scJiiMtIs  of  opiiiKiii. 

But  even  while  nu  iitisr(f|(Hl,  (h,.v  ur<.  ii,...,.r.h  i 

5tSr;SHHaS=:~T 

invite  confidrMc,..  wl.i.-h  for,.i«n..rs  ,    rihn  L  •">«•'  ♦\'"»  <" 

of  ™m,,ina.ion  m«rai„„,  i„  U.:?^ I:,',;  *    ^  '  """  ""•""^' 
acro«  ,1,0  country,  gai„i„s  «lo.v,  lik,"X.'\v";,:!;  ^^^  * 

-lit",";;;;;:  ;S'  ,;^r:;;r,;:v',;;;.;.'rs.,;;rM"  -tr--  "r-'-"  - 

w.rih  „.il,.ii„  th,L,  .M„..rir»,„  imv,  I,r     i  ™i  '  ;'"""'"  "'  "»"■"•■     "  " 

t™.i,  wi,h  ,i„.  i„i,„i,i,„„„ „, ,1, ™ ,„ ; "  ■;',,,■'"  v;'  "'""■  ™«">-  '"<•• 

„■.■    Kl.Klf,,,   h,,l,ll    „,  ,,,,|i„„   ,,   '        ;,?,,."'  'I",,'-'""  "I"  'I"  ■■    '"•'  h..V,.  tl„.y 


riiAP.  i.xxx 


NATIONAL  CIIAItACTKUIHTICS 


20.^ 


«'ar,  by  the  iircrlcriitrd  riiDtiiMi.  TJh-  vcrv  siiiiiliirity  of  iilcjih 
uii(i  (-(iiuility  of  niiulitimis  >viii<  h  itiakis  tlitiii  lianl  Id  coiivincr 
ut.  first  jniikcH  ii  convirtiua  (nin  iiii|ilaiiti'<l  run  its  cniirsc  the 
iiK.-rr  triiuiiphiiiilly.  'V\uy  sr< m  .ill  to  tai«>  lluiiir  ut  oner, 
Ih'chusc  what  liiis  t«(li|  tj|Miii  (iiir,  lias  toM  in  the  same  way  upon 
all  tlu'  rest,  and  tlic  oltslriictiiit!;  ami  s(paratiiij{  harriers  wliicli 
I'Xist  ill  Kiiropt'  sfanciy  i\isl  Inn.  Nowhere  is  (he  saying 
so  iipplieaMe  that  nothiii';  siiiceeils  liki-  suceess.  The  native 
Aiiierieaii  or  so-called  l\iiow-iiolliiii>^  party  had  in  two  years 
from  its  foundation  heeoine  a  treiiieiidoiis  i'oice,  riiiiiiiiiK,  and 
seejiiiiiK  for  a  tiine  likely  to  rarry,  its  own  presidential  eaiulidate. 
In  three  years  more  it  was  dead  without  Intpeof  revival.  Now 
and  then  as  I'or  iiistaiiee  in  the  elections  of  IS74  7/),  and  a^aiii 
in  those  of  1H1M),  there  comes  a  rush  of  leeliiiK  so  sudden  and 
tremendous,  that  the  name  of  Tidal  Wave  has  lieeii  invented 
to  deserihe  it. 

After  this  It  J  ly  seem  a  parado.x  to  add  that  the  Anierii'ans 
are  a  conservati  .<•  people.  Wt  any  one  who  observes  the  [Mtwer 
of  habit  amoiiK  them,  the  tenacity  with  which  old  institutiouH 
and  usages,  leml  and  theological  formulas,  have  iieeii  cluiiK 
to,  will  admit  the  fact.  Moreover,  prosperity  helps  to  make 
them  conserxative.  They  are  satisfied  with  the  world  they  live 
ill,  for  they  have  found  it  a  yood  world,  in  which  they  hav(^ 
Urown  rich  and  can  sit  under  their  own  vine  and  fifj  tree,  none 
making  them  afraid.  They  are  proud  of  their  history  and  of 
their  Constitution,  which  has  come  out  of  the  furnace  of  civil 
war  with  scarcely  the  >mell  of  fire  uitoii  it.  It  is  little  to  say 
that  they  do  not  seek  chann"'  for  the  sake  of  channe,  becaiisi; 
the  nations  that  <lo  tliis  exi^t  only  in  the  fancy  of  alarmist  phi- 
losof)hers.  There  are  nations,  however,  whose  imp.atieiice  of 
existing  evils,  or  whose  proiiciies>  to  be  allured  by  visions  of  a 
brighter  future,  makes  them  iinder-fsiiniati'  the  risk  of  <'hange, 
nations  that  will  pull  up  the  plant  to  see  whether  it  has  begun 
to  strike  root.  This  is  not  the  way  of  the  Americans.  They 
are  no  doubt  ready  to  listen  to  suggest  ions  from  any  (piarter. 
They  do  not  consider  that  an  institution  is  justified  by  itsexist- 
enr-e,  but  admit  everything  to  be  matter  for  criticism.  Their 
keenly  competitive  spirit  and  j)ri(|e  in  their  own  ingenuity  liavu 
made  them  c|uicker  than  any  other  i»eo{)le  to  ad<i|)t  and  a<lapt 
inventions:  telephones  were  in  use  in  every  little  town  over 
the  West,  while  in  the  city  of  London  men  were  just  beginning 


,  ft-* 


2«)(i 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


Part  IV 


to  womlcr  whothor  thoy  could  ho  made  to  nay.  The  Amori- 
euns  have  cloul,tl,.s  of  late  years  become,  especially  in  he 
\Vest,  an  experimental  people,  so  far  as  politics  and  social  legis- 
ktion  an.  concerned,  and  there  is  to-day  less  reverence  forThe 
National  Constitution  itself  than  there  was  in  the  Renen  t  on 
that  fouKht  through  the  Civil  War.  The  Rrowing  %ZTut 
with  ex,.st.nK  social  <-onditions,  the  «rowin,'resentmett  af  c 
power  whu-h  the_  possessors  of  great  wealth  have  been  abl  to 
oxercise,  have  <hsposed  many  persons  to  desire  changes  n  po- 
litical arranKem(>nts  under  which  such  thinirs  are  possible. 

Yet  we  may  still  s..y  that  as  respects  the  fundamental^  of 
h..ir  Kov<.rnment  the  American  people  are  still  a  consc.rvati^  e 
I  (H,ple,  ,n  virtue  both  of  the  dec-p  instin^-ts  of  their  ra.-e  and  of 
tha  practical  shrewdness  which  recognizes  the  value  of  pe  ma- 
nence  and  sohd.ty  in  mstitutions.  They  an.  cons,.rvative  in 
their  fundamental  beliefs,  in  the  structun.  of  their  gover  r^^nt 
in  their  social  and  domestic-  usages.  They  nro  like  a  tn."  whotx: 
mMms  shoots  quiver  and  rustic,  with  the  light(.st  breeze 

ctLtor '''-'' ''' ''-' '''''  ^  ^--  ^^^^''  -"- 


CFIAPTEH   lAXXI 


ijfy 


'  -1 
1 


CLASSES   AS    INFLL'ENCIN*;    OPINION 

Thesk  are  some  of  the  cluiructcristics  of  AnuTicaii  opinion 
in  general,  and  may,  if  I  am  ri}i;lit  in  tli(>  (Icscription  given,  be 
discovered  in  all  classes  of  the  native  white  i)oi)ulati(«i.  They 
exist,  however,  in  different  measure  in  different  classes,  and  the 
above  account  of  them  needs  to  he  supplemented  by  some 
remarks  on  the  habits  and  tendencies  of  each  class.  I  do  not,  of 
course,  propose  to  describe  the  present  opinions  of  classes,  for 
that  would  require  an  account  of  current  jiolitical  questions  : 
my  aim  is  merely  to  state  sucli  geiuTal  class  characters  as  go  to 
affect  the  quality  and  vigour  of  opinion.  ('las.ses  are  in  Amer- 
ica by  no  means  the  same  thing  as  in  the  greater  nations  of 
Europe.  One  must  not,  for  political  purposes,  divide  them  as 
upper  and  lower,  richer  and  poorer,  but  rather  according  to  the 
occupations  they  respectively  follow  and  the  con<litions  of  life 
that  constitute  their  environment.  Their  specific  characters, 
as  a  naturalist  would  say,  are  less  marked  even  in  typical  indi- 
viduals than  would  i)e  the  case  in  Europe,  and  are  in  many 
individuals  scarcely  recognizable".  Xcn^ertheless,  the  differences 
between  one  class  and  another  are  sufficient  to  produce  dis- 
tinctly traceal)le  influences  on  the  political  oi)inion  of  the  nation, 
and  to  colour  the  opinions,  perhaps  even  to  determine  the  polit- 
ical attitude,  of  the  district  where  a  particular  class  preilomi- 
nates. 

I  begin  with  the  farmers,  because  they  are,  if  not  numerically 
the  largest  class,  at  least  the  class  whos(>  imfwrtance  is  most 
widely  felt.  As  a  rul(>  they  are  owners  of  their  land  ;  and  as 
a  rule  the  farms  are  small,  running  from  forty  or  fifty  up  to 
three  hundred  acres.  In  a  f(  w  places,  esjiecially  in  the  West 
great  landowners  let  farms  to  teiuuils,  ;uid  in  sotne  parts  of  the 
South  one  finds  large  estates  cultivated  by  small  tenants,  often 
negroes.  Hut  far  more  fn'(|ueMtly  the  owner  tills  the  land  and 
the  tiller  owns  it.     The  proportion  of  hired  lal)ourers  to  farmers 

Ml 


208 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


I  l^£. 


PART   IV 

is  therefore  very  much  .srriall- ,  than  in  EnKhm.l,  partly  II, 7ea^e 
arms  are  usually  of  a  si.e  permitting  the  farnu-  Ld  his  amUy 
to  do  „u,eh  of  the  work  l.y  thenuselves,  partly  hec-ause  n  L-  "  y 
^more  extensively  used,  especially  in  the-  k>vel  regions  o  1^ 
West  The  labourers,  or,  as  they  are  ealled,  th,>  "hired  men  " 
,tt-:  ;  ^;'^'"»;/'";^-'^"try  as  a  whole,  form  a  sc.eial  t  a  um 
d  .  n.et  from  the  farmers,  an<l  there  is  so  little  distinetion  in 
clueafon  or  rank  between  the.n  that  on.>  may  praetic-ally  treat 
employer  and  employed  as  belonKin«  to  the  same  elass       "^ 

Ihe  farmer  is  a  keener  and  more  enterprisine  man  th-in  in 
EurofK.,  with  morc>  of  that  eonmiereial  .har'act  r  w  ch  o  ^ol' - 
serves  m  Anu-neans,  far  less  anchored  to  a  parti<-u  ar  s,  o 
and  of  c-ourse  subject  to  no  such  influences  of  erritoria-  mat 
nates  a.  prevail  in  Engl.nd.  (iermuny.  or  Italy.  Ho  ms  now 
m  such  States  as  Illinois  and  Wisconsin,  realiil  n"L  apl  d 
science  can  do  for  agriculture.     He  is  so  far  a  business  man  a^ 

from  h""  *"  .^T;"''*"  '"  ^'-'"^  •"'  '—  Yet  1.  i:  1  ot  fr" 
frnm  the  usual  defects  of  agriculturists.  He  is  obstinate  tena- 
Clous  of  his  habits,  not  rea.lily  accessible  to  arsument  m 
way  of  life  IS  plain  and  simple,  and  he  prides  iSmseron  its 
sunplidty,  holduig  the  class  h.  belon,,rs  to  to  be  the  mah  stay 
of  the  country  and  regarding  city-folk  and  lawyers  with  a  ix^ 
ture  o    suspicion  an.l  jealousy,  because  he  de^ms  t  lem  as  in- 

and  likely  to  outwit  him.  Sparing  rather  than  stingy  in  hi  oiS 
lays  and  living  mainly  on  the  produ.-e  of  his  own  fields  t     Z 

and  as  he  fails  to  s<.o  why  everybody  cannot  thriv(.  and  be 
happy  on  «lot)0  a  year,  he  thinks  that  figure  a  su2  ont 
salary  for  a  county  or  distri.-t  offie-ial,  ami  n-gtlates  his  no  ion! 

standard      To  ix^long  t<,  a  party,  and  sufjport  it  by  his  vote 
seems  to  h.m  part  of  a  citi.e„-s  duty,  but  his  nterests  in  nat .  n  d 

paS^hrin^;'"^-  n*'"'^^" '"'  ''-''  '"  '^.ricultu:is^s  "^^ 
particulaily  m  the  great  war  against  monopolies  and  capitahsts 

due  to  .ho  c.o,„u„u,i„..y  X4t;;;;4  r;;:,rs:"T;:'^a^: 


CHAP.  Lxxxi     CLASSKS  AS   INFLUENCING   OPINION 


299 


cultural  newspaper  to  whicli  he  sul)S('ril)os  is  of  course  written 
up  to  his  prejudices,  ami  its  adulation  of  tiie  farming  class  con- 
firms his  belief  that  he  who  niai<es  tlie  \V(>alth  of  tlie  country  is 
tricked  out  of  his  im)i)er  share  in  its  pro^iierity.  Tlius  he  now 
and  then  mikes  desperate  att<Mnpts  to  riplit  himself  by  legisla- 
tion, lending  too  ready  an  ear  to  politicians  who  i>romise  him 
redress  by  measures  possibly  unjust  and  usually  unwisi".  In  his 
impatience  with  the  regular  parties,  lie  lias  been  apt  to  vote  for 
those  who  call  theiiiselv(>s  a  People's  or  Farmer's  party,  and  who 
dangled  before  him  the  ho{)e  of  getting  "cliea])  money,"  of  re- 
ducing the  exjienso  of  legal  jiroceedings,  and  of  compelling  the 
railroads  to  carry  his  produc<>  at  unremuni>rative  rates.  How- 
ever, after  all  said  and  done,  hi'  is  an  honest,  kindly  sort  of  man, 
hospitable,  religious,  jiatriotic  :  the  man  whose  hard  work  has 
made  the  West  wliat  it  is.  It  is  chii'Hy  in  the  West  that  one  must 
now  look  for  the  well-marked  tyi)e  I  have  tried  to  draw,  yet  not 
always  in  the  newer  West ;  for,  in  regions  like  northern  Minne- 
sota, Wisconsin,  and  Dakota,  tiie  farming  population  is  mainly 
foreign,  —  Scandinavian  and  ( Jerman,  —  whi'  '  e  native  Ameri- 
cans occupy  thiMuselves  with  trading  and  railii  ,1  management. 
However,  the  Scandinavians  and  CJermans  acquire  in  a  few 
years  many  of  the  characteristics  of  the  native  farmer,  and  follow 
the  political  lead  given  by  the  latter.  In  tlie  early  days  of  the 
Republic,  tlie  agriculturists  were,  esi)ecally  in  the  middle  and 
the  newer  parts  of  the  Southern  States,  tlie  backbone  of  the 
Democratic  party,  sturdy  sujiporters  of  .Jetferson,  and  after- 
wards of  .\n(lrew  Jackson.  When  the  opposition  of  North  and 
South  began  to  develop  itself  and  population  grew  up  beyond 
the  Ohio,  the  pion(>ers  from  Xmv  England  who  settled  in  that 
couatry  gave  their  allegiance  to  the  Whi^  part>  ,  and  in  the 
famous  "log  cal)in  and  hard  cider"  campaign,  which  carried 
the  election  of  CJt-neral  Harrison  as  Presid<Mit,  that  worthy, 
tak«>n  as  a  typ(>  of  the  hardy  backwooflsman,  made  the  Western 
farmer  for  the  first  time  a  noble  and  iioctical  figure  to  the  popular 
imagination.  Nowadays  he  is  less  romantic,  yet  still  one  of  the 
best  elements  in  the  country.  He  stood  by  the  Union  during 
th(>  war,  and  gave  his  life  freely  for  it.  For  many  years  after- 
wards his  vote  carried  the  Western,  and  especially  the  North- 
western States  for  the  R<'pul)lican  party,  which  was  to  him  still 
the  party  which  saved  the  Union  and  protected  the  negro. 

The  shopkeepers  and  small  manufacturers  may  be  said  to 


;i()0 


PUBLK'  OPINION 


Ij 

) 

I  <  ' 

MX- 


PART  n 

!:;::;-i;:.i;:';;:';'i;;:i,:i;:t.'",;::;;,x'l;r''™' '"  *'r  "'- 

or  tl„.  cultivators.  a„.l  tl„      v.^v  "'""»"•">""'  *<">"■ 

...........  a., .,,.;;;,,:;;  t:t"  H^rri;,,!!;'^,- 

I.  .said,  Laf  ,' ;,  „h,;,;;;™::' ,:';>*■;?■■'■■ " "™'  '""•'"■*• 

an,l  is  far  f„„„  fancjinE t       r^     ,   '  "T-'""  ™"»'""'-- 

about  it.    II,.  i,  ant  t  Ml  •  '"■'  ""-'tl'ing  ,l,.|jra.liiiK 

farmer  ,lo,^  at,   a^~  , .""  '''■^'"  "';"•"  "™»l«'P<''-»  «,»„  t,„. 

country  on,,.  H,.  ;,  ,„  rl  i,  s  ,t?,  "'*^j"  .''"'''■''  "<■  »"P>™r  to 
party.  Ho  ha.  I,.  L^ro  ,  '  '5  mr  /S;'",,'"  "", ""'''.'  '"'  '"» 
oo„„,.ct„lwitl,a„,am,fa"„;QX  "  /'    ?  ""'"""''•  \'-T  " 

hari^vrtr '":'.'„,';■;  i!rt,',;"™v"r;  -""  •■>'■  »■"■  «■* 

i"  n,„.t  part;  ,;f  Si ,,     .,'*"'  '■'"■^'  "'""  '»  ""■  ™»'' 
witi,iut)K'ir.„,,,-  .',„;'    '">•'■  ""'  -'"-"y  »"lMlass,,, 

»k a".i -.-kill.':.  ;,i,l  t; :  t':if t,  f '1''"^ 

'<P<'akinKK,.n,.|allv  tl.^it  -,11  ,„     ii    ,  '  ■'"''  ""''  '""■>■  ^".v, 

recent  ILi^tu     Tli       1   "  '''':'''''''",''"' '•™>Parativ,.iy 

wom,.n  may  tak,-  •,  mvk   ■t.h  '.'■'">. '""■-Papor-",  wliil,.  ,i„.ir 

n.ontl,ly  „,.U  ,■ :       a  v' „     K"  ."7"^,-''  ".--W-V  or 
fiti,,.  hvlone  to  i  ,„ZrJf  '^I'niaily  in  tl„.  smaller 

Kon,.raiiySr,!:,.:,.''M'^r;r,.;;v'"T^'™"'r ''■'•■'■ -•■ 
Have  proi,a„iy  i,a.i  a  u:^;::^:'::::"^,  I'fj;  i;i; 


CHAP.  Lxxxi     CIASSKS  AS   INFUTKNCIXO   OPIXION 


301 


than  they  do  tlioinsclvcs.  In  the  smaller  towns  both  in  New 
England  and  the  West,  tmd  even  in  somo  of  the  lurRc  cities, 
Buch  as  Philadelphia  and  CliicaK",  the  rieher  jjurt  of  tlieni  own 
the  houses  they  hve  in,  wo(»den  houses  in  the  suhurhs  with  a 
little  verandah  and  a  hit  of  garden,  and  thus  feel  themselves  to 
have  a  stake  in  the  country.  Their  womankind  dress  with 
so  much  taste  tii:it  on  Sunday,  or  when  you  meet  them  in 
the  steam  cars,  you  would  take  them  for  persons  in  (>asy  circum- 
stances. Till  tlie  latt(>r  part  of  last  century,  strikes  were  less 
fre<iuent  than  in  Kiisland,  nor,  in  s|)ite  of  the  troul)les  of  recent 
years,  has  there  hitherto  existed  any  }i;eneral  s(>nse  of  hostility 
to  employers.  This  is  due  partly  to  the  ix-tter  circumstances 
of  the  workmen,  partly  to  the  fact  that  the  passage  from  the 
one  chuss  to  the  otiier  is  easy  and  frcfiuent.  Thus,  notwith- 
standing the  existence  of  so-called  Labour  parties,  and  the  cr(>a- 
tion  of  a  vast  organization  eml)racing  all  trades  over  the  whoh- 
Union,  th(>re  has  hitlierto  hei'ii  l( 


li(>re  has  hitlierto  t)eeii  less  ot  colled  ive  class  teelmg  and 
chiss  action  among  workmen  than  in  Kngland,'  certainly  much 
less  than  in  France  or  (Jermany.  Politicians  have  of  late  years 
begun  to  pose  as  the  special  friends  <»f  the  working  man.  Al- 
though in  a  country  where  the  popular  vote  is  omnipotent 
there  seems  something  absurd  in  assuming  that  the  working  nuui 
is  weak  and  stands  in  need  of  special  protection,  still  th(<  great 
power  of  capital,  the  illegitimate  means  by  whicii  that  power 
acts  upon  legislatures  the  grt)wing  disparities  of  fortun(>,  and  the 
fact  that  rich  men  bear  hss  than  their  due  share  of  taxation, 
have  furnished  a  i)asis  for  labour  agitation.  While  contril)uting 
as  many  recruits  to  the  army  of  i)rofessi()nal  politicians  as  do  the 
other  classes,  the  wage-earning  class  is  no  more  active  in  political 
work  than  they  are,  and  furnislics  few  candidates  for  State  or 
Federal  office.  Till  re<-entl.v  litllc  demaii<l  was  made  for  tlie 
representation  of  laliour  as  lalxiur  citlier  in  ( "ongress  or  in  State 
legislatures.  There  are  of  course  many  members  wlio  have 
begun  life  as  operatives;  but  very  few  in  ( "ongress  (tliough 
some  in  the  State  legislatures)  whose  sjHcial  function  or  claim 
it  is  to  be  the  advocates  of  their  whilom  class.     Such  progress 

'An  rxpcrii- ii.i.l  Aiiicrii  iiu  fii.  ini  .^^iI.,-.  im  ;  'Ailii.Minii  iiiiiiii«i;iiil.s  fruiii 
flroat  Hritiiiti  an'  the  hcst  (if  iill  diir  iiniiiiiiraiits.  l!ii<flisli  w(irk;in'ii  arc  iiiuri' 
apt  to  stir  up  trouble  with  their  <iii;)lo,\  ers  than  those  of  aii\  other  race.  Kiii- 
ployers  sny  that  tlie.\-  fear  their  laiirUsh  workmen,  because  tlie,\  are  Kencrally 
>uspicious,  ami  (iislHlii'\c  in  the  pos>iljilit.\-  of  an,\thin(i  hut  hostility  lietwwu 
liii'U  aud  iiiasittTs." 


302 


PITMI.K^  OPINION 


i-j.^ 


PART  IT 

aj<  oonmiuuistic.  or  s„,.iuli.sti,.  n.ov.-.nonts  hnvo  .nacTc  ha.  Iwvn 

sh  support,  l.,.t  .1  .s  not  ...sy  t...aylK,^VKr.^.tthis,r,i^.ss 

or  the  o,  uoato<l  .-lass,,  ha.l  kno.n  an,l  ,.ar,Ml  very  1   t  f    h  ,ut 

he  growth  of  nnv  ,lo,.,ri,u.s  a,no„K  the  workers  TL       he     u 

oak  of  Anareh>st,..  viole.uv  at  (-hiea,.,  i„  lS8(i  tur      I     1    yl 

mm  a  new  sourer  of  peril  to  .•ivih/ation.     One  .,..e  t  o      |h-w 

over,  whieh  nevvr  fails  to  ,.x,.ite  >he  workmen   hot      -     i^'  i 

;"nn,Krants.  is  the  intro-'uetion  of  .lav^;    or  C   ^    ^  a n! 

a;J;erNi"\r'  r"^"""  '^^ ""  t'.;piaee  of  :;ike;."A 

htatute  forlmls  the  landing  „,  the  e.Mintrv  ..f  persons  eonnn/r 
umlor  a  eontraet  in  work.     In  th.«  I'-uMhe  Sf.   .    *  v  *^ 

against  the  Chinese,  who  took  llwer  ^  ^s    o  ^  t^"'' 

what  wlutes  ol.t.un.  was  for  a  tin.,,  not  n.en.iv'        pHn.e ' !   t!:^ 
n  (  ahforn.an  State  polities.  |,„t  in.lnc...|  the  Seni         >  J^    v 
treat.es  and  ("onKr(.ss  to  ,)ass    \rU    tl,,.        /  ^  >  '"tify 

oi  r;h"  Tr;-'' '-  ''■"'■"•-  ^"■"  ''■"""""■  aim,.r„„;„ ; 

government  of  Japan  l,.v  wliiH,  ,l„.  inHux  «t  »      p   | 

of  taWl  ^'  """'"■'"'  ■'"""  "■'""  '  '""■'■  »"!■'  ">»'  tl, m'  t  „„  want 

pollt,™!  purpose,,  aiul  settinR  apart  wl.at  ar,.  spiriVoal  .,,11^ 

The  Ignorant  masses  of  s^iich  D-rr-if  ,;ri      ,.    v       ^'    i    r,-     . 

large      ramp    ela>s,  are  hardly  to  ho  reekoned  with  the  workine 
cla.s  I  have  heen  descr.hing,  but  answer  better  to  what  TcSd 


CHAP,  hxxxi     CI.ASSKS  AS    INFLIKNCINM;    OIMNION 


303 


in   KiikIuikI   "the;  rcsidi 


(Jcrmans,   for  these  r; 


iiin."     They  are  no  longer   Irixh  and 


u-es   h;ive  moved   upward   in  tiie  soeial 


seale,  I>u1   chiefly  I'oics  imd  other  Slavs,  Ital 


sueli  Jiative  Americans  :is  have  fi 

drink  and  [Mnury.     The  iiKtst 

1)(^  said  io  possess  politi.,,1  opinions,  for  Iheyliave  not  had  t 

to  learn  to  know  the  iiistitnl 


ians,  Nejrroes,  an«i 
ilien  from  their  first  estate  into 
n'ceiil    immij^rants  can  hardly 

ime 


toti 


ions  of  tlieir  new  country.     liut  a.«^ 


le  earlier  mcomers,  and  especially  the   Irish,   ( 


Scandinavians,  one    may   note    tl 


icrman.-' 


and 


aflected  them.   Iiesid 


iree    sentiments   which    havi 


es  adhesion   to  the  party  which 


■^napped 


them  up  when  they   landed,  or  which   manipulates  them    h\ 


Oi 


leaders  of  their  own  race 
sym|)atliy.     Such  of  them 
generally  disp(»sed  t(.  stan<l  l>v  whici 
fi 


ne  of  tiiese  sentiments  is 


relijr 
as  .•ire   i{oman  Catholics   have  I 


lOUS 

)een 
ever  [)jirty  may  ol)tain  the 
avour,  or  he  readiest  to  serve  the  interests,  of  their  church.' 
Another  is  the  protection  of  the  li(iuor  traflic  Thederman 
loves  his  hcer,  and  detiiis  a  l;uid  where  this  most  familiar  of 
pleasures  is  unattainal.le  no  land  of  freedom,  while  the  Irish- 
man .stood  hy  a  trade  in  which  liis  countrymen  are  largely 
engaKcd.  Atid,  thirdly,  the  American-Irish  were  for  a  i'uiiv 
largely  swayed  l.y  dislike  of  Knj-land,  which  h;is  m;ide  them  de- 
sire to  annoy  her,  and  if  possil.le  to  stir  uj)  a  (|uarrel  between 
her  and  the  land  of  their  adoption.  This  feeliuK  Ixfjan  to  decline 
after  IHSti,  and  is  now  confined  to  a  comparatively  small  part  of 
the  population  v)f  Irish  origin. 

The  European  reader  nuist  not  su|)pose  that  this  lowest  sec- 
tion of  the  lahouriiiK  dass  is  wholly  compos<-d  of  innnifrrants, 
nor  that  all  of  the  city-dweliiii>r  immigrants  helonfr  to  it, 
for  there  an;  many  foreifrtiers  whose  education  and  skill  place 
them  at  once  on  a  level  with  the  native  American  workmen.* 
Its  importance  in  politics  arises  less  from  its  nnmher,  than  from 
the  cohesion,  in  every  Kreat  city,  of  so  much  of  it  as  is  ma.ssed 
there.  Being  comparatively  ijrrioranl,  and  for  the  most  part, 
not  yet  absorbed  into  the  Americ;iii  population,  it  is  not  moved 
by  the  ordinary  political  for.'e<.  nor  amenable  to  the  ordinary 
intellectual  and  moral  influences,  but  "k<„.s  solid"  ...,  its  leaders 
direct  it,  a  fact  which  t;:ves  th'sc  h-:i,UT-  ^'xc^'pt jonal  weight. 

■  Those  of  the  Gcrniaii  irnriiitrants  wId  n  ni.iiii  in  tlii«  Rrriit  citi.'S  insti-.-id  of 
KoiliK  \\,.st  seem  t„  1...  tii...tl.v  ( 'atlioli.-.  „t  li.Lst  in  nam.- ;  -is  arv  ;ii«,  thu 
Poles,  C  zorhs,  and  Slovaks 

'  A«  to  the  recent  emigrants,  se,  Chapt.r  X( 'II.  jxj^t. 


•.un 


IMIU.IC  OPINION 


PAHT   IV 


^ 


aiitl  may  cnaltlc  llifiii,  wlicri  parties  arc  nearly  l)aluiM'e(l,  to 
dietate  their  terms  to  statesmen.  The  disposition  to  truekle 
to  the  fttrces  o!  disonler,  and  to  misuse  the  power  of  pardoning 
ofTenders,  whieh  |;rominent  State  officials  have  sometimes 
evinced,  is  <hie  to  the  fear  of  the  so-called  "Labour  V'ote,"  a 
vote  whicli  woulil  have  nuich  less  power  were  the  suffrage 
restricted  t(»  persons  who  have  resid(>d  fifteen  or  twenty  years 
in  the  coimtrv.  Nevertheless  the  immigrants  are  not  so  largely 
answeralile  for  the  faults  of  American  p«)litics  as  a  stranger 
might  he  led  hy  the  language  of  many  Americans  to  helieve. 
There  h:us  been  a  dis|)osition  in  the  I'nited  States  to  use  them, 
and  especially  the  Irisii,  nuich  as  the  cat  is  used  in  the  kitchen  to 
account  for  broken  plates  and  food  which  disappears.  The 
cities  have  no  (h)ul>t  suffered  from  th(>  immigrant  vote.  Hut 
New  York  w.is  not  an  lOden  before  the  Irish  came  ;  and  wouM  not 
IxTome  an  Kden  were  they  all  to  return  to  green  Erin,  or  mov(! 
on  to  arid  Arizona. 

The  cai)italist  class  c;)nsists  of  large  nuTchants,  manufacturers, 
bankers,  and  railroad  tiieii,  with  a  few  great  land  speculators 
and  directors  of  trad'ng  or  carrying  companies.  How  much 
capacity  and  energy,  how  mucii  wealth  and  influence  there  is  in 
this  small  class  everybody  knows.  It  includes  the  best  executive 
ability  of  the  country,  and  far  more  al)ility  than  is  devoted  to 
the  pul)lic  service  of  the  State.  Though  such  persons  do  not, 
and  hardly  could,  hold  aloof  from  politics  —  scmie  of  them  are 
indee(j  zealous  party  men  their  interest  lies  chiefly  in  using 
jiolitics  for  their  own  purposes,  and  especially  in  resisting  the 
attacks  with  which  they  are  threatened,  sometimes  by  the 
popular  movemenc  against  monopolists  and  great  corporations, 
sometimes  by  men  anxious  to  reduce  the  present  high  tariff 
which  the  manufacturers  declare  to  be  essential  to  their  indus- 
tries. One-half  of  the  capitalists  are  occupied  in  preaching 
lais'<(Z  J  ilr<  as  regards  railroad  control,  the  other  half  in  resist- 
ing it  in  railroad  rate  matters,  in  order  to  have  their  goods  carried 
more  cheaply,  and  in  tariff  matters,  in  order  to  protect  ir  lustries 
threateneil  with  foreign  competition.  Yet  they  manage  to 
hold  well  togctlicr.  Tluir  {jractical  taKnt  docs  not  necessarily 
imply  political  insight,  any  more  than  moral  elevation,  nor  have 
Jhey  generally  the  taste  or  leisure  to  think  seriously  about  the 
aeeds  of  the  State.  In  no  country  does  one  find  so  many  men 
Df  eminent  capacity  f(tr  liusine.ss,  shrewd,  inventive,  forcible, 


<HAP.  Kxxxi     CLASHKH  AS  IXPLUENCINd   OPINION 


aor) 


and  (luriiiK,  who  have  so  few  intcrcsls  and  so  litth'  t«)  say  outsi»lt' 
tlif  spluTc  of  tlu'ir  l)usiiu'HS  kiiowh-d^c. 

But  th«'  wealthy  have  many  ways  of  influoncing  opinion  and 
the  eourse  of  fvcnts.  Some  of  thfin  own,  others  find  means 
of  inspirinR,  newspaFH>rs.  Many  are  liberal  supporters  of  uni- 
versities and  coUeKcs,  and  it  is  alleged  that  they  occasionally 
discouraRe  the  pronmiRation,  by  college  teachers,  of  opinions 
they  dislike.  Presidents  of  great  c<jrporations  have  armies  of 
officials  under  their  orders,  who  cannot  indeed  be  intimidated, 
for  public  opinion  would  resent  that,  yet  may  Ih'  suffered  to 
know  what  their  superior  thinks  and  expects.  Cities,  districts 
of  country,  even  States  or  Territories,  have  much  to  hope  or 
fear  from  the  management  of  a  railw  y,  and  good  reason  to 
conciliate  its  president.  Moreover,  as  the  finance  of  the  coun- 
try is  in  the  hands  of  these  men  and  every  trader  is  affected  by 
financial  changes,  as  they  control  enormous  joint-stock  enter- 
prises whose  shares  are  held  and  sjx'culated  in  by  hosts  of  private 
persons  of  all  ranks,  their  policy  and  utterances  are  watched 
with  anxious  curiosity,  and  the  line  they  take  determines  the 
conduct  of  thousands  not  directly  connected  with  them.  A 
word  from  several  of  the  great  financiers  would  go  a  long  way 
with  leading  statesmen.  They  are  for  the  mo.st  part  a  steadying 
intiuence  in  politics,  Ix-ing  opposed  to  sudden  changes  which 
might  disturb  the  money  market  or  depress  trade,  and  especially 
opposed  to  complications  with  foreign  States.  They  are  there- 
fore par  excellence  the  peace  party  in  America,  for  though  some 
might  like  to  fish  in  troubled  waters,  thv"  majority  would  have  far 
more  to  lose  than  to  gain. 

There  remains  the  group  of  classes  loosely  called  professional 
men,  of  whom  we  may  dismiss  the  physicians  as  neither  bring- 
ing any  distinctive  element  into  politics,  nor  often  taking  an 
active  interest  therein,  and  the  journalists,  because  they  have 
been  considered  in  treating  of  tiie  jrgans  of  opinion,  and  the 
clergy  as,  inhibited  by  ])ublic  feeling  from  direct  immixture  in 
political  strife.  In  the  anti-slavery  and  Free  Soil  struggles, 
ministers  cf  religion  were  prominent,  as  they  are  now  in  the 
temperance  movement,  and  indeed  will  always  be  when  a 
di.stinctly  moral  i.ssue  is  placed  before  the  country.  But  in 
ordinary  times,  and  as  regards  most  questions,  they  find  it 
prudent  to  rest  content  with  inculcating  such  sound  principles 
as  will  elevate  their  hearers'  views  and  lead  them  to  vote  for 


.W6 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PAKT   II 


43 


"3 


li'-- 


the  lH>Ht  nn'n.  Soiin'  fow,  howj-vor,  of  except ioiml  z«'ul  or  un- 
usually well-tussured  position  do  apjM'ar  on  political  platforms, 
and,  like  the  late  Mr.  Hj-nry  Ward  Heecln-r,  justify  their  courage 
by  their  success.  The  lionum  Catholic  prelates  have  groat 
influence  with  their  flocks,  hut  are  so  sensible  of  the  displeasure 
which  its  exercise  would  cau.se  uinouK  the  native  Americans  as 
t(»  he  guarded  in  i)olitical  action,  allowing  thein.selves  a  freer 
hand  in  promoting  t<'mp(>rance  or  other  moral  cuu.s4vs.  Some 
of  them  have  been  among  the  most  prominent  and  influential 
figures  in  the  country. 

The  lawyers,  who  are  both  barrist(>rs  and  attorneys  in  one, 
there  being  no  such  distinction  of  the  profession  into  two  I)ranches 
as  exists  in  Britain  and  France,  are  of  all  cla.s.ses  that  which 
has  most  to  do  with  politics.'     From  their  ranks  comes  a  large 
part,  probably  a  half,  and  thi;  better  educated  half,  of  the  pro- 
fessional politicians.     Tho.se  who  do  not  make  politics  a  business 
have  usually  something  to  do  with  it,  and  even  those  who  have 
little  to  do  with  it  enjoy  opjiortunities  of  looking  U'hind  the 
scenes.     The  necessiti(\s  of  their  practice  oblige,  them  to  .study 
the   Federal  Constitution  and  the  CVmstitution  of  their  own 
State,  as  well  as  to  watch  current  legislation.     It  is  therefore 
from  the  legal  profession  that  most  of  the  leading  statesmen  have 
been  drawn,  from  tlu-  days  of  Patrick  Henry,  John  Jay,  and 
John  Adams  down  to  those  of  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  presi- 
dential candidates  of  the  last  generation.     Hence  both  in  great 
cities  and  in  small  ones  the  lawyer  is  favourably  placed  for  in- 
fluencing opinion.     If  he  be  a  man  of  parts,  he  is  apt  to  be  the 
centr(>  of  local  opinion,  as  Lincoln  wius  in  Springfi(>ld,  where  he 
practised  law  and  made  his  reputation.^    When  in  some  great 
community,  like  New  York  or  Boston,  a  demoastration  is  or- 
ganized, some  distinguished  advocate,  such  as  Charles  O'Conor 
was  in  New  York,  such  as  Rufus  Choate  was  in  Boston,  used  to !« 
selected  for  the  oration  of  the  day,  l)ecause  he  had  the  power 
of  speech,  and  everylxxly  knew  him.      Thus  the   la-vyers.   if 
less  powerful  in  proportion  to  their  numbers  than  tlie  capitalists, 
are  perhaps  equally  powerful  as  a  whole,  since  more  numerous 
and  more  locally  active.     Of  course  it  is  only  on  a  very  few  pro- 

'^  \n  account  of  tho  American  Bar  will  bp  found  in  a  later  chapter. 

'  I  have  hcar.1  townsmen  of  the  (treat  President  descrifx  how  the  front  of  his 
house  used  to  !)<■  a  sort  of  (jatherinu  place  (,n  summer  evenings,  where  hia  racy 
talk  helped  to  mould  the  opinion  of  the  place. 


CHAP.  Lxxxi     CLASSKS   AS    INFLIKNCIXd    OIMNION 


a(»7 


Th- 


eir 


fj'ssioiml  (HH'stionH  tluit  tlicy  net  toKcthcr  an,  a  rl;i>s. 
function  is  to  I'ducatc  opiiiiiin  from  tin-  t«'«'lini.-iil  .sitlr,  and  to 
put  thinRs  i»i  ii  tcllinK  wiiy  Ix-forc  tlii-  iH-oplc.  Wln'tlior  tlir  indi- 
vidual hiwyrr  is  or  is  not  a  hctfcr  citizen  than  liis  nciuhhours, 
hr  is  likely  to  Ix-  a  shrewder  one,  knowinnmore  about  K<>v<'rnment 
and  puhlie  husiiiess  than  most  of  theui  d.),  and  al)l('  at  least  to 


fKToeive  tlie  imscliiefs  ol  had  IcKislation,  whieh  farmers  or  shop- 
kej'jM-rs  may  faintly  realize.  Thus  on  the  whole  the  influence 
of  the  profession  makes  for  ^ood  and  thounh  it  is  often  the  in- 
strument hy  whieh  harm  is  wrought ,  it  is  as  «)ften  the  means 
of  revealiiiK  and  defeating  the  tricks  of  politicians,  and  of  keep- 
iuR  ttie  wholesome  principles  of  the  Constitution  hefore  the  eyes 
of  the  nation.  Its  action  in  political  life  may  i)e  compared  with 
its  function  in  judicial  proceedings.  .Vdvocacy  is  at  the  .service 
of  the  just  and  the  unjust  ("([ually,  and  sometimes  makes  the 
worse  appear  the  better  cause,  yet  experience  shows  that  the 
siftinK  of  evidence  and  the  atKuinjr  of  points  of  law  tend  on  the 
whole  to  make  ju.stice  prevail. 

There  remain  the  men  of  letters  and  artists,  an  extreiuely 
small  class  outside  a  few  Kastern  cities,  and  the  teachers,  esi)e- . 
cially  those  in  colleges  and  universities.  The  inlluciice  of  literary 
men  has  heen  f«'lt  more  through  maRazincs  than  through  hooks, 
for  native;  authorship  sutTered  .severely,  till  the  enactment  of 
the  (opyrisht  Act  of  1H91,  from  the  rjelnjre  of  cheap  ICnulisli 
reprints.  That  of  the  teachers  tells  j)rimarily  on  their  jjupils, 
and  indirectly  on  tlie  circles  to  which  thos(>  pupils  belong,  or  in 
which  they  work  when  they  have  left  college.  For  a  lon^  time, 
and  especially  durinR  the  struRjile  Ix^tween  Free  Trade  and  Pro- 
tection an<l  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  municipal  reform  move- 
ment in  the  latter  })art  of  last  century,  "college  professors" 
used  to  he  denounced  hy  the  professional  politicians  as  unpracti- 
cal, visionary,  phari.saical,  "kid-«;loved,"  "hinh-toned,"  "un- 
American,"  the  fact  heins  that  an  impul.se  tow.irds  the  improve- 
ment of  party  methods,  civil  service  reform  and  tariff  reform, 
was  coming  from  the  universities,  and  was  felt  in  th(>  increased 
political  activity  of  the  better  educated  y<juth.  The  new  pen- 
eration  of  Lawyers,  cjerjuyineti,  and  jouni.'dists,  of  teachers  in  the 
higher  .schools  and  indeed  of  business  men  also,  many  of  whom 
now  receive  a  university  education,  have  been  inspired  by  the 
universities,  at  first  chiefly  by  the  oldcT  and  mor(>  highly  (level- 
ofKjd  inatitutions  of  the  Eastern  States,  but  latterly  by  the 


3IM 


rriiLic  OPINION 


I'AHT   IV 


:t 


I  niv..rHiti«^  of  iUv  WoHt  aim,  witli  a  inoro  siTi..us  and  earnest 
vu'w  of  iK.IiticH  thuii  had  prrvail..(J  hiiioiik  tlii-  ricfuT  <|«nw»'h 
.smrr  ihv  strain  of  thv  Civil  War  pa«s.Ml  away.     Thrir  horizon 
lijw  iH^.n  nUargod,  thnr  patri<.tisni   trin|M'r<'<l  l)y  „   ,  ;iiw.  of 
imtu)nal   MhortcoinitiKH.  and    <|iji(krncd    l»y  a    highrr   ideal  of 
national  w.-ll-luMnR.     Thr  .•.mfidcnn.  that 'all  ..thrr  proHiM-ritv 
wdl  mronipany  inat.-rial  pn)8i),.rity,  thr  iK-li.f  that  ko,„|  inHtinctn 
arc  onoUKh  to  Kui.lr  nations  throuKJ,  practical  dim<idti..s.  errors 
which  led  astray  m  many  worthy  |«-op|,.  i„    ■ ,.  |,u<«  Kencrati.Mi 
are  In'mR  dis|H>|led.  and  a  juster  view  of  t...   Amii  prol.lcn.s  of 
democratic  Kovt-rnment  ,)resentc<l.     The  seats  of  l.-arniiiK  and 
education  are  at  present  amoiiK  th.'  most  |K.tent  forces  makii.L' 
for  F>roKres.s  and  the  formation  of  sound  opinion  in  the  Initcd 
Nates,  and  they  increase  daily  in  the  e.xn  Hence  of  their  teachers 
no  less  than  m  the  iiuihImt  of  their  students. 

ncfi)re  (luittiiiR  this  part  of  the  sul.ject  a  few  p-neral  (.l.sn- 
yations  are  ne<>ded  to  .supplement  or  sum  up  the  nsiilts  of  the 
fortKoiiiK  inquiry. 

There  is  in  the  United  States  no  .such  Rcneral  opposition  us  in 
continental  Europ<.  of  ■•  .her  and  poorer  clas.ses.  no  such  i..,!- 
ousy  or  hostility  as  in  1- ranee  between  the  l.ourK,.„isi,.  .„,d  the 
oixMativ,.s.  not  even  that  touch  of  antaRcmisni  which  niav  now 
'•«'  noted  in  Austraha.  Cla.ss  distinction^-  do  ,.xist  hir  th.- 
purposes  of  soci:d  int,>rcourse.  Hut  it  is  onl.v  m  the  iar^.-r  <-iti<s 
t ha  the  lin.'  is  sharply  ,lrawn  hetw.vn  th(,s,>  who  call  themselves 
«entl(«men  an.l  those  others  to  whom,  in  talk  anions  them- 
selves, the  former  set  would  refu.se  this  epithet. 

There  is  no  one  cla.ss  „r  set  of  men  w'lose  special  fun.tion 
It  IS  to  form  and  lea.l  opinion.  The  iKjliticians  certainly  do 
not.     ruhlic  opinion  leads  them. 

Still  less  is  ther(>  any  poverninjr  class.  The  chuss  wl.en.-(; 
nio.st  office-hold.Ts  .-ome  corresponds,  as  r,.sp,.,.ts  edu.'ation  and 
rehnemcnt  to  what  would  l.e  calknl  the  lower  middle  class  in 
hurop<>.     But  office-holders  are  not  Rovernors. 

Such  class  i.ssues  a-s  now  exist  or  have  r(>centlv  exist  'd  seldom 
or  to  a  small  extent,  coincide  with  issu(«s  hetween  the  two  gnvit 
parties.  They  are  usually  toyed  with  l.y  hoth  parties  alike, 
or  If  such  a  question  becomes  .strong  t-nouKh  to  be  made  the 
basis  of  a  new  party,  that  party  will  usually  stand  by  itself 
apart  from  the  two  old  and  regular  orRanizations. 

Jn  Europe,  classes  have  become  factors  in  politics  either  from 


niAP.  i.xxxi     CLASSKS  AS   INKM'KNCINd   OIMN'ION 


3lK) 


iiitcrc^tl  or  fruiii  piissioii.  i,«-Kislatinii  or  iMliiiitii.Ht ration  may 
have  pn'sxrtl  lian'Iy  on  a  claw,  an<l  tlic  vlivm  hm--  soukIiI  '«>  <l»'t'fiul 
anil  <'nuint'i|)al('  itMrlf.  Or  its  fcclinKs  may  hav«'  Wvn  woufMlt-d 
l»y  piust  injury  or  insult,  and  it  may  scrk  orciusions  for  n'vnjK*'. 
fn  America  the  latter  cause  liius  never  existed,  aiul  till  recently 
neither  was  the  former  apparent,  though  of  late  years  complaints 
have  JM'en  made  that  the  law  deals  imfairly  with  lali«iur  unions.' 
Hence  chisses  have  not  l»een  prime  factors  in  American  iH)litics 
or  in  the  formation  of  native  political  opinion.  In  the  main. 
|M>litical  (iue.><tions  |)ro|M'r  have  held  tlu'  lirst  |)lace  in  a  voter's 
mind,  and  «|Uestions  alTectinn  h  >  cla;s  the  second.'  The  great 
strikes  which  have  of  late  years  convulsed  liuge  secti»»ns  of  the 
country,  and  the  laliour  agitation  which  has  accompanied  them, 
have  brought  new  elements  of  class  pa.ssion  and  class  interest 
Up«)n  the  scene. 

The  nation  is  not  an  aggregate  of  classes.  They  exist  within 
it,  hut  they  do  not  make  it  up.  You  are  not  struck  hy  their 
[H)litieal  significance  as  you  would  lie  in  any  l';uro|)ean  country. 
The  people  is  oiu-  |M'ople,  although  it  occupies  a  wider  territory 
thiin  uny  other  nation,  and  is  composed  of  element  from  many 
(|uarters. 

Even  education  makes  less  dilTerenc*'  between  various  .sec- 
tions of  the  conununity  than  might  he  expected.  One  finds 
among  the  better  iii-tructc!  I'lany  of  those  prejudices  and 
fallacies  to  which  the  Kuropean  middle  classes  are  su|)|)o.sed 
peculiarly  liable.  Among  the  less  instructed  of  the  native 
Americans,  on  the  other  hand,  there  is  a  comprehension  of  public 
afTairs,  a  shrewdness  of  juflgmeiit,  and  a  genendly  difTused 
interest  in  national  welfare,  exceeding  that  of  thi^  humblt>r 
cla.s.ses  in  Europe.  They  have  shown,  and  notai)ly  «)n  several 
occasions  within  the  present  century,  a  |)()wer  of  responding  to 
tile  apjM'als  ,nude  to  them  by  a  highminded  and  couragtHtus 
leader  which  ha.s  startled  and  (juelled  the  machine  i)oliticians, 

'  Thoso  who  argue  that  loKislatinn  is  unjust  to  tlic  workiiiK  man  have  usually 
lilamcil  it  less  for  what  it  did  than  for  what  it  oniittid  or  di<l  not  prrvi'iit. 
Any  ^tatut<'  wliich  lion-  harshly  on  any  ( la.--s  as  a  ilass  would  in  America  Im-  rc- 
pi'ahfl  forthwith.  Tht-ri'  is  at  t>riscnt  in  snmr  Statrs  an  agitation  for  altcriiiK 
the  law  wliich  restrains  what  is  callcii  coercive  "pi< '*::;»«  i.-r  ■  olestation  in 
labour  disputes,  and  also  for  proviilinu  some  more  eomplete  <  i  lensation  for 
a(<ident3. 

•There  are  exceptions  —  e.g.  tariff  (|uestions  are  fori'tnost  in  the  minds  of 
nianufacturers,  the  exclusion  of  Oriental  laliourers  in  those  of  ( ■aliforniun  work- 
ing men,  traiutportatioii  grievances  ufteii  in  those  of  farmers. 


M 


I  ft' 


310 


PUBLK^  OPINION 


PAIIT   IV 


and  cheemi  th.-  liearts  of  those  who  have  faith  in  popular 
governniont. 

This  is  the  strong  point  of  the  nation.     This  is  what  has  given 
buoyancy  to  the  vessel  of  the  State,  and  enabled  her  to  carry 
with  apparent,  though  perhaps  with  diminishing,  ease  the  dead 
weight  of  Ignorance  which  immigration  from  ('(>ntral,  Eastern 
and  bouthern  Europe  continues  to  throw  upon  her  decks 


(  H  vPTEH  LXXXII 


LOCAL,  a.''fc;-;  OK  oi'iNio.v  —  i:ast,  west,  and  south 


Both  the  jiononil  tcnchnicics  and  the  class  tondoncics  in  the 
(levclopmont  of  public  opinion  which  I  have  attempted  to 
sketch,  may  be  observed  all  ov(T  the  vast  area  of  t)ie  Union. 
Some,  however,  are  more  jjowerful  in  one  rej^ion,  others  in 
another,  while  the  local  needs  and  feelings  of  each  refi;ion  tentl 
to  give  a  particular  colour  to  its  views  and  direction  to  its 
aims.  One  nmst  therefore  inquire  into  and  endeavour  to  de- 
scribe these  local  differences,  so  as,  by  duly  allowing  for  them, 
to  (?orrect  'hat  has  be(  ■!  stated  generally  with  regard  to  the 
conditions  under  which  opinion  is  formed,  and  the  questions 
which  evoke  it. 

In  an  earlier  chapter  I  liave  classified  the  States  into  five 
groups,  the  Xorth-Eastern  or  Xew  England  States,  the  Middle 
States,  the  North-Western  States,  tlie  Southern  States,  and  the 
States  of  the  Pacific  Slope.  For  the  j)urposes  of  our  present 
inquiry  there  is  no  material  difTerence  between  the  first  two 
of  these  groups,  l)ut  th(>  ditferences  between  the  others  are 
significant.  It  i.  needless  to  add  tiiat  there  are,  of  course, 
abundance  of  local  differences  within  these  divisions.  Peim- 
sylvania,  for  instance,  is  for  many  purposes  unlike  ( )liio.  Georgia 
stands  on  a  liigher  level  than  Louisiana.  Idaho  is  more  raw 
than  Illinois.  To  go  into  these  minor  points  of  divergence 
would  involve  a  tedious  discussion,  and  jjcrhaps  confuse  the 
reader  after  all,  so  he  must  b(>  asked  to  understand  tliat  this 
chapter  endeaAours  to  present  only  the  general  aspect  which 
opinion  wears  in  each  section  of  the  country,  and  that  what  is 
said  of  a  section  generally,  is  not  meant  to  l)e  taken  as  equally 
apphcable  to  every  State  within  it. 

In  the  Eastern  States  the  i)redominan.t  itdlucncc  is  that  of 
capitaHsts,  manufactun>rs,  merchants  -  in  a  word,  of  tlie  com- 
mercial classes.  Ttic  East  finds  the  capital  for  great  under- 
takings all  over  the  country,   particularly  for  the  making  of 

ail 


312 


PUBLK^  OPINION 


TAKT   19 


If 


railroiKl-s,  tlie  stock  t)f  whicJi  is  chiefly  licKl  hy  Ejistcrn  investors, 
ftiul  the  prcsideiit.s  \vh(>rcof  usually  hav(«  their  c(>ntral  office  iii 
New  York,  though  the  liiK^  may  traverse  tfie  Western  or  South- 
ern States.     The  East  also  conducts  th<>  Rinantic  tradi;  with 
Europe.     It  ships  the  jrrain  and  the  cattle,  the  pork  an     the 
petroleum,  it  "finances"  the  shippiiiR  of  much  of  the  cotton    it 
receives  and  distributes  nearly  all  the  manufactured  koo«1s  that 
Europe  sends,  jis  well  :i.s  most  of  the  (^mijrranfs  from  Mie  ports 
of  the  Old  World.'     The  arms  of  its  f^reat  hankers  and  m.>r- 
chants  stretch  over  the  wliole  Union,  makiuR  tho.s(>  conunercial 
mfluenc«'s  which   rul(>  in   th(>ir  own  .seat   potent  (>verywh(<r(> 
Eiustern  opinion  is  therefore  th(>  most  quickly  and  delicately 
s(>nsitive  to  financial  mov(>ments  aiul  European  influ(>nces,  as 
well  :us  the  mo.st  firndy  hound  to  a  pacific  policy.     As  in  the 
iH'Kinninji  of  the  century,  trade  inter(>sts  made  Massachusetts 
and  (\)nnecticut  anxious  to  avoid  a  breach  with  EiiRland,  to 
whose  iwrts  their  vessels  plied,  so  now,  though  the  shipping 
which  enters  Eastern  jwrts  is  chiefly  Europ(>an  (British,  Norwe- 
Rian,  German,  French),  the  mercantile  connections  of  Ameri- 
can and  European  merchants  and  financiers  are  so  close  that 
an  alarni  of  war  might  produce  widespr(>ad  disa.ster. 

The  East  is  also,  heiuR  the  oldest,  the  best  educated  and 
if  no  longer  the  nK)st  intellectually  active  yet  perhaps  the  most 
intellectually  polished,  quarter  of  the  country.2  Not  only  does 
It  contain  more  men  of  high  culture,  hut  the  average  of  knowledge 
and  thought  (excluding  the  mob  of  the  great  cities  and  some' 
backward  districis  in  the  hills  of  Pennsylvania)  is  higher  than 
(Elsewhere.  Its  literary  men  and  eminent  ti^achers  labour  for  the 
whole  country,  and  its  cities,  which  show  the  lowest  element 
of  the  population  in  their  ra})ble,  show  also  th(<  largest  number 
of  men  of  light  and  leading  in  all  professions.  Although 
very  able  newspapers  are  published  in  the  West  as  well  as  in 
the  East,  still  the  tone  of  Eastern  political  discussion  has  been 
more  generally  dignified  and  serious  than  in  the  rest  of  the  Union. 
The  influences  of  Europe,  which,  of  course,  play  first  and  chiefly- 
upon  the  Ea^^t,  are,  .so  far  as  they  affect  manners  and  morality, 
by  no  means  an  unmi.xed  good.     But  in  the  realm  of  thought 

■  S.m,..  Germans  and  Italians  outer  by  \<-w  Orl.-ai.s  or  the  fmrU  of  T.-xas 

•  The  porcentace  of  persons  al.le  to  rea-l  an.l  write  is  as  hidl  in  son f  the 

Uestern  .states,  sneh  as  Iowa  an.l  Vel.raska.  as  in  N.'w  Knirlan.l.  I.ut   this  mav 
U'  berausc  the  rcccut  imiuigrauls  depress  the  level  of  New  England 


CHAP.    I.XXXII 


LOCAL  TVI'LS  OF  OIMNIOX 


313 


t    i 


1  iiropc  :iii(l  its  criticism  arc  ;i  stimulative  I'orcc,  which  corrects 
any  uixhic  appreciation  of  u.  *' mal  virtii(>s,  and  helps  forward 


Koiiud  views  111  economics  and  nistorv 


The  I 


eisured 


viKl  we 


read  class  to  he  found  in  some  lOastern  citi»>s  is  as 


cosmojiolitan 


ill  tone  as  can  lie  found  anywhere  in  the  world,  vet  has  not  lost 


ippropriat 


es 


the  pi(|uaiicy  of  ijs  native  soil.  Its  thought 
what  is  fresh  and  sound  in  the  literature"  or  scientific  work  of 
Cermany,  lOiitrlaiKl,  and  France  more  rea<lily  than  any  of  those 
countries  seems  to  learn  from  each  of  the  others.  These  causes, 
added  to  the  fact  tiiat  the  perversions  of  party  government  have 
been  unusually  ^ross  ann>n<r  ihe  irresponsil)le  masses  that  crowd 
these  very  cities,  has  roused  a  more  s'veiiuous  opjiosition  to 
the  so-called  "macirnie"  than  in  most  other  parts  of  t lie  country. 
The  Eastern  voter  has  been  Kenerally  less  hound  to  his  party, 
more  accustomed  to  think  for  himself,  and  to  look  for  light, 
when  he  feels  his  own  kiiowledj^e  defective,  to  c-apal)le  puhii-ists. 
When,  either  in  Federal  or  State  or  city  politics,  an  indepen- 
dent party  arises,  rej)udiatinK  the  l>ad  nominations  of  one  or 
both  of  the  rcfjular  organizations,  it  is  hen-  that  it  finds  its 
leaders  and  the  fj;reatest  part  of  its  support.  There  has  also  been 
in  New  England  somethiiif!;  of  the  spirit  of  Purit"-'isni,  cold  and 
keen  as  Rlacier  air,  with  its  liiKh  standard  of  p  .c  duty  and 
private  honour,  its  disposition  to  apply  the  ma.xinis  of  religion 
to  the  conduct  of  life,  its  sense,  much  needed  in  this  tender- 
hearted country,  tluit  there  are  times  when  .\fi;  i;  must  be  hewn 
in  pieces  l)efore  the  Lord  in  (lilgal.  If  the  peo.ile  of  New  EiiR- 
land  and  rural  New  York  had  Incn  left  unpolluted  liy  the  tur- 
l)id  flood  of  foreign  immigration,  *'ey  would  l)e  the  fitt(>st  of 
any  in  the  world  for  a  democratic  government.  Evils  there 
would  still  be,  as  in  all  governments,  hut  incomparably  less  grave 
than  tliose  which  now  tax  the  patriotism  of  the  men  who  from 
these  States  hold  up  the  banner  of  reform  for  the  whole  I'nion. 
It  is  impossible  to  draw  a  line  between  the  East  and  tii.: 
West,  because  the  boundary  is  always  moving  westward. 
In  1870  Ohio  was  typically  wt'stern  in  character;  now  it  has 
as  much  in  common  with  Connecticut  or  New  York  as  with 
Kansas  or  Minnesota.  The  most  distinctive  elements  in  the 
Western  States  are  the  farming  chiss.  which.  hen>  jitt.-iins  it.^ 
greatest  strength,  and  tli(>  masses  of  ( .ermaiis  and  Scaiidiiu'vians, 
wliofill  wliole  districts,  often  out  mmibering  the  native  Americans. 
I' or  many  years  these  immigrants  t-ontriljuteil  so  much  more 


314 


PUBLir  OPINION 


PART   IV 


PI 


largoly  to  the  votiiiR  thun  to  tli(>  thinking  p.         ,.f  the  newer 
States,  that  their  pres-iuv  w:i.s  one  of  the  luuin  r-asons  why 
tlie  pohtieal  power  of  tl„-  West  exceeded  its  political  capacity 
Th,.y  arc  honest,  ni(histrious.  and  worthy  jM-opI,-,  the  parents 
ofK(K)d  American  citizens,  useful  men  to  clear  the  woods  and 
break  up  the  prairie,  and    now,  having  learnt    the  instituti.,ns 
of  the  eou'itry,  tJiey  are  no  hmRer  behind  their  native  horn 
neiKhbors  in  political  intelligence,  nor  less  ready  to  try  experi- 
ments in  legislation  and   in  th(>  reform  of  election  methods 
Ihe  predominanee  of  the  aRricultural  interest  has  th(>  faults 
and  merits  indicated  in  the  account  already  frivvn  of  the  farm- 
mc  class.     Western  opinion,  though  no  |,;:jjr,.r  unenlightened 
still  dislikes  theory,  and  holds  the  practical  man  to  he  the  man' 
who  while  disc(>rninK  keenly  his  own  interest,  discerns  notJiiiiK 
else  beyond  th.>  end  of  his  nose.     It  has  boundless  confidence 
in  the  future  of  the  cou.ury,  of  the  West  in   particular,  of  its 
own  htat'-  ai)ove  all.  caring  not  mucli  for  what  the  Ivist  thinks 
and  .still  less  for  th(>  judjrnient  of  Knro]w.     It  feels  sun-  (.very- 
thing  will  come  rifrht,  and  thinks  "clieap  transportation"  to 
be  the  one  thins  needful.     Reckless  in  enti-rpris.^s,  it  is  .stiuKv 
m  paying  its  ofHcials,  judges  included:    good-natured  and  in- 
dulgent to  a  fault,  it   is  nevertheless  di.spl,.ased  to  hear  that 
Its  senator  Iuts  in  luxury  at  Wa.shington.     Its  townsfolk  are 
so  mucJi  occupied  in  pushing  their  towns,  b.^tween  whose  new.s- 
pap<Ts  then,  is  a  furious  rivalry  -  -  thc.y  hat,,  one  another  as 
Athens  hated  riu.bes.  or  Floirnce  Pisa  -  its  rich  men  in  op(.ning 
up  railroads,  its  farmers  in  their  Jious,.hol(l  and  field  toil,  labour 
being  scarce  and  d.-ar.  that  politics  wen.  for  a  long  time  left  to 
the  poiticians,  wiio,  how(.v(.r,  were  not  th..  worst  sp(.cimens  of 
their  class  and  the  ordinary  voter  .stuck  .steadily  to  his  party, 
disliking     in.l.-pendents  "  and  "  bolters."     Now,  however,  the 
wave  of  what  is  called  "  ra.licalism  "  which  has  from  time  to 
time  surge<l  up  along  and  beyond  the  Mississippi,  has  brought 
a  keener  interest  into  political  reform  and  legislative  work,  and 
that^splondid  energy  which  the  Western  men  showed  when,  in 
the  tivil  War  days,  their  stout-heart(.,l.  large-limbc",!  n.giments 
poured  doAvn  to  Southern  battle-fi.-lds  has  thrown  m<.re  of  itself 
than  It  had  done  since  thos,.  days,  into  phu.s  f(,r  improving  the 
methods  ot  politics  and  curbing  what  is  iu-ld  to  I,,,  tlie  excessive 
power  of  combined  wealth.     The  W..stern  man  is  no  more  dis- 
posal than  formerly  to  listen  to  philo.sophical  reasonings    or 


CHAP.    I.XXXII 


LOCAL  TVl'KS  OW  OPINION 


.  i 


trouble  himself  altout  coiniiifj;  (lungers,  hut  liis  jscntiinent  as 
well  iis  his  interest  iius  lieen  so  enlisted  in  these  plans,  that  he  is 
not  likely  soon  to  drop  them. 

The  West  may  he  railed  the  most  distinetivt>ly  Anierican  part 
of  America,  hecause  tlie  points  in  which  it  (hlTers  from  tlie 
lOast  are  the  points  in  which  .\merica  as  a  Avhole  ditTers  from 
Kurope.  Hut  the  charactiT  ot'  its  )oi)ulation  dilTers  in  differ- 
ent regions,  according  to  the  paits  of  the  country  from  which 
the  early  settlers  came.  Now  the  .settlers  have  generally 
moved  along  parallels  of  latitud*-,  and  we  have  therefore  the 
curious  result  that  the  characteristics  of  the  «)lder  States  have 
propagated  them.selves  westward  in  j)arallel  lines  so  that  he 
who  travels  fntm  the  Atlantic  to  the  Hocky  Mountains  will 
find  fewer  ditTerences  to  note  than  he  who.  starting  from  Texas, 
travels  north  to  Manitoha.  Tlius  northern  Ohio  was  filled 
from  N(>w  L'ngland  and  western  New  York,  and  in  its  turn 
colonized  northern  Illinois,  .Michigan,  and  much  of  the  farther 
North-west.  Southern  Ohio  and  Illinois,  together  with  great 
part  of  Indiana,  were  peojiled  from  \'irginia  and  Kentucky, 
and  the  difTereut  ([uality  of  tiiese  early  settlers  is  still  trace- 
al)le.  Missouri  was  colonized  from  tlii"  oKh  r  Slave  States,  and 
retains  traces  of  their  character.'  Kansas  lies  just  west  »)f  Mis- 
souri, hut  it  received  in  the  tiays  of  the  Free  Soil  struggle  many 
Puritan  immigrants  from  the  Free  States,  and  shows,  though 
it  used  to  he  called  the  State  of  "cranks,"  a  high  type  of 
political  intelligence.  The  Scan(hnaviaus  are  chiefly  in  Wis- 
consin, Miimesota,  and  the  two  Dakotas,  the  (iermaiis  numer- 
ous in  Iowa  also,  and  indeed  all  over  tlu>se  n(>wer  States, 
including  Texas.  So  far  hack  a ;  1S70  Mi'n-aukee  was  a  (ierman 
rather  than  an  American  city;-  and  in  1S!)()  it  appeared  that 
there  were  town.ships  in  Wisconsin  in  whicli  the  tax  lists  had 
for  years  been  kept  in  (i(Tman,  and  counties  in  which  a  paid 
interpreter  was  required  to  enahle  the  l)usiness  of  the  courts  to 
he  transacted.     Oklahoma,  into  which  settliTs  have  swarmed 

'111  Oropon  thori-  is  ii  distriit  wliiili  \v;is  sc  tt!i'il  liy  jK'npli'  from  Kcnturky 
and  Tonnpsscc,  r;itti<T  exceptionally.  I'jr  the  outtlow  of  these  States  iM'ldoni 
moved  so  far  to  the  north.  'I'he  descc  iidaiits  of  these  ininiitjra'its  are  now 
l|'s^i  prosipertMis  and  eiiterprisinL'  tlias!  :;!:•  these  of  the  men  who  came  from 
the  Free  States. 

'  .VskiiiR  my  way  atjodt  the  street-s,  I  found  (ierman  more  helpful  than 
I'^nghsh.  In  the  same  year  it  was  notieealile  that  in  Wisconsin  the  paper 
money  (tlien  alone  in  use)  had  not  a  markeil  smell  from  tlie  use  of  skina  and 
furs  by  the  nuwly-arrived  Swedes  and  Norwegians. 


I 


316 


PrBLIC  OlMXIOX 


PAKT   IV 


M       < 


i^t ; 


from  Jill  parts  of  the  Xorth  WVst  as  well  as  the  SoiiUi  West,  is 
prc-i'iniin'iilly  tlic  land  of  sanKuiiic  nwlicalism  aiul  cxprnnuMi- 
tal  IcRislatioi-..  Now  Mexico  and  Arizona  were,  till  Congmss  in 
11)10  passed  an  act  for  tli.Mr  admission  as  States,  still  Territories, 
and  the  former  has  a  larj>;<'  M(>xican  element.  Yet  over  tJiemi 
too,  tho  network  of  party  organization  has  Imh'ii  spread,  thonnh,' 
of  course,  the  sparser  population  feeds  a  feei)ler  politicallife. 

The  Pacific  Slop(>,  as  its  inhai)itants  call  it,  K«'<»>?raj)hically 
nicludes  the  States  of  Oregon  and   Washington,   hut  Oregon 
and  Was'ainston  resenil.le  tlii>  North-western  States  in  so  mai;y 
respects  that  they  may  lu'tter  !>(>  classed  therewitli.     Californiii 
and  Nevatla  on  the  otJier  hand,  to  whom  we  may  now  a«ld 
Arizona,  are  distinctly  peculiar.     They  are  more  Western  than 
the  States  I  have  just  been  descrihins,  with  the  characteristics 
of  those  Stat(>s  intensifi(>d  and  some  new  features  added.     They 
ar(>  cut  off  hy  deserts  and  barren  mountain  ranges  from  the 
aRricultural  i)art  of  the  Mississippi  basin,  nor  is  jK)pulation  ever 
likely  to  become  really  continuous  across  this  wilderness.    Mining 
nidustries  play  a  larger  part  in  them  than  in  any  other  State, 
except  Colorado.     Their  inhal)itants  are  unsettled  and  fluctuat- 
mg,  highly  speculative,  as  one  may  exjiect  those  who  mine  and 
gami)le  in  mining  stocks  to  be.     Thoy  u.sed  to  be  chieflv  occupied 
with  questions  of  their  own,  such  as  Oriental  immigration,  the 
management  of  the  great  C\>ntral  and  Southern  Pacific  railroad 
system,  which  has  Ix^en  accused  of  dominating  the  trade  and 
mdu.stries  of  California ;    and  the  reconcilement  of  the  claims 
of  miners  and  agriculturists  to  the  waters  of  the  rivers,  which 
oai  1  set  seeks  to  appropriate,  and  which  the  fonner  have  asserted 
the  right  to  foul.     Now  forc(>s  and  tendencies,  generally  similar 
ar,.  at  work  on  l)oth  sides  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  so  are 
the  issues  which  occupy  men's  min«ls.     Yet  public  opinion  is 
liere,  m  .spite  of  the  pnn-erbial  shrewdness,  energy,  and  hardi- 
hood of  the  men  of  tlu-  Pacific,  somewhat  more  fitful  and  gu.sty, 
less  amenable  to  the  voice  of  .sober  reason,  and  le.ss  deferential 
to  the  authority  of  statesmen,  or  even  of  party  than  anywhere 
else  in  the  L'nion.     "Interests,"  such  as  those  of  a  great  min(>- 
o^^'nmg  group,  or  of  a  railroad,  are  immensely  powerful,  and 
the  reaction^  against  them  not  less  so. 

Of  the  South,  the  solid  South,  as  it  is  often  called,  ))ecause 
its  presidential  vote  has  since  187(5  been  cast  almost  entire  ft)r 
the  Democrats,  some  account  will  be  found  in  three  later  chap- 


u 

ti 
■  i 

■i 


?  i 


CHAP.  lAxxii         LOCAL  TVF'KS   OF  OPINION 


tors,  one  skctchiiifr  its  history  siticc  th(> 


317 


,        .,  .       ,,  ■  .  .  ^  war  ended,  two  others 

<l.'s<.nl„ng  the  eon.l.tio,.  of  th,-  negro  un.l  his  relations  to  the 

n'f  n/wiii  """•.^'"'^"f-;"'  '  -i"  ^ix-k  -I.V  of  th,-  general  oharaote 
o   politieal  opini(,n  and  action  iti  the  former  Slave  States      Th 
phenomena  they  jm-sc-nt  are  unexampled.     E(iuali\v  I 
law  IS  m  theory  absolute  and  perfect,  1 


er 


['fore  tl 


le 


X  inp  secured  hv  the 


ion.     Yet  the  political  subjection  of  a  larg 


ic  part 


Federal  ( 'on, t it ut 

(iiione  Stat(>  a  majority)  <.f  the  pop,datio;riy;u;'i^srmnXr 

I  here  are  ♦hnv  orders  of  men  in  the  South 

The  first  is  the  upper  or  educated  elass.  including  the  chil- 
dren  ..f  the  plant mg  aristocracy  which  ruled  Ix-fon-  the  Civil 
War,  tog,.ther  with  the  Northern  men  who  have  sine-  18(i.5 
settled  m    he  towns  for  th..  purpos,>s  of  trade  or  manufacture 
Of  this  ord(T  more  than  nine-t.-nths  -  those  in  fact  who  hav 
survived  from  Ih,-  old  aristocracy,   together  with  those  who 
have  smee  risen  from  tlu>  Jiuml.ler  class,  an.l  with  most  of  the 
m>wer  arrivals  -  h.^long  to  th,>  Democratic  partv.     Along  with 
the  high  spirit  and  .self-,.onfid,.nce  which  are  jiroper  to  a  ruling 
race,    these   SoutluTn   men    showed    an   enlargem<.nt    of   view 
and  an  aptitude  for  grasping  decid,.d  and  continuous  lines  of 
policy,   in  fact  a  turn   for  statesmanship  as  contrasted  with 
mere  politics,  which  was  less  comm.m  in  the  North,  because 
r  l^'^'T^^  •'>'  .^'»"  '•on.litions  under  which  ambition  has  in 
the  ^orth  to  push  its  way.     The  SoutluTn  man  who  entered 
piU,lic  life  liad  a  more  assured  position  than  his  rival  from 
a  Aorthern  State,  l,ecaus(>  he  n-present.-d  the  opinion  of  a  unite.' 
Inxly  who  st.>.Kl  by  him,  r.^grr  ling  him  as  th.-ir  champion,  an.l 
who  exp,^cted  from  him  l.-ss  ,Mibs,Tvi<.nce  to  th.>ir  instru.-tion. 
Ic  did  n.3t  m><.,l  to  .-ourt  so  assi.luously  the  breath  of  p..puhir 
avour.     He  was  not  moir  .'.lu.'ated  .>r  int.lligent  :    an.l  h-irl 
livcxl  ma  hvss  stimulating  atumsph...'.-.     IJut   h.>  ha.l  c.,urage 
HM.l  a  clear  vision  of  his  oi)j..cts.   the  tw.)  gifts  es.^ential  f.;r 
:i  stat.>sman;    Nvhile  the  imit.-<l  p.)pular  impulse  behiu.l  him 
suppli.>d  a  sort   of  s<Ton.l   i)atri.)tism.     Th.-  e|..ment   of  gain 
entered  somewhat  Ic-ss  int.,  S.,uth.Tn  p.,liti.-s.  partiv  b<>,-aus.^ 
tlu>  country  is  poor  :   an.l  th.)ugh  th."  S..uth  begins  to  be  cm- 
merciahzed,  the  sensitiven.vss  ..n  the  -point  of  honour"  and  a 
lavour  of  punctili.)usn.-ss  ::.  mann.Ts.  r.vall  the  .)lden  time 
Opuuon  m  the  Slave  Stat.'s  b.'f..r<.  th.-  war.  in  sj.ite  of  the 
.  ivisums  b..tw.-.-n  D.-m.K-rats  an.l  Wl.i.r.,    ,vas  ir,,H.,.allv  h.>|,l 
(letimte,  and  consistent,  because  based  on  a  fv-w  doctrim-s      It 


318 


PUnLIf  OPINION 


PART   IV 


I 


was  the  opinion  of  a  small  class  who  were  larRoly  occupiwl 
with  public  affairs,  and  fond  of  dcljatinj?  them  upon  first  prin- 
ciples and  the  words  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  It  has 
preserved  this  quality,  while  losing  its  old  fierceness  and  l>,tter 
recognizing  the  conditions  under  which  it  must  work  in  a  Fed- 
eral republic.  On  the  other  hand,  the  extreme  strength  of 
party  feeling,  due  to  the  extreme  sensitiveness  regarding  the 
negro,  has  prevented  thi'  growth  of  independent  opinion,  and 
of  the  tendency  which  in  the  North  is  called  Mugwumpisni. 
And  although  the  leading  statesmen  arc  not  inferior  to  those 
whom  the  North  sends  to  Washington,  tlic  total  number  of 
thoughtful  and  enlightened  men  is,  in  proportion  to  the  popu- 
lation, smaller  than  in  the  Northeast,  smaller  even  than  in 
such  Western  States  as  Illinois  or  Ohio. 

I  have  used  the  past  tense  in  describing  t)»esi<  plienomena, 
because  the  South  is  changing,  and  the  process  is  now  scarcely 
swifter  in  the  VV'est  than  in  those  ])arts  of  Tennessee,  North 
Carolina,  (teorgia,  and  Alabama  where  the  coal  and  iron  de- 
posits have  recently  been  opened  up.  Most  parts,  liowever,  are 
still  thinly  settled  by  whites,  and  so  poor  that  a  traveller  finds  it 
hard  to  understand  how,  when  still  poorer,  the  people  managed 
to  resist  for  four  years  the  armies  of  the  wealthy  and  pojjulous 
North.  There  is  therefore  less  eagerness  and  hopefulness  than 
in  the  West,  less  searching  discussion  and  elaborate  organiza- 
tion than  in  the  East,  less  of  everything  that  is  characteristi- 
cally democratic;.  The  Machine  has,  in  some  States,  been 
brought  to  no  such  terrible  perfection  as  in  the  North,  because 
the  need  of  it  was  not  felt  where  one  party  was  sure  of  victory, 
and  because  talent  or  social  position  usually  designated  the 
men  to  be  selected  as  candidate's,  or  the  men  whose  voice  would 
determine  the  selection.  Of  late  years,  however,  tlie  aristocratic 
element  in  Southern  politics  'nis  growni  weaker,  and  merits 
that  were  deemed  characteristic  of  Soutliern  statesmen  are 
more  rarely  seen.  Those  who  regret  that  there  has  not  been, 
since  the  Civil  War  generation  died  out,  a  stronger  group  of 
leaders  sent  from  the  South  to  Washington,  attribute  the  fact 
to  the  superior  attractions  of  a  business  career  in  a  region  which 
is  growing  and  developing  so  fast  and  to  the  departure  of 
some  of  the  ablest  intellects  to  Northern  cities  where  they  ex- 
pect to  find  a  larger  field  for  their  talents. 

The  second  order  consists  of  those  who  used  to  be  called  the 


CHAP.  I.XXXII         LOCAL  TYPKS   OF  OPINION 


.319 


I* 


Mean  VVlutrs.     IJ.nr  n„uliti„n    .tr..nKtJ.,-,is  f},,.  impression  of 
half  ciyihzution  wluch  th.-  rural  distrirls  „f  the  Soutli  produce 
upon  tho  travHi..r,  and  wl.i.-J,  ,..„n,>s  ,,ainfully  Imnv  to  hini  in 
tJ.o  badnc-ss  of  th..  urns.     \\l,i|,.  .slavery  lasted,  th.-se  whites 
were,  ,n  the  lowlan.ls  of  th.'  planting  Stat.s,  a  wretched,  be- 
rause  econonu.-ally  superfluous,  class.     Tlu'n-  was  no  room  for 
them  us  labourers.  siue,>  the  slav.s  did  the  work  on  the  plunta- 
ti(,ns  ;   they  had  not  th.'  mon.y  to  pur.-hase  land  an.l  ma.-hin- 
ery  lor  thems,.lv.'s,  nor  the  spirit    to  push  th.'ir  way  in  the 
towns,  wh.l..  tu-  sysfm  of  hirf,..  slav..-work.-.l  property's  n.a.le, 
as  the  at,fu,Hh„  did  louK  u^o  in  Italy,  th.'  cultivation  of  small 
funns  hopeless    an.    the  .'.xistenc.'  .,f  a  thriving  fr.-.-  p.'asantry 
unpossibl.'.      Ih,'  plant.'rs  .|islik.'.l  this  .lass  and  k.'pt   th.-m 
o»  th.'ir  .'stat.'s  as  much  as  possibl.- ;   th.-  slav.'s  .l.-spise.!  them 
an.l  ca ll.'(l  tlu-m  "poor  white  trash."     In  S.mth  (  un.lina  an.l 
th.'  (,ulf  htat.'s,  th.'y  picket  uj)  a  wr.t.h.'.!  livelih.)od  by  rais- 
ing soin.'  v.'Ketabl.'s  n.-ar  th.'ir  huts,  an.l  killiuK  the  wil.l  cr.'a- 
tures  of  th.'  wo.,.ls,  while  a  f.-w  huiiK  roun.l  tli.'  Kreat  house's 
1.)  look  out  for  a  stray  j.,b.     Shiftl.'ss.  ignorant,  imimn-i.lcnt, 
with  no  aims  m  ih.-  pr.'s.'nt  nor  hopes  f.,r  the  future,  citizens 
m  nothmK  hut  th.'  i)os.session  of  v..t.'s,  th.'v  wer.'  a  standing 
reproach  to  th.'  sy,sten»  that   produ.-.'.l  th.in,   and  the  most 
cHivmcmK  pro..f  .)f  its  ecoiKjinie  as  w.ll  as  m.md  failure     In 
the  northerly  Slave  Stat.'s,  th.'y  w.'r.'  bett.'r  ..ff,  and  in  the 
hiKhlan.Is  of  West.'rn  \'irfiinia,  K.-ntuckv.  renn.'ss,.,.,  ami  North 
(  arolma.  when'  th.'r.'  were  few  .,r  no  slav.-s,  tiicv  ha.l,  along 
with  ji,     h  ru.h'ii.'ss  an.l  ifrnoran.-e,  th.'  virtu.'s  of  sim})le  moun- 
taineers.    Their  progn'ss  sin.-.'  the  war  has  been  marke.l    both 
near  the  mining  and  maimfac1-:;ip^-  towns,  which  give  work 
and  furnish  markets,  an.l  in  th."  ..jttoii-b.'aiing  ui)lan.ls,  where 
many  have  acquir.'d  farms  an.l  i)r.)sper.'.l  as  tillers  of  the  soU 
KverjTvhere,  luw.'v.'r.  they  remain,  in  p.jint  of  education  and 
enlightenment,    behind   th.'  small   farmers  or   artisans  of  the 
North  and  West.     Bef.)re  th.>  war  thev  f.)II()we<l.  as  a  matter 
of  course  (except  in  the  mountains,  wlu-re  th.'  coiulitions  were 
.liff.'rent),  the  lea.l  .)f  th.'  planting  .-lass.  n.)t  more  out  of  defer- 
ence to  It  than  from  aversion  t.)  the  n.'groes.     The  Ies<  a  man 
ha.l  to  be  proud  .)f,  the  mor.>  proud  was   he   of  his  colour. 
>  nee  the  war,  they  have  been  no  l.'ss  anxious  than  their  richer 
neighbours  t.)  exclu.le  the  n.'gro.'s  from  any  share  in  the  gov- 
ernment.   But  they  are  no  longer  mere  followers.     They  have 


aa) 


pinLir  opixioN 


PAIIT    IV 


f     , 


t 


lM»gun  to  think  and  jict  lor  thciiisflvcs  ;  ami,  lliounh  one  of  tlic 
first  siji;iis  tit"  iiiilt'iHiult'iici'  was  sliowii  in  llic  accept uuct' of  tlic 
iniimictical)!*'  projects  that  were  for  a  time  advocateil  i)y  the 
Fanners'  Alliance,  they  have  become  a  luxly  which  lias  views, 
and  with  whos."  views  it  is  necessary  t.)  reckon. 

The  negHK's  constitute  nearly  one-third  of  the  |)opwlation  of 
the  old  Slave  States,  and  \n  two  States  (Mississippi  and  South 
Carolina)  they  are  in  a  majority,  beinn  nearly  eciual  to  the 
whites  in  I^ouisiana  and  (ieorKia.  Though  their  presence  is 
the  dominant  factor  in  Southern  politics,  they  cannot  he  said 
to  fonn  or  influence  o|)inion  ;  and  it  is  not  their  votes,  hut  the 
efforts  inatle  to  prevent  them  fronj  voting,  that  have  influencwl 
the  course  of  events.  I  reserve  for  suhsetjuent  chapters  an 
account  of  their  sinj^ular  position. 

Remembering  that  of  the  whole  population  of  the  Union, 
nearly  one-third  is  in  the  Southern  States,  and  that  the  major- 
ity of  that  one-third,  viz.  the  lower  part  of  the  poor  whites  and 
nearly  ail  the  negroes,  has  no  political  knowledge*  or  capacity, 
niilliing  that  can  be  caUed  ratitmal  opinion,  and  remembering 
al-r  the  large  mass  of  recently  arrived  and  ignorant  immigrants, 
it  will  be  seen  how  far  the  inhal>itants  of  the  United  States  are 
from  being  a  democracy  enlightened  through  and  through.  If 
one  part  of  the  people  is  as  educated  and  caj)al)le  as  that  of 
Switzerland,  another  is  as  ignorant  and  politically  untrained 
as  that  of  Russia. 

Of  the  four  divisions  of  the  country  al)Ove  described,  the 
We.st  (including  Oregon  antl  Washington)  has  already  th(^ 
largest  vote,  and  since  it  grows  faster  than  the  others,  will 
soon  be  indisputal)ly  predominant.  But  as  it  grows,  it  loses 
some  of  its  distinctive  features,  becoming  more  like  the  Ea.st 
and  falling  more  and  more  under  Ea.sterix  influences,  both  intel- 
lectual and  financial.  It  must  not  therefore  l)e  supposed  that 
what  is  now  typically  Western  opinion  will  be  the  reigning 
opinion  of  the  future.  The  Pacific  States  will  in  time  be  drawn 
closer  to  those  of  the  Mississippi  \'alley,  losing  something 
of  such  specific  quality  as  they  .still  possess  ;  and  centres  of 
literary  activity,  such  as  now  exist  chiefiy  in  the  Atlantic- 
States,  will  be  more  and  more  scattered  over  the  whole  country. 
Opinion  will  therefore  be  more  homogeneous,  or  at  least  less 
local,  in  the  future  than  it  has  been  in  the  past ;  even  as  now 
it  is  less  determined  by  local  and  State  influences  than  it  was 
in  the  earlier  days  of  the  Republic. 


(ilAPTKR    LX.WII 


THE   ACTroN    OK   ITHMC   ol'I.MO.V 


w 


The  last  few  clmptcrs  have  attcii»|)tc(l  to  explain  what  fire 
the  conditions  under  wliirli  opinion  is  I'orined  in  America, 
what  national  (lualities  it  retlects,  how  it  is  alTected  hy  class 
interests  or  local  circumstances,  as  \v<ll  as  tlinninh  what  organs 
it  manifests  itself.  We  nuist  now  inipiire  how  it  acts,  and  for 
this  purpose  try  to  answer  three  (|Uesti(iiis. 

By  wliom  is  jjuhlic  opinion  formed?  i.f.  I>y  the  few  or  by  the 
many  ? 

How  does  it  seek  to  gnisp  and  use  the  leyal  machinery  which 
the  Constitutions  (Federal  and  State)  proxide? 

What  m<'ans  lias  it  of  iniliienciny;  tlu'  conduct  of  atTairs  other- 
wise than  through  the  rcfjular  len;al  machinery? 

It  may  serve  to  illustrate  the  phenomena  which  mark  the 
growth  of  opinion  in  America  if  we  compare  them  with  those 
of  some  European  country.  As  Britain  is  the  country  in 
which  public  opinion  has  been  lonjrest  and  with  least  inter- 
ruption installed  in  power,  and  iu  which  the  mass  of  the  people 
are  more  largely  than  elsewhere  interested  in  public  alTairs,' 
Britain  supplies  the  fittest  materials  for  a  comparison. 

In  Britain  political  supremacy  belongs  to  tlie  householder 
voters,  who  number  (over  the  whole  I'nited  Kingdom)  al)out 
7,000,000,  being  rather  less  tlian  two-thirds  of  the  adult  male 
population.  Public  opinion  ought  in  theory  to  reside  in  them. 
Practically,  however,  as  everybody  knows,  iiKjst  of  them  have 
little  that  can  be  called  political  opinion.  It  is  the  creation 
and  posscs.sion  of  a  much  smaller  luimlxT. 

An  analysis  of  public  opinion  in  Britain  will  distinguish 
three  sets  of  persons  —  I  do  nut  call  tlu-m  classic,  for  they  do 
not  coincide  with   social  grides  —  those   who  maki'  opinion, 


aro 
al)li-. 


Always    cxofptiiiR    Switzerland,    \cirw:iv 
'ViT,  t(K>  (liHsiniilar  from  those  of  .' 

T  a2i 


ami    Clreiee,     wl 
lerica  to  make  a  < 


whose    eoiiditions 
ompurisun  profit- 


322 


IM'HLIC     >PfNI()\ 


pAitr  IV 


If 


li-  < 


tl.osc  who  rt'ciivc  and  liohi  (tpiuion,  fJiosc  who  have  no  opinions 
at  all. 

The  (irst  s(t  <-(.Msists  of  practical  polititi;in.s  {i.r.  a  ccrlain 
nuinl.ir  of  nicmlicrs  of  the  I^owcr  Houm-  ami  a  niiich  Mnallcr 
fraction  of  tlic  I'ppcr,  t<i>,'ctlicr  with  men  takinjr  an  active 
part  in  local  p.uty  oi-Ranizations),  jounuili^ts  and  other  puMic 
writers,  and  a  -mall  frinjie  of  ..tjur  persons,  chiellv  professional 
men.  wliolliiidx  and  talk  c(.nstantly  ahotit  pui.lie  affairs.  Within 
this  set  (.f  ni.'n.  who  .-ire  to  he  eoniitei!  I.y  Innnlreds  rather  than 
hy  thonsands.  it  is  the  ehietV  of  the  ^reat  i)ai1ies  who  have  the 
main  share  in  startin-j;  opinion,  the  journalists  in  propnKatin«  it. 
Del)at(>s  in  Parliament  do  sotnethiiitf,  and  the  siM'eches  whicli 
cu.stoni,  recent,  hut  stroma;  and  increasing.  re(|uires  the  leaders 
to  deliver  up  and  down  t!ie  country,  and  which  are  of  coiir.se 
reiM)rted.  replace  Parliament  when  it  is  not  sitting.  The  func- 
tion of  the  dozen  hest  thinkers  and  talkers  in  eaeli  puHy  is  now 
not  merely,  as  in  the  la^t  ^reiieration,  to  know  an.rnianaKe 
Parliament,  to  watch  foreiiri,  affairs,  ami  prejiare  schenas  of 

doinesticlenishition,  hut  toiaspire,  instruct,. stimiilatcamlattach 
the  outside  puiilic.  ,S)  too  nieinhds  of  the  Ihai.se.s  of  Parlia- 
inent  (ind  that  the  cliief  utility  of  their  po-^ition  lies  in  its  ena'hlinjr 
them  to  understand  the  actu.alitics  of  politics  lu-ttiT  than  tin  y 
could  otherwise  do,  ami  to  nain  a  hearini;-  outside  for  wh.it  they 
may  have  to  say  to  their  fellow-count rvm(>n.  This  small  set 
of  person.s  constitutes  what  may  h(.  calletl  the  workitur  .staff  of 
the  lal>oratory  :  it  is  anion-,'  them,  I.y  the  reciprocal  action  and 
reaction  on  one  another  of  the  chiefs,  th(>  followers,  and  tiie 
pH'ss.  that  opinion  receives  its  first  shape.' 

The  second  .set  of  persons  consists  of  those  who  wateli  jiul.lic 

"Small  .1.,  it  nmy  still  s<...n,  to  an  AmmVrin,  th-  Hmss  that  fomm  ..„.,li,. 
oinmou  hu8  l,o,.„  stoa.lily  wi,i,.ni,ur  i„  I.;„«lan.l.  I.a«t  .•,.„,ur^  ,7  ouh  It  d 
oiJyof  tho  tlH.n  rul.„«  rlas«,  -  th.,  ^n  at  fu„.ili..«.  -  th,.  II.  ,...  ,.f  f"  L. 
n.-nt,  a  r..rta,n  „u.nl„T  of  lawyr.,  „i.h  a  v.ry  f.w  jo„n,alis„  anr.l  n  ■.  " 
and  a  *„t  of  fn,.^,.  of  .  du-afd  ,„..„  M„d  ,Moni...l  ■„..„  I.rou.du  .n-o  r  ,,  i  V^ 
with  the.  rul.-rs.     Tlu.  wa.  tlu-  tuu-la„d  wlu-h  allowd  (i„or^.  II  !^"^ 

and  los..  th..   North   .\n,.Ti,.an  f'olo„i,.s.     Kv.n   tlu-.i.   no  doul.t      .^     m^ . 

vot,.rs  ou,s.,i..  (,.x,n.n.,.ly  s.nall   wh.a,   , par.,!  with  th.  un,uUn -  H-, 

e^n.   ted  for  .om..th>n«.     .,r  thrr..  uas  always  a  .....snihility  of  th,.,r     -u-n^l 
wh.-n  son...  f,.,.h.,K  s(,r..a.l  Hn..„.«  th...„,  o„,.  or  ..th.r  of  th..  ,.-,rti,.s  \.uiu  ™„v 

exproH„„„  ,n  tho  ...M.nti,..  a,„l  in  a   f-w  of  ,h,.  l,or.,„d,s.      ;\  ■,..„;..     R,  4" 

Sw  h    I  1    ""  o"'"'   r"  ""?'■'"■■  =""'  ■■''"'"''  -tin«ui.h,.  1  th,    „o,  k.       :L^. 
T%hat  had    .......  th..  n.l.i.i;  .la.-s  ..nk  into  l,..i„.  „„  ,,  Iv  ,f„.  „fr„,.-h,.       ...     ■  I 

and  now.  though  ,t  .li...l  l,ar.|,  its  n,.,no„oly  of  offi..,.  |,as  .l..part...l  as  n  •  a^mnu... 

of  Bitting  la  Parhamcut  did  m  I.VC'.  -^uuouhii 


niAF.  I.XXXIII    THK  A(TI(»>      iK  ITHMc  OPINION 


3J3 


ftfTairs  with  u  nTtain  m.a.Min  ,,!  ii.t.iot.  W  lu'ii  an  iiupor- 
taiif  (iiK'stioii  ari>,-s.  tli.y  |u.,i.  t  th,  ,|.l.;,1.s  in  I'ailiainmt  or 
HoiiU'  plaftonn  .IcIiv.Tancr  l,y  ;i  Ira.lrr.  an.l  tluy  liavr  at  all 
tiin.-s  H  notion  of  ulial  i-<  |.a>  ;  :•,  it,  ih,.  politiral  worl.l.  Tlii-y 
now  un.l  tlan  attci.l  a  niiMi.  imriii.u.  Tluv  arc  not  nniv.-r- 
Kally,  hut  now  prrfly  ]ar;;.ly.  ,  ,  ,,,11,  , I  •:  .  .n.inl.',.,-,  of  .on.r  politi- 
cal asM)ciafiuh.  Wlici,  an  •■i(..i.,u  arriv.s  (Ikv  u..  f„  vote  (.f 
th.ir  o«  n  a.-c..i.|.  Th,  y  t,-,lk  ov.  r  pul.i  i,-  aft-:  ;!i„i:,  ,  or  cominu 
uitotown  ny  aMil.iirhaii  traiM.  'I  !„■  (,.np,,Mi,.n  of  „u|,  persons 
IS  lai-Kcr  in  the  profr>>ini,al  .lass.,  (an.l  .-(..lalls  aiuonjr  tl,.- 
lawyers)  tliun  in  th.-  MKr-'ai.tii,,  lar«vr  in  the  nppir  nu  iraiiil.« 
than  anioiiR  tlic  working  nan  of  li,,  i,,\m„,  l.,.,  ,  ,  hidiiu  ,>kiilf.l 
than  unskill«>.|  artisans,  laiL^r  in  th.  North  than  in  thrSonth. 
larjfir  anioiin  the  town  workin.n  than  ani(»iiu  the  m.irc  ivc.-iitiv 
cnfranchiM-d  ai;ri.nhnral  lahouirr^.  ]{  vaii.>  in  .li!i,.r.i,t  parts 
of  the  country,  an.!  is  p.rhaps  r.  laiiv.j.  Mnall.r  in'  l.<.n.lon 
than  inotlu'r  .■iti...  If  still  less  than  a  thin!  of  (!,.■  total  nuni- 
U'r^of  voters,  it  is  nrvcrth.  le-s  an  iiicn  a>inw  proportion.' 

The  thir.l  s<-t  inclu(i(s  all  the  ivst  .if  the  voters.  Though 
they  posses.s  jmlitieal  power,  ami  aiv  iMtter  please.!  t..  have  it, 
th.y  do  not  really  care  ahout  it  lh:;t  i^  t<.  ^ay,  polities  oeeupv 
no  appreeial)le  space  in  their  th..imhl  an.l  iiit.r.st-;.  Some  of 
thcni  vote  at  electi.ins  because  th.y  c.Mi-i.ler  themselves  to 
bclonj:  to  a  i)arty,  or  fancy  that  on  a  -iv.n  occasi.,ii  they  have 
more  to  e.xjM'ct  from  the  one  p.uty  than  iioin  the  other:  or 
hecause  they  arc  iiroujrfit  ,jp  on  el..  HiHi  .hiy  l.y  -.,nie  one  wiio 
can  influence  them.  The  miinUer  who  v(jte  ten.l>  to  increase 
with  the  importation  of  pan.\  into  mimicipal  an.l  other  local 
contests  ;  an.l  from  tlu'  sau'c  eaii>.-  som.'  ii,,v,-  enrol  themselvo 
■II  party  associations.  Otli.i-s  uiH  not  take  the  troul)le  to  jro 
ro  the  polN.  Xo  one.  e\.-.'|)t  on  the  >tun:p.  .-an  atlrilmte  inde- 
^'.ndent  political  thinking;  l.t  llii-<  ma-^  of  n.  isoiis,  Oecause  their 
.nowledge  and  inlere>t,  thouuli  -rowinti  un.i<T  the  influence  of 
*he  privilcRcs  they  enjoy,  are  -till  -iiuht.  .Many  have  not  even 
i)olitiral  prepos.-;-ssi(ms,  an.i  will  -tare  or  >mile  when  asked  to 
which    party    they   hel.mg.     They    count    for    little   except    at 


el-ctifiris,  .Mild  tlien  c.hieflv  .•! 


ithel-S. 


■In  f'hapt.T  hXU..  nntr.  I  lia\ .- .•itt-nipt.-,)  i,,  (li.Btiiiirui.sh  an  Inn-T  and 
•  ntpr  I'lrflc  of  piTsons  wh..  tnl:.'  :,ii  .■..■tiv  e:irt  in  pnlitical  w.,rk.  What  I 
■  '•"  .-all  th.'  first  or  ..linion-tnakin-  s.t  «nuM  lie  ahiiost  wh-illv  within  th.; 
-liDtT  '  irrle,  and  wuuld  b<!  much  small.T  than  that  circl.-. 


324 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


So  far  as  the  formation  or  exercise  of  opinion  goes,  they  may  be 
left  out  of  sight.' 

It  is  ol)viously  impos.«iil)le  to  draw  a  sharp  line  between  the 
second  set  and  the  third,  or  to  estimate  their  relative  numbers, 
l)ecaus(>  when  jiolitics  arc  dull  many  persons  subside  into  in- 
difference whom  the  advent  of  a  crisis  may  again  arouse.  And 
of  course  there  are  plenty  of  people  in  the  second  .set  who, 
tliough  intcn'sted  in  politics,  have  no  real  knowledge  or  judg- 
ment about  tliem.  Sucli  considerations,  howev(>r,  do  not  touch 
the  point  of  the  present  analysis,  which  is  to  distinguish  between 
the  citizens  who  origiiiat(>  opitiiijn  (the  first  set),  those  who  hold 
and  somewhat  modify  it  (the  second  .set),  and  those  who  are 
rather  to  be  deemed,  and  even  that  only  if  they  can  Ix"  brought 
to  the  poll,  mere  ballot-markers.  The  first  set  do  the  thinking  ; 
they  scatter  forth  the  idejus  and  arguments.  The  .second  .set 
receive  and  test  what  is  set  before  them.  What  their  feeling 
or  judgment  approves  they  acc(>pt  and  give  (>fTect  to  by  their 
votes  ;  what  tlu>y  dislike  or  susjx'ct  is  refused  and  falls  dead,  or 
possibly  sets  th(>m  the  other  way.  The  measure  of  the  worth 
of  a  view  or  i)r<)posal  —  I  do  not  mean  its  intrinsic  worth,  but 
its  power  of  pleasing  tlie  nation  —  is,  however,  not  merely  the 
breadth  of  the  support  it  oi)tains,  but  al.so  the  zeal  which  it 
inspires  in  those  who  adojjt  it.  .Uthough  jwrsons  in  the  second 
set  usually  I)elong  to  one  or  other  party,"  and  are  therefore 
prima  facie  dis})osed  to  accept  Mhat<'ver  comes  from  their  party 
leaders,  yet  the  degr(>e  of  cordiality  with  which  they  accei)t 
indicates  to  a  leader  how  their  minds  are  moving,  and  becomes 
an  element  in  his  future  calculations.     Thus  the  second  set, 


ifii 


'  Wlmt  is  said  licrc  cMiirKpt  (pf  course  !«■  provcil.  Imt  will  i-oiiiiiiciiil  itself  to 
any  one  wlio,  kiKiwinn  a  laiw  ron^Jtitiii'in-y,  loinparcs  thr  iiuiiiImt  iif  p  r.s<)iis 
will)  attend  puMie  iiieedu'.'s  at  an  <leetiiiii  ami  laii  Im-  trusted  to  coiiic  of  thotn- 
celves  to  the  p..||s  with  tlie  total  iiunilHr  of  voters  on  the  lists.  In  the  Lon- 
don constituencies  1  doulpt  if  more  than  10  per  cent  of  the  nominal  voting 
.strenjith  .sliow  their  interest  in  either  of  these  \va.\s.  From  2r>  to  ;j.j  per  n-nt 
do  not  even  vote.  The  votinu  proiMirtion  is  larKcr  in  the  nortlKTii  and  in  the 
west  Midland  towns  and  in  Sidtland.  In  tlie  ol<|  da.\s  of  small  constituencies, 
when  it  mi^lit  have  lieen  supposed  that  the  restriction  of  the  franchi.se  wo-ild 
have  niaile  it  more  prized,  ine.xperienceil  ciindidates  were  alwa.xs  struck  hy  the 
small  iXTcenlace,  out  of  tliiw  whom  they  personall.v  canvassed,  who  «eenied 
to  rare  alH>ut  pulitiis,  or  even  deemed  thi'mselves  steady  party  men. 

-  Ihe  increasingly  party  eii.aractcr  of  municipal  contest  tends  to  draw  an 
alw.iys  larner  numlier  of  pers>ns  from  the  third  class  into  the  wcond,  Ijccauw! 
lieiiiK  (IniKRed  up  to  vote  at  a  municipal  election  the.v  aeijuire,  if  not  opinion!, 
at  k'ast  the  liubit  of  purt.v  iictiou  and  of  repeating  party  cries. 


CHAP.  Lxxxin    THE  ACT[()N  OF  PrHLIC  OPINION' 


325 


"i 
I 

.1 


m 


although  rocoptivc  rather  thiui  creative,  htis  an  important  func- 
tion in  nioultlinfj;  o|)inion,  and  )i;iviiij?  it  th»'  shape  and  colour  it 
finally  takes  when  it  has  crystallized  under  the  influence  of  a 
party  strugj^le.  The  third  set  can  scarcely  he  calleil  a  factor  in 
the  formation  of  oi)inion,  except  in  so  far  as  one  ])articular  pro- 
posal or  ciy  may  j)rove  more  attractive  to  it  than  another.  It 
has  some  few  fixed  ideas  or  prejudices  which  a  statesman  imist 
hear  in  mind,  but  in  the  main  it  is  passive,  consisting  of  persons 
who  either  follow  the  lead  of  mend»ers  of  the  first  or  second  set 
or  who  are  too  indifferent  to  move  at  all. 

The  United  States  present  different  i)henomena.  There 
wiiat  I  have  called  the  first  set  is  extremely  small.  The  third 
set  is  relatively  smaller  than  in  Britain,  and  hut  for  the  recent 
immigrants  and  the  negroes  would  he  insignificant.  It  is  in  the 
second  set  tliat  opinion  is  formed  as  well  as  testfnl,  created  as 
well  as  moulded.  Political  light  and  heat  do  not  radiate  out 
from  a  centre  as  in  England.  They  are  diffused  all  through  the 
atmosphere,  and  are  little  more  intease  in  t!ie  inner  sphere  of 
j)ractical  poHticians  than  elsewliere.  The  ordinary  citizens 
are  interested  in  politics,  and  watch  them  with  intelligence,  the 
same  kind  of  intelligence  (though  a  smaller  quantitj'  of  it)  as 
they  apply  to  their  own  business.  Thoy  are  forced  by  incessant 
elections  to  take  a  more  active  part  in  i)ublic  affairs  than  is 
taken  l)y  any  European  peoph-.  They  think  their  own  compe- 
tence equal  to  that  of  their  rej^resentatives  and  office-bearers ; 
and  they  are  not  far  wrong.  They  do  not  therefore  look  up  to 
their  statesmen  for  guidance,  ])ut  look  around  to  one  another, 
carrying  to  its  extreme  the  princip!"  that  in  the  multitude  of 
counsellors  there  is  wisdom. 

In  America,  therefore,  opinicm  is  not  made  but  grows.  Of 
course  it  must  begin  somewhere  ;  but  it  is  often  hard  to  say 
where  or  how.  As  there  are  in  the  country  a  va.st  number  of 
minds  similar  in  their  knowledge,  beliefs,  and  attitude,  with  few 
exceptionally  powerful  minds  applying  themselves  to  politics, 
it  is  natural  that  the  same  idea  should  often  occur  to  several  or 
many  persons  at  the  same  time,  that  each  event  as  it  occurs 
shouhl  j)roduce  the  same  impression  and  evoke  the  same  com- 
ments over  a  with'  area.  When  t\il>Iiod.v  dcNilcs  to  aj^ree  with 
the  majority,  and  values  such  accord  more  highly  than  the  credit 
of  originality,  this  tendency  is  all  the  stronger.  An  idea  (mce 
launched,  or  a  view  on  som<!  current  (juestion  propoundctl,  flies 


ill 


I 


326 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART  n 


I    ; 


everj'where  on  the  wings  of  a  press  eager  for  novelties.  Pub- 
licity IS  tlie  easiest  tiling  in  the  world  to  obtain  ;  but  a.s  it  is 
attainable  by  all  notions,  phrases,  and  projects,  wise  and  foolish 
ahke,  the  struggle  for  existence  —  that  is  to  say,  for  public 
attention  —  is  stn  ere. 

I  do  not,  of  course,  deny  that  heu',  as  everywhere  else  in  tlie 
world,  some  one  ixTson  or  group  inu.st  make  a  beginning   but 
seek  to  point  out  that,  whereas  in  ^Miroiw  it  is  patent  who 'does 
make  the  b(>ginniug.  in  America  a  view  often  seems  to  arise 
spontaneously,  and  to  be  the  work  of  manv  rather  than  of  few 
The  imhvidual  counts  for  less,  the  mass  counts  for  more.     In 
propjigatmg  a  doctrine  not  hitherto  advocated  by  any  party, 
the  methods  used  are  similar  to  tliose  of  Kngland.     A  centrai 
society  is  formed,  branch  socic-ties  spring  up  over  the  country 
a  journal  (perhaixs  sev(>ral  journals)  is  started,  and  if  the  move^ 
ment  thrives,  an  annual  convention  of  its  supporters  is  held 
at  which  speeclies  are  made  and  resolutions  adopted.     If  any 
striking  personality  is  connected  with  the  movement  as  a  leader 
as  Carrison  was  with  Abolitionism,  he  cannot  but  become  a 
sort  of  figure-head.     Y<.t  it  happens  more  rarely  in  America 
than  in  I^nglaml  that  an  individual  leader  gives  its  character 
to  a  movenu>nt,  i)ur11y  iK'cause  new  movements  less  often  l)egin 
aniong,  or  are  taken  uji  by,  jx^rsons  already  known  as  practical 
politicians. 

As  regards  opinion  on  the  main  questions  of  the  hour,  such  as 
the  e.xtension  of  slavery  long  was,  and  questions  affecting  rail- 
ways trusts,  tlie  currency,  the  tariff,  are  now,  it  ri.ses  and  falls 
much  as  in  any  ot  Iier  country,  under  the  influence  of  events  which 
mnn  to  make  f<.r  one  or  tlH>  otlu-r  of  the  contending  views 
Ihere  is  this  difterence  betwe(>n  America  and  Eurorx',  that  in  the 
former  sjx^eches  seem  to  infin(>nce  the  average  citizen  less    be- 
cause he  IS  more  aj^t  to  do  liis  own  thinking  ;    newsi)aiMT  invec- 
tive l(>ss   because  he  is  used  to  if  ;  current  events  rather  more 
lH>cau,s<^  he  IS  lH.tter  informed  of  tluMn.     Party  spirit  is  probably 
no  stronger  ,n  Anieri<.i  than  in  Knglaiul,  so  far  a.s  a  man's  think- 
ing  and  talking  go,  but  it  tells  more  uix)n  him  when  he  comes 
to  vote. 

An  illustration  of  what  h.-.s  Ikhmi  said  in.Hv  he  foun<l  in  the  fact 
that  the  proportion  of  persons  who  actuallv  vote  at  an  election 
to  those  whos(>  njinies  iippoar  on  the  voting  list  is  larger  in 
America  than  m  i:uroi)e.     In  .some  English  constituencies  this 


CHAP.  Lxxxm    TFIR  ACTION  OF  PUBLIC  OPINION 


327 


percentage  is  from  <)0-7()  por  cent,  thoiijih  at  cxcitinR  moments 

it  is  larger 

general 


^r  than  tliis,  taking  the  country  as  a  wlioh'.     At  the 


;-tion  of  1910 


.led 


l)er  cent.  In  America 
80  per  cent  may  he  a  fair  average  in  i)re.-^i<lential  elections,  which 
call  out  the  heaviest  vote,  and  in  some  recent  contests  this 
proportion  wa.s  <'xceeded.  Something  may  he  ascribed  to  the 
more  elaborate  local  organization  of  American  parties;  but 
against  this  ought  to  be  set  the  fact  tliut  th(>  English  voting  mass 
includes  not  quite  two-thirds,  the  American  n(>arly  the  whole, 
of  the  adult  male  population,  and  that  the  English  voters  are  the 
more  solid  and  well-to-do  part  of  the  population. 

Is  there,  then,  in  the  Inited  States,  no  inner  sphere  of  think- 
ers, writers,  and  speak(>rs,  ((jrresponchng  to  what  we  have  called 
the  "first  set"  in  England? 

There  are  indiviilual  men  corresponding  to  individuals  in  that 
English  set,  and  probably  ([uite  as  numerous.  There  are  jour- 
nalists of  great  ability,  tliere  are  a  .(  w  literary  men,  clergymen 
and  teachers,  a  good  many  ia\\y(>rs.  some  business  men,  some 
few  politicians.  Jiut  they  are  isolated  and  unorganized,  and 
do  not  constitute  a  class.  Most  of  tiiem  are  primarily  occupied 
with  their  own  avocations,  and  liave  only  sjjare  time  to  give  to 
political  thinking  or  writing.  They  are  mostly  resident  in  or 
near  the  Eastern  and  four  or  five  of  the  largest  Western  cities, 
and  through  many  large  tracts  of  ct)untry  scarce  any  are  to  be 
found.  In  England  the  profession  of  opinion-making  and  lead- 
ing is  the  work  of  specialists  ;  in  America,  except  as  regards  the 
few  journalists  and  statesmen  aforesaid,  of  amatetirs.  As  the 
books  of  amateurs  have  merits  which  those  of  i)rofessional 
authors  are  apt  to  want,  so  something  is  gained  l)y  the  absence 
of  the  prof(>ssional  element  from  American  political  opinion. 
But  that  which  these  amateurs  produce  is  less  coherent,  less 
abundant,  and  less  pnmiptly  elfective  upon  the  mass  of  the  citi- 
zens than  the  corresponding  luiglish  product.  In  fact,  the 
individual  Americans  whom  we  are  considering  can  (except  the 
journalists  and  statesnien  aforesaid)  be  distinguished  from  the 
ma.ss  of  citizens  only  by  tiieir  superior  intellectual  competence 
and  their  keener  interest  in  public  affairs.  (Of  the  " professional 
politicians"  there  is  no  question,  because  it  is  in  the  getting  and 
k(>eping  of  places  that  these  gentlemen  are  occupied.)  We  may 
therefore  repeat  the  proposition,  that  in  .\merica  opinion  does 
not  originate  in  a  particular  class,  but  grows  up  in  the  nation  at 


:i  I 


328 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


large  thouRh,  of  course,  tlu-ro  aro  leatlinR  minds  in  the  nation 
who  have  more  to  do  with  its  formation  than  the  run  of  their 
fellow-citizens.  A  good  instance  of  the  power  such  men  may 
exercise  is  afforded  l)y  the  success  of  the  civil  service  reform 
inovement,  which  he^an  among  a  few  enlightened  citizens  in  the 
hasten!  States,  who  i)y  degrees  leavened,  or  were  thought  to  be 
leavening,  the  minds  of  tlieir  fellows  to  such  an  extent  that  (Con- 
gress was  forced,  sorely  against  the  grain,  to  bring  in  and  pass 
the  appropriati-  legislation.  Other  instances  may  be  found  in 
the  swift  success  obtained  l)y  those  who  advocated  the  secret 
or  •'.Vustralian"  ballot,  a  measure  not  specially  desired  by  the 
politicians,"  aii.l  ii:  tiie  spread  of  the  recent  legislation  estab- 
lishing  statutory  primaries,  which  was  ailvocated  in  the  West 
by  a  comparatively  small  luimlxT  of  refonners  and  then  found 
support  from  a  larg(>  IkxIv  of  citizens  who  had  come  to  disUko 
the  Machine  and  its  ways. 

An  illustration  of  a  different  kind,  but  not  less  striking,  was 
the  victory  of  the  agitation  for  international  copyright.     A  few 
literary  men.  s(>coi:.<1(m1  after  a  while  l)y  a  very  few  publishers, 
had  for  weary  years  maintained  what  .seemed  a  hopeless  struggle 
for  the  ext<!nsion  to  fort  ign  authors  of  the  right  to  acquire  copy- 
right in  America,  theretofore  reserved  to  citizens  only.     These 
men  were  at  first  ridiculed.     People  asked  how  they  could  expect 
that  the  nation,  whose  ciiief  reading  was  in  European  books 
sold  very  cheap  because  the  author  received  no  profit,  would 
raise  the  price  of  those?  books  against  itself  ?    Neither  Republicans 
nor  Democrats  had  anything  to  gain  by  pa.ssing  the  bill,  and 
Congress,  by  larg(^  majorities,  rejected  or  refused  to  advance 
(which  came  to  tli(>  s;i.n(>  thing)  (>very  bill  presented  to  it.     The 
agitators,  however.  f)ers;'vcn'd,  receiving  help  from  a  sympathetic 
press,  and  so  worked  ui)on  tlie  honour  and  good  sense  of  the 
jx^ople  that  Congress  at  last  cain(>  round.     The  hostile  interests 
fought  hard,  and  (>xtorted  some  concessions.     But  in  1891  the 
bill  was  passed.' 

We  may  now  ask  in  what  manner  oi)inion,  formed  or  forming, 
IS  able  to  influence  the  conduct  of  affairs  ? 

^  The  legal  machinery  through  which  the  people  are  by  the 
Constitution  (I'\'deral  and  State)  invited  to  govern  is  that  of 

.n,,n  (tlu.  hi.  Mr.  '{.  W .  (iil.l,rj.  wl...  Iki<1  hr.-n  oi.o  of  tlu-  most  active  pro- 
nioti-rs  of  I  he  iiiiusurc. 


CHAP,  i.xxxiii        TIIK   ACTION   OV   Pl'MLK^  OPINION 


.{29 


plections.  Occasionally,  wlun  tlic  (lucstiou  of  altering  a  State 
Constitution  comes  up,  tlic  cilizcii  votes  directly  for  or  against 
a  proposition  put  to  him  in  tlie  form  of  a  constitutional  amend- 
ment;  hut  otherwise  it  is  only  liy  voting  for  a  man  as  can- 
didate that  he  can  (except  of  course  in  the  States  which  have 
adopted  the  Initiative  and  Ueferendinn)  give  expr(>ssion  to  his 
views,  and  directly  support  or  oppose  >onie  policy.  Now,  in 
every  country,  voting  f«ir  a  man  is  an  iuade(iuate  way  of  ex- 
pres.sing  one's  views  of  policy,  Ixcaiise  the  caii<lidate  is  sure  to 
difTer  in  one  or  more  (iue.><ti( ms  from  many  of  those  who  l)eh)ng 
to  the  party.  It  is  especially  inadeciuate  in  the  I'liited  States, 
because  the  strictness  of  party  di^^cipline  leaves  Iiitl(>  freedom 
of  individual  thought  or  action  to  the  niemher  of  a  legislature, 
liecause  the  ordinary  politician  has  little  interest  in  anything 
hut  the  regular  party  progranmie,  and  l)ecause  in  no  party  are 
tlic  citizens  at  large  permitted  to  .'^elect  their  candi<late,  seeing 
that  he  is  found  for  tliem  and  forc(-d  on  them  by  the  profes- 
sionals of  the  i)arty  organization.  V.liil(\  th(>refore,  nothing  is 
etisier  than  for  opinion  which  runs  in  the  direct  chamiel  of  party 
to  give  ott'ect  to  itself  freciuently  and  vigorously,  nothing  is 
harder  than  for  opinicni  which  wanders  out  of  that  chamiel  to 
find  a  legal  and  regular  means  of  bringing  itself  to  bear  upon 
those  who  govern  either  as  legislators  or  executive  officers. 
This  is  the  weak  point  of  the  American  party  .system,  perhaps 
of  every  party  system,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  inde- 
pendent-minded citizen,  as  it  is  the  strong  point  from  that  of 
the  party  manager.  A  body  of  unorganized  opinion  is,  there- 
fore, helpless  in  the  face  of  compact  parties.  It  is  obliged  to 
organize.  When  organized  for  the  promotion  of  a  particular 
view  or  proposition,  it  has  in  the  I'liited  States  three  courses 
op(>n  to  it. 

The  first  is  to  capture  one  or  other  of  the  great  standing 
parties,  i.e.  to  persuade  or  frigliten  tliat  i)arty  into  adopting 
this  view  as  part  (jf  its  programme,  or,  to  use  the  technical 
term,  making  it  a  plank  of  the  platform,  in  whicli  case  the  i)arty 
candidates  will  be  bound  to  support  it.  Tliis  is  the  most  effec- 
tive course,  but  the  most  diflicult  :  for  a  party  i>;  sure  to  have 
something  to  lose  iu^  w>  !I  as  to  j.  '  <  !.y  (  nii>racing  a  new  dogma. 
Why  should  such  parties  as  tlios«  ,)f  AnuTica  have  lately  been, 
trouble  themselves  with  t.iking  up  new  iiuestioiis,  unless  they  arc 
satisfied  they  will  gain  liierdA?     Their  old  dogmas  ;ire  indeed 


'I  I 

ill 

li  1 
K  I 


ii 


I  ,  n 


If 


330 


PTTBLTC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


t'l      -■' 


H;^^< 


I'M'. 


worn  threadbare,  hut  liave  been  hitherto  found  sufficient  to 
cover  them. 

The  second  course  is  for  the  men  who  hold  the  particuhir 
view  to  declare  themselves  a  new  party,  put  forward  their  own 
programme,  run  their  own  can<lidates.  Besides  IwinK  costly 
and    troiil)lesome,    this    course    would    be    thought    ri(n(;uIous 

.lere  the  view  or  proposition  is  not  one  of  first-r:it(>  importance, 
which  has  already  obtained  wide  sufjjiort.  Where,  however,  it 
is  applicable,  it  is  worth  taking,  (>ven  wlien  tlie  candidates  camiot 
be  carried,  for  it  serves  ujs  an  advertisement,  and  it  alarms  the 
old  party,  from  which  it  withdraws  voting  strength  in  the  jH*r- 
sons  of  the  dissidents. 

The  third  is  to  ca.st  the  voting  weight  of  the  organized  pro- 
moters of  the  doctrine  or  view  in  question  into  the  scale  of  which- 
ever party  shows  the  greatest  fricMidliness,  or  .seem.s  most  open 
to  conversion.  As  in  many  States  the  regular  parties  are  pretty 
equally  lialanced,  (>v(>n  a  comparatively  weak  body  of  opinion 
may  decide  the  result.  Such  a  body  does  not  necessarily  for- 
wanl  its  own  view,  for  the  candidates  whom  its  vote  carries  are 
nowise  pledged  to  its  programme.'  But  it  has  made  itself  felt, 
shown  itself  a  power  to  i)e  reckoned  with,  improved  its  chances  of 
capturing  one  or  other  of  the  regular  [)arties,  or  of  running  candi- 
dates of  its  own  on  some  future  occasion.  \\'hen  this  transfer 
of  the  solid  vote  of  a  body  of  agitators  is  the  result  of  a  bargain 
with  the  old  party  which  gets  the  vote,  it  is  called  "selling 
out"  ;  and  in  such  cases  it  sometimes  hat)p(>ns  that  the  bargain 
secures  one  or  two  offices  for  the  incoming  allies  in  consideration 
of  the  strength  they  have  brought.  But  if  tlie  n(>w  group  be 
honestly  thinking  of  its  doctrines  and  not  of  the  offices,  the  terms 
it  will  ask  will  be  the  nomination  of  good  candidates,  or  a  more 
friendly  attitude  towards  the  new  view. 

These  are  the  ways  i!i  which  either  the  minority  of  a  party, 
holding  some  doctrine  outside  the  regular  party  programme, 
or  a  new  group  asi)iring  to  be  a  party,  may  assert  itself  at  elec- 
tions.    The  third  is  applicable  wherever  the  discipline  of  the 

'  The  practiic  of  iiiti>rroKatiiiu  camli<lat<'.s  with  a  view  to  (>I)tain  plwl^ca 
from  thiiii  to  vote  in  a  imrticiilar  .sense  is  less  used  in  AnwrieH  t)i!in  in  Fa\s- 
lapfi.  The  riuour  of  party  disiipline,  and  the  faet  that  Inisiness  is  dividf-d 
between  the  Fe<leral  and  the  State  h-^islatures  may  liave  somethiiiR  to  do  with 
this  difTereneo.  However.  Anieiiean  eandidatis  are  sometimes  pressed  hy 
questions  and  ilemands  from  groups  advoetitirii;  moral  reforms,  such  as  li(|Uor 
prohibition. 


THAP.  I.XXXII1      TUK   ACTION   OF   PITBLir  OPINION 


331 


s  rncin- 


lon, 


section  which  has  arisen  within  a  party  is  so  gofxl  that  it.  ... 
btrs  can  be  trusted  to  i)r('ak  uway  from  their  former  afRliat..,. 
and  vote  solid  for  the  side  tlieir  leaders  have  agreed  to  favou.. 
It  is  a  potent  weapon,  and  liaf)le  to  he  abused.  liut  in  a  eoun- 
trv  wliere  the  tide  runs  a,u:aiiist  minorities  and  small  groups,  it  is 
most  necessary.  The  possihility  of  its  employment  acts  as  a 
cheek  on  the  n  t^ular  iiaities,  disposing  them  to  al)stain  from 
legislation  which  niii-lit  initate  any  body  of  growing  opinion  and 
tend  to  crystallize  it  as  a  ni  w  organization,  and  making  them 
more  tolerant  of  minor  (hvergences  from  the  dognuis  of  the  ortho- 
dox programme  than  their  fierce  love  of  party  uniformity  would 
otherwise  permit. 

So  far  we  hav<'  been  considering  the  case  of  persons  advo- 
cating some  specific  opinion  or  scheme.  As  respects  the  ordi- 
nriy  conduct  of  business  by  officials  and  lenislators,  tlie  fear  of 
popular  displeasure  to  manifest  itself  at  the  next  election  is, 
of  course,  the  most  powerful  of  restraining  influences.  Unfler 
a  system  of  balance(l  authorities,  sudi  fear  heln-<  to  prevent  or 
remove  deadlocks  as  well  as  the  abuse  of  power  by  any  one 
authority.  A  President  (or  State  governor)  who  has  vetoed 
bills  passed  by  Congress  (or  his  State  legislature)  is  eml)oldened 
to  go  on  doing  so  when  he  finds  public  opinion  on  his  side  ;  and 
Congress  (or  the  State  legislature)  will  hesitate,  though  the  req- 
uisite majority  may  be  forthcoming,  to  pass  these  bills  over  the 
veto.  A  majority  in  the  House  of  He|)resentatives,  or  in  a  State 
legislative  body,  which  has  abused  th(>  i)ower  of  closing  debate 
by  the  "previous  question"  rule,  may  be  frightened  by  expres- 
sions of  iK)pular  disapproval  from  rei)eating  the  ofTence.  When 
the  two  branches  of  a  legislature  differ,  and  a  valuable  bill  has 
failed,  or  when  there  has  be(>n  vexation^  filibustering,  public 
opinion  fi.\es  the  bhim(>  on  the  party  ])riii'arily  responsible  {nr 
the  loss  of  good  measur(>s  or  imiilie  time,  and  may  punish  it  at 
the  next  election.  Tints,  in  many  way-^  and  on  many  occasions, 
though  not  .so  often  or  so  fully  as  is  needed,  (he  vision  of  the 
polls,  .seen  some  months  or  e\-en  years  off,  has  power  to  terrify 
and  warn  selfish  politicians.  .As  the  worth  of  courts  of  law  is  to 
l>e  estimated,  not  merely  In-  the  ofTenfi-c  i]',i'y  puni-h  and  the 
suits  they  try,  but  eveti  more  l)y  the  ofTences  from  wliich  the 
fear  of  penalties  deters  bad  meti.  and  'n-  the  pavments  which  the 


■altl 


IV 


prospect  of  a  writ  extracts  from  relui'1;.nt  debtors,  so  a  Ik 

and  watchful  pul)lic  opinion  makes  itself  felt  in  preventing  fool- 


332 


prnLic  opFxroN 


PART  n 


ish  or  ((itriipl  It'Kislatinii  jiiid  ixcciiliv*-  jnhhcry.  Misi;lii«'f  is 
chi'fkt'd  ill  Aiiicrica  more  lr('(|iifiitl.v  tliun  HiiywIuTc  dsv  by  tlif 
fciir  of  exposure,  or  hy  newspaper  eriticisiiis  on  the  first  stage 
of  a  l»a«i  sclieine.  And,  of  eourse,  the  freijueney  of  t'lections  — 
in  n)ost  respeets  a  disadvantage  to  the  country  —  has  the  merit 
of  l)rinKinK  the  prospect  of  i)unishinent  nearer. 

It  will  lie  asked  how  the  fear  is  brought  home,  seeing  that  the 
result  of  a  coming  election  nuist  usually  Im-  uncertain.  Some- 
times it  is  not  hrought  home.  The  erring  majority  in  u  legisla- 
ture may  iielievethey  have  the  people  with  them,  or  t  he  governor 
•  "'.  think  his  jolis  will  he  forgotten,  (ieiierally,  however, 
there  are  indications  of  the  proi)al)le  set  of  opinion  in  the  lan- 
guage held  liy  moderate  men  and  the  less  partisan  new.spaix-rs. 
When  some  of  the  organs  of  the  i)arty  which  is  in  fault  In'gin  to 
l)lame  it,  dang(>r  is  in  the  air,  for  the  other  party  is  sure  to  use 
the  o|)ening  thus  given  to  it.  And  hence,  of  course,  the  control 
of  criticism  is  most  effective  where  parties  are  nearly  balanced. 
Opinion  seems  to  tell  with  special  force  when  the  question  is 
between  a  legislative  body  p.issing  bills  or  ordinances,  and  a 
pr(>sident  or  governor,  or  mayor,  vetoing  them,  the  legislature 
recoiling  whenever  they  think  the  magistrate  has  got  the  jieople 
behind  him.  Even  small  (luctuations  in  a  vote  produce  a  great 
impr(>ssion  on  the  minds  of  politicians. 

The  constancy  or  mutability  of  electoral  bodies  is  a  difficult 
phenom(>non  to  exi)lain,  especially  where  secret  voting  prevails, 
and  a  dangerous  one  to  generalize  on.  The  tendency  of  tlie 
electoral  vote  in  any  constituency  to  shift  from  Tory  to  Whig 
or  Whig  to  Tory,  used  in  England  to  be  deemed  to  indicate 
the  presence  of  a  corrupt  elcMiient.  It  was  a  bhu'k  mark  against 
a  l)orough.  In  America  it  sometimes  deserves  the  same  inter- 
pretation, for  there  are  corruptilile  masses  in  not  a  few  districts. 
Hut  there  are  also  cases  in  which  it  points  to  the  existence  of  an 
exceptionally  tliougjitftil  and  unprejudiced  elem(<nt  in  the  popu- 
lation, an  element  wlii<-li  rejects  jxu-ty  dictation,  and  seeks  to 
cast  its  vote  for  the  ix'st  man.  The  av(>rage  American  voter  is 
more  likely  to  consider  himself  attached  to  a  party  than  the 
English,  and  is-,  I  think,  less  capricious,  and  therefore  if  a  transfer 
of  votes  from  one  |)arty  to  tJie  other  does  not  arise  from  .some 
corruf)t  influence,  it  betokens  serious  disapproval  on  the  part 
of  the  Bolters.  Fluctuations  are  most  fre(iuent  in  some  of  the 
li  ss  sober  and  steady  Western  States,  and  in  .some  of  the  most 


CHAP.  Lxxxiii      THK  ACTION  OF  Pl'BLK    OPINION 


;W3 


enlightened,  such  as  New  York  and  Ma.-isdeliusetts.  In  the 
former  the  peoplf  may  he  carrird  away  l)y  a  s^udden  impulse; 
in  the  latter  then*  is  a  section  which  judges  canthdates  more  by 
personal  merits  than  l)y  party  professions. 

These  defects  wliich  may  he  noted  in  tlie  consiitutional 
mechani.sm  for  enahhnji;  i)nl)lic  opinion  to  rule  promptly  and 
smoothly,  are,  in  a  m(>:Lsure,  covered  l.y  tlie  expertne.ss  of 
Americans  in  'isinjr  all  kinds  of  voluntary  "and  private  aRencies 
for  the  diffusion  and  expression  of  opinion.  Where  the  object 
is  to  i)romote  .some  particular  cau.sc,  a-ssociations  are  formed  and 
federated  to  one  another,  funds  are  collected,  the  press  is  .set  to 
work,  lectures  are  delivered.  Wlu-n  the  law  can  profitably  lie 
invoked  (which  is  often  the  ca.se  in  a  country  noverned  l)y  c(»n- 
stitutions  .'Standing  above  tlie  leKislalure),  counsel  are  retained 
and  suits  instituted,  all  with  the  ce|(>rity  and  skill  which  long 
practice  in  such  work  has  jriven.  If  ih(>  cause  has  a  moral  bear- 
ing, efforts  are  nuide  to  enlist  the  religious  or  .semi-religious 
magazines,  and  the  mini.sters  of  religion.'  l)(>putations  proceed 
to  Washington  or  to  the  State  capital,  and  lay  siege  to  individual 
legislators.  Sometimes  a  distinct  set  of  women's  societies  i.s 
created,  who.se  action  on  and  through  women  is  all  the  more 
IKjwerful  because  the  deference  showti  to  the  .so-called  weaker 
sex  enables  them  to  do  what  would  be  resented  in  men.  Once 
in  Iowa,  when  a  temperance  ticket  was  i)eiii{.  run  at  the  elections, 
j)arties  of  ladies  gathered  in  front  of  th(>  polling  booths  and  sang 
hymns  all  tlay  while  the  citizens  voted.  Kvery  one  remembers 
the  "Women's  Whisky  War"  when,  in  severiil  Western  States, 
bands  of  women  entered  the  drinking  saloons  and,  by  entreaties 
and  reproaches,  drove  out  the  customers.  In  no  cotmtry  has 
any  .sentiment  which  touches  a  iuiiuImt  of  persons  so  many  ways 
of  making  itself  felt ;  though,  to  be  sure,  when  th(>  first  and  chief 
effort  of  every  group  is  to  convince  the  world  thai  it  is  .strong, 
and  growing  daily  stronger,  great  is  the  difficulty  of  determining 
whether  tho.se  who  are  vocal  are  really  numerous  or  only  noisy. 

For  the  promotion  of  party  opinion  on  the  leading  (picstions 
that  divide  or  occupy  parties,  there  exist,  of  course,  tlie  regular 
party  organizations,  whose  complex  and  widely  ramified  mechan- 
•sm  has  t)een  described  in  an  earlier  chapter.  Opinion  is,  how- 
ever, the  thing  with  whicJi  this  mechanism  is  at  present  least 

'  In  Philadolphia.  duririK  a  HtnigKlp  ajjainst  the  City  iioee,  the  clergy  were 
requested  to  preach  election  u«riinms. 


'I 


M 


334 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PAHT  IV 


occupied.  Its  main  oltjects  are  the  scleotion  of  the  party 
candi<lat(«  and  the  conduct  of  tlic  canvass  at  elections.  Traces 
of  the  other  purijosc  remain  in  the  practii'e  of  adopting,  at  State 
and  national  conventions,  a  platform,  or  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples and  views,  which  is  the  electoral  manifesto  of  the  po'ty, 
embodying  the  tenets  which  it  is  supposed  to  live  for.  A  con- 
vention is  a  body  fitted  neither  by  its  numbers  nor  its  composi- 
tion for  the  discu-ssion  and  sifting  of  political  doctrines ;  but, 
even  if  it  were  so  fitted,  that  is  not  the  work  to  which  its  masters 
would  set  it.  A  "platform"  is  invariably  prepare<l  l>y  a  small 
committee,  and  usually  adopted  by  the  general  committee,  and 
by  the  convention,  with  little  change.  Its  tendency  is  neither 
to  define  nor  to  convince,  but  rather  to  attract  and  to  confuse. 
It  is  a  mixture  of  denunciation,  deelamation,  and  conciliation. 
It  reproi)ates  the  opposite  party  for  their  past  misdeeds,  and 
"views  with  alarm"  their  present  iK)licy.  It  repeats  the  tale  of 
the  services  which  the  party  of  those  who  issue  it  has  rendered 
in  the  pa-st,  is  replete  with  sounding  demoeratic  generalities,  and 
attempts  so  to  expand  and  expound  the  traditional  party  tenets 
as  to  make  these  include  all  sound  doctrines,  and  deserve  the 
support  of  all  good  citizens.  Seldom  in  recent  years  have  either 
platforms  or  the  process  that  produce-?  them  had  a  powerful  in- 
fluence on  the  maturing  and  clarifii-ation  of  political  opinion. 
However,  in  such  times  as  that  which  immediately  preceded  the 
Civil  War,  and  again  in  the  Silver  struggle  of  1896,  conventions 
have  recorded  the  accejitance  of  certain  vital  propositions,  and 
rejection  of  certain  dangerou;.  proposals,  by  one  or  other  of  the 
great  parties,  and  tli(>y  inay  again  have  to  do  so,  not  to  add  that 
an  imprudent  platform  lays  a  party  open  to  damaging  attacks. 
When  any  important  election  comes  off,  the  party  organization 
sends  its  speaker^s  out  on  stumping  tours,  and  distributes  a 
flood  of  campaign  literature.  At  other  times  opinion  moves  in  a 
different  iilane  from  that  of  party  machinery,  and  is  scarcely 
affected  by  it. 

One  might  expect  that  in  the  United  States  the  thoughts  of 
the  people  would  be  more  equaV)ly  and  uniformly  employed  on 
politics  than  in  Eurojican  coimtries.  The  contrary  is  the  case. 
Opinion,  no  doubt,  is  always  alive  and  vigilant,  always  in  process 
of  formation,  growtli.  and  decay.  But  its  activity  is  less  con- 
tinuous and  sustained  than  in  Europe,  because  there  is  a  greater 
difference  between  the  spring-tide  of  a  presidential  campaign 


CHAP.  Lxxxiii      TIIK  ACTION  OP  PUBLIC  OPINION 


335 


year  and  the  neap-tides  of  the  three  off  years  than  thde  is 
between  one  year  and  another  under  the;  European  system  of 
chamlwrs  which  may  lie  dissolved  and  ministries  which  may  be 
upset  at  any  moment.  Excitement  at  one  time  is  succeeded  by 
exhaustion  at  another.  America  suffers  from  a  sort  of  intermit- 
tent fever  —  what  one  may  call  a  (]uintan  ague.  Every  fourth 
year  there  come  terrible  shakings,  passing  into  the  hot  fit  of  the 
presidential  election;  tiien  follows  what  physicians  call  "tlie 
interval"  ;  then  again  the  fit.  In  Europe  the  p<'rsons  who  tnove 
in  the  inner  sphere  of  politics,  give  unbroken  attention  to  political 
problems,  always  discussing  them  I  >oth  among  themselves  and  be- 
fore the  people.  Ast  he  corresponding  persons  in  America  are  not 
organized  into  a  chiss,  and  to  some  extent  not  engaged  in  practical 
politics,  the  work  of  discussion  luis  bj'en  left  to  bo  done,  in  the 
three  "off  years,"  by  the  journalists  and  a  few  of  the  mon'  active 
and  thoughtful  statesmen,  with  casual  aid  from  such  private 
citizens  as  may  be  interested.  Now  many  problems  require 
uninterrupted  and  what  may  be  called  scientific  or  professional 
study.  Foreign  policy  obviously  presents  juch  problems.  The 
shortcomings  of  modern  England  in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs 
have  been  not  unreasonably  attributed  to  the  fact  that,  while  the 
attention  of  her  statesmen  is  constantly  distracted  from  them  by 
domestic  .struggles,  her  people  hav(>  not  been  accustomed  to 
turn  their  eyes  al)road  except  when  some  exciting  event,  such 
as  the  Egyptian  troubles  of  1882-5  or  the  Bulgarian  massacre 
of  1876,  forces  them  to  do  so.  Hence  a  State  like  CJermany, 
where  a  strong  throne  can  keep  a  strong  minister  in  power  for 
a  long  period,  obtains  advantages  which  must  be  credited  not 
wholly  to  the  wisdom  of  tiie  statesmen,  but  also  to  the  diffi- 
culties under  which  their  rivals  in  more  democratic  countries 
labour.  America  has  had  few  occasions  for  giving  her  attention 
to  foreign  affairs,  but  some  of  her  tlomestic  difficulties  are  such 
as  to  demand  that  earefi.l  ob-servation  and  unbroken  reflection 
which  neither  her  (>xecutive  magistrates,  nor  her  legislatures,  nor 
any  leading  cla.ss  among  her  people  now  give. 

Those  who  know  the  Unite<l  States  and  have  In^en  struck  by 
the  quantity  of  what  is  called  [Hjlitics  then',  may  think  that 
this  description  underrates  the  volume  and  energy  of  public 
political  discus.sion.  I  admit  the  eniUess  hubbub,  the  constant 
elections  in  one  district  or  auoiher,  the  paragraphs  in  the  news- 
papers as  to  the  movements  or  intentions  of  thif  or  that  promi- 


11 
ill 


:m\ 


rvnur  opinion- 


part  IV 


iieni  iiiaii,  tlit-  rf|M>iis  of  wliut  is  lioiiiK  in  CoiiKn'Ms,  utul  tii  the 
State  It'Kislutun's,  tin*  (lirisioiis  ol"  the  Federal  Courts  in  con- 
stitutional (|uestions,  the  rumours  alM)ut  lu'w  eonihinat ions,  the 
revehitions  of  KiiiK  intrigues,  the  eritieisnis  on  apijointinents. 
It  is  ni'Vertheless  true  that  in  proixirtion  to  the  nvi»;:'«'r  of  woi  Is 
H|M>ken.  articles  printed,  telenranis  sent,  and  acts  \y  rfonned, 
less  than  is  needed  is  done  to  form  serious  political  thought, 
and  l)rinK  practical  prohleins  towards  a  solution.  I  once  trav- 
elled throuKh  Transylvania  with  Mr.  Leslie  Stephen  in  a  fK-asant's 
waKon,  a  rude,  lonn,  low  structure  filled  with  hay.  The 
roatls  were  rouRh  and  stony,  the  horses  juiiij;led  their  Ik'IIs,  the 
driver  sliouti' I  to  the  horses  and  cracked  liis  whip,  the  wIhh'Is 
clanked,  the  l)oards  rattled,  Wf  wiTe  deafened  and  shaken  and 
jolted.  We  fancied  ourselves  moving  rapidly  so  long  art  we 
looked  straight  in  front,  l)Ut  a  giancc  at  the  trifs  on  the  roadside 
showed  that  the  spee«l  was  about  three  miles  an  hour.  So  the 
pother  and  din  of  American  iiolitics  k(H«p  the  jM'ople  awake,  and 
give  them  a  sense  of  stir  and  motion,  hut  the  machine  of  govern- 
ment carries  them  slowly  onward.  Fortunately  they  have  no 
need  to  hurry.  It  is  not  so  much  by  or  through  the  machinery 
of  government  an  by  their  own  practical  good  sense,  which  at 
last  finds  a  solution  th(>  politicians  may  have  failed  to  find,  that 
the  American  i)eople  advance.  When  a  European  visitor  dines 
with  a  company  of  the  i)est  citizens  in  such  a  city  as  Chicago  or 
Boston,  Cleveland  or  Baltimore,  he  is  struck  by  the  acuteness, 
the  insight,  the  fairness,  with  which  the  condition  and  require- 
ments of  the  country  are  discussed,  the  freedom  from  such  pas- 
sion or  class  feeling  as  usually  clouds  equally  able  Europeans, 
the  substantial  agreement  Ix-tween  meml)ers  of  both  the  great 
parties  as  to  the  reforms  that  are  wanted,  the  patriotism  which 
is  so  proud  of  the  real  greatness  of  the  Union  as  frankly  to  ac- 
knowledge its  defects,  the  generous  appreciation  of  all  that  is 
best  in  the  character  or  political  methods  of  other  nations. 
One  feels  what  a  re.serve  fund  of  wisdom  and  strength  the  coun- 
try has  in  such  men,  who,  so  far  from  being  aristocrats  or  reclu.ses, 
are  usually  the  persons  whom  their  native  fellow-townsmen  best 
know  and  most  re:-pect  as  prominent  in  business  and  in  the  i;-o- 
fessions.  In  ordinary  times  the  practical  concern  of  such  men 
with  either  national  or  local  politics  is  no  greater,  possibly  less, 
than  that  of  the  leaders  of  business  in  an  English  town  towards 
its  municipal  affairs.    But  when  there  comes  an  uprising  against 


THAI',  ixwrii      illK    \(  TKiX    i)V   |'|  ItLIC   Ol'IMON 


337 


llic  l)u->M-  it  is  t  III  '  I  lien  u  liti  .lie  1  ailed  ii|ioii  to  |Mif  tlirra.s«'lv«'s 
at  tlifln'.-ul  of  ii  ;  (ii  wli.  II  a  (|in'>t  .mi  like  tliat  i»lci\il  xrvin- rc- 
I'li.  Ill  lia.>  Im'i'ii  licl'nic  till  iial  HIM  lor  soiiic  time,  it  is  their  opinion 
whifli  striko  tlir  k(yiiMt(  loi-  that  of  thfir  city  or  distriif,  and 
whicii  shame-  or  alarms  the  piolV-^ioiial  iioliticiaiis.  Men  of  f  he 
saini-  type,  liimich  individually  less  conspieiious  than  those 
whom  1  take  as  example^,  arc  to  he  found  in  many  of  the  smaller 
♦■iwns.  especially  in  the  liastcrn  and  Middle  States,  and  as  time 
noes  on  their  inlliirti-e  urow.-.  Much  of  the  value  of  this  most 
educated  and  k  ticctive  cla>>  in  America  consists  in  their  l>ein>? 
no  longer  lili!ii||\  attached  «o  their  party,  Kecause  more  alive  to 
the  principle-  tor  v.liich  parties  oiiyht  to  e\i>t.  They  may  Ik) 
nuinirically  a  small  minority  of  the  voters,  hut  as  in  many 
States  the  two  regular  parties  command  a  nearly  e(iual  normal 
voliiim  -treiiijth,  a  »iii;ill  section  detached  from  either  l)arty  ran 
turn  ai'  election  i»y  tlirowiiiK  its  vote  for  the  eandi(hite,  to  which- 
ever party  he  lieloims.  whom  it  thinks  capahle  and  honest. 
Thus  an  iiiilcpeiideiit  uroiip  wields  ;i  power  altogether  dispro- 
portion.ate  to  its  numliers,  and  l)y  a  sort  of  side  wind  caimot  only 
make  its  hostility  feared.  Imt  secure  a  wider  currency  for  its 
opinions.  Wh.it  opinion  chielly  needs  in  .\merica  in  order  to 
control  the  politicians  is  not  so  much  men  of  leisure,  for  men  of 
leisure  may  lie  dilettantes  and  may  lack  a  yrip  of  realities,  but 
a  more  sustained  activity  on  the  part  of  the  men  of  vigorou.sly 
indefM'ndent  minds,  a  more  sedulous  etTort  on  their  part  to  impress 
their  views  upon  the  masses,  ami  a  disposition  on  the  jjart  of  the 
ordinary  well-meatiintr  Itut  often  inattentive  citizens  to  prefer 
the  realities  of  i^ood  administration  to  outworn  party  eries. 


u 

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ft 
ft 


4  1? 


III' 


CHAPTER  LXXXIV 

THE  TYRANNY  OF  THE   MAJORITY 

The  expression  "tyranny  of  the  majority"  is  commonly  used 
to  denote  any  abuse  l»y  the  majority  of  tlie  powers  which  they 
enjoy,  in  free  countries  under  and  through  the  hiw,  and  in  all 
countries  outside  the  law.  Such  abuse  will  not  l)e  tyrannous 
in  the  sense  of  being  illegal,  as  men  called  a  usurper  like  Dionysius 
of  Syracuse  or  Louis  Najioleon  in  France  a  tyrant,  for  in  free 
countries  what^'ver  the  majority  chooses  to  do  in  the  prescribed 
constitutional  way  will  be  legal.  It  will  be  tyrannous  in  the 
sense  of  the  lines 

"O  it  is  excellent 
To  Lave  a  giant's  strength,  but  it  is  tyrannous 
To  use  it  like  a  giant." 

That  is  to  say,  tyranny  consists  in  the  wanton  or  inequitable 
use  of  strength  by  the  stronger,  in  the  use  of  it  to  do  things 
which  one  equal  would  not  attempt  against  anothtT.  A  majority 
is  tyrannical  when  it  decides  without  hearinL;;  the  minority, 
when  it  suppn>sses  fair  and  temp(>rat<>  criticism  on  its  own  acts, 
when  it  insists  on  restraining  men  in  matters  where  restraint  is 
not  required  by  the  common  interest.  -vh(>n  it  forces  m(>n  to 
contribute  money  to  objects  which  they  disapprove  and  which 
the  common  interest  does  not  demand,  when  it  subjects  to  social 
penalties  persons  who  disagree  from  it  in  matters  not  vital  to 
the  common  welfare.  The  element  of  tyranny  lies  in  the  wan- 
tonness of  the  act,  a  wantonness  springing  from  the  insolence 
which  sense  of  overwhelming  i)ower  breeds,  or  in  the  fact  that  it 
is  a  misuse  for  one  puri)ose  of  ;\uthority  granted  for  anotlier. 
It  consists  not  in  the  form  of  tlic  act,  wiiich  may  be  perfectly 
leg.al,  but  in  the  spirit  and  tcinpcr  it  reveals,  and  in  the  sense 
of  injustice  and  oppression  which  it  evokes  in  th(>  minority. 

Philosophers  have  long  since  peiceived  that  the  same  ten- 
dencies to  a  wanton  or  unjust  abuse  of  power  which  exist  in  a 

338 


CHAP.  Lxxxiv      THE  TYRANNY  OF  THE  MAJORITY 


339 


I 


8 


despot  or  a  ruling  oliRarchy  may  be  expected  in  a  democracy 
from  the  ruling  majority,  because  they  are  tendencies  incidental 
to  human  nature.'  The  danger  was  felt  and  feared  by  the 
sages  of  1787,  and  a  pa-ssage  in  the  Federnlist  (No.  L.)  dwells 
on  the  safeguards  which  the  great  size  of  a  Federal  republic, 
and  the  diverse  elements  of  which  it  will  be  composed,  offer 
against  the  tendency  of  a  majority  to  opjiress  a  minority. 

Since  Toc(iueviIle  dilated  upon  this  us  tiie  capital  fault  of  the 
American  governinent  and  peoi^le,  Europeans,  already  prepared 
to  expect  to  find  the  tyranny  of  th(>  majority  a  characteristic 
sin  of  democratic  nations,  have  })ecu  accustomed  to  think  of  the 
United  States  as  disgraced  by  it,  and  on  the  strength  of  this 
instance  have  predicted  it  as  a  necessary  r(>sult  of  the  growth 
of  democracy  in  the  Old  World.  It  is  therefore  worth  while 
to  inquire  what  foundation  exists  for  the  reproach  as  addressed 
to  the  .Vmericans  of  to-chiy. 

"'"  may  look  for  signs  of  this  tyranny  in  three  quarters  — 
fir^  ,  in  the  legislation  of  Congress;  second,  in  the  consti- 
tutions and  statutes  of  tlie  States;  third,  in  the  action  of 
public  opinion  and  sentiment  outside  the  sphere  of  law. 

The  I'Vdtrul  ( '(tnstituticm,  which  hits  not  only  limited  the 
competence  of  Congress.  I)ut  hedged  it  round  with  many  posi- 
tive prohil)itions,  ha.s  closed  .some  of  the  avenues  by  which  a 
majority  might  proceed  to  abuse  its  powers.  Freedom  of  speech, 
freedom  of  religion,  opportunities  for  debate,  are  all  amply 
secured.  The  power  of  taxation,  and  that  of  regulating  com- 
merce, might  conceivably  be  used  to  oppress  certain  classes  of 
persons,  tus,  for  instance,  if  a  prohibitory  duty  were  to  l)e  laid 
on  certain  articles  which  a  minority  desinvl  and  the  majority  con- 
demned the  use  of.  Hut  nothing  of  the  sort  has  been  attempted. 
Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  expediency  of  the  present 
tariff,  which,  no  doulit,  favours  one  class,  it  canncjt  be  said  to 
oppress  any  class.  In  its  political  action,  as,  for  instance, 
during  the  struggle  over  slavery,  when  for  a  while  it  refused 
to  receive  Abolitionist  petitions,  and  ev(<n  tried  to  prevent  the 
transmission  by  mail  of  .Vbolitionist  matter,  and  again  during 
and  after  the  war  in  some  t)f  its  reconstruction  measures,  the 

'  Tho  romnrtrison  ••f  thr-  "■.'ijority  to  an  ah3t,!!it<-  mntiuf-h  is  :is  nli  ris  Aris- 
totle, libvapx"'!  0  Sijuai  yitrirai  (PulU.  iv.  4.  2t>j  ;  wirirfp  Tvpiri/{f  ti^  S^fiV 
xapif6ii€»oi  (11, ul.  ii.  1.'.  1).  In  thi-  Crock  citi.'.i,  whoro  tlic  respect  for  law 
was  weak,  a  triumplKiiit  p.irty  friijuoutly  iivrrrDili-  the  law,  just  as  thn  tyrants 
did. 


% 


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340 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   1\ 


I13K. 


I  m 


■I! 


If 


if 


majority,  undor  the  jiressuri'  of  exciteinoiit,  exorcised  its  powers 
harshly  and  unwisely.  But  such  ix)liti(';il  action  is  hardly  the 
kind  of  action  to  which  the  charge  we  are  examining  applies. 
In  the  States,  a  majority  of  the  citizens  may  act  eithiT  directly 
in  enacting  (or  amending)  a  constitution,  or  through  their 
legislature  by  jiassiiig  statutes.  We  might  expect  to  finfl 
instances  of  abuse  of  |)ower  more  in  the  former  than  in  the  latter 
class  of  ca.s(>s,  because,  thtmgh  tiie  h'gisiature  is  hal)i1ually  and 
the  iieople  of  the  State  only  intermittently  active,  tiie  legislatures 
have  now  lieen  surroundeil  by  a  host  of  constitutional  limitations 
which  a  tyrannical  majority  would  need  some  skill  to  evade. 
However,  one  discovers  wonderfully  little  in  the  State  Constitu- 
tions now  in  force  of  which  a  minority  can  complain.  These 
instruments  contain  a  gr(>at  deal  of  ordinary  law  and  admin- 
istrative law.  If  the  tend»>ncy  to  abuse  legislative  i)ower  to  the 
injury  of  any  ela'^s  were  general,  instances  of  it  could  not  fail  to 
appear.  One  does  not  find  th'>m.  There  are  some  provisions 
.strictly  regulating  corporations,  and  especially  railroads  and 
banks,  which  may  perhaps  be  unwise,  and  which  in  limiting  the 
modes  of  using  capital  apply  rather  to  the  rich  than  to  the  ma.s.ses. 
But  such  provisions  cannot  be  called  wanton  or  oppressive. 

The  same   remark   app'"es  to  the  ordinary  statutes  of  the 
States,  so  far  Jis  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain  their  character. 
They  can  rarely  be  used  to  repress  opinion  or  its  expression, 
because  the  State  Constitutions  contain  ample  guarantees  for 
fr<>e  speech,  a  free  press,  and  the  right  of  public  meeting.     For 
the  same  reiuson,  they  cannot  encroach  on  the  jx-rsonal  liberty 
of  the  citizen,  nor  on  th<>  full  enjoyment  of  i)rivate  property. 
In  uU  such  fundamentals  the  majority  has  pruilently  taken  tiie 
possible  abuse  of  its  power  out  of  the  hands  of  Hie  legislature. 
\Vh(>n  we  conu^  to  minor  matt(>rs.  we  are  met  by  the  difficuhy 
of  d(>termining  what  is  a  legitimate  exercise  of  legislative  author- 
ity.    Nowhere  are  men  agreed  iis  to  the  limits  of  «tat(>  inter- 
f(>renee.     Some  few  think  that  law  ought  not  to  restrict  the  sale 
of  intoxicants  at  all ;  many  mor(>  that  it  ought  not  to  make  the 
procuring  of  them,  for  purposes  of  pleasure,  difhcult  or  inniossiblc 
Others   hohl    that   the   common   welfare   justifies   prohiliitioii. 
;^„,,,,.  ,1(.,,,„  it  unjust  to  tax  a  n\an.  and  especially  an  unmarried 
man.  for  the  support  of  public  .schools,  or  at  any  rate  of  pul'lic 
.-schools  otluT  than  elementary.     To  most   Roman  Catholics  it 
seems  tmjust  to  refuse  denominational  schools  a  share  of  the 


CHAP.  Lxxxiv    THK   TYUAXXV   OI'  THK   MAJORITY 


341 


':-n 


funds  niisfd  l.y  taxint;;,  aiiioiifj;  oilier  citizens,  those  who  liold 
;t,  a  duty  to  send  their  i  liii(h\ii  to  sehools  in  which  their  own 
faitli  is  inculcated.  Some  tliiiik  a  law  tyrannical  which  forbids 
a  man  to  exclude  others  from  ground  which  he  keeps  waste  and 
harren,  while  others  Mame  the  law  which  permits  a  man  to  reserve, 
as  they  think,  tyrannically,  lar^ie  tracts  of  country  for  his  own 
personal  enjoyment.  So  any  lor.n  of  state  est;il)lishment  or  en- 
dowment of  a  particular  creed  or  religious  body  will  l>y  some  be 
leeiiuMl  an  al)Use,  l>y  others  a  wise  and  proper  use  of  state 
authority.  HeineMilieriiifi  such  dilVereiiccr  of  opinion,  all  I  can 
say  is  that  even  those  who  take  tlie  narrower  view  of  .state 
functions  \\ill  liiiii  iilllc  (o  censure  in  the  lcjj;i>hUion  of  .\merican 
States.  Tlicy  may  bhmie  the  restriction  or  prohibitictn  of  the 
sale  of  intoxicants.  They  may  think  that  the  so-called  "moral 
IcfiislatiDn"  for  securiiiff  the  |)urity  of  literature,  and  for  jirotect- 
iiiK  the  you njiaj-ai list  cigarettes  and  other  temptations,  attempts 
too  mucli.  They  may  ((uestion  the  exp(>diency  of  the  lej^islation 
intendeil  for  the  i)enefit  of  working  men.  lini  there  are  few  of 
these  ])rovisi<)ns  which  can  be  calleil  harsh  or  tyrannical,  which 
dis|)lay  a  spirit  t'lat  ifj;nores  or  tramples  on  the  f(>elin}'s  or  right.s 
of  a  ir.inority.  I'he  leas*  defcnsilile  statutes  are  perhaps  those 
which  ( ";difornia  has  aimed  at  the  (  hiiu  .-e  ( who  are  not  teehnicftUy 
:i  minoiity  since  tlu-y  are  not  citizens  at  all),  and  tlio.se  by  which 
some  SoutluTU  States  have  endeavoured  to  accentuate  the  sejja- 
ration  betw<'en  whites  and  nc,!i;roes,  forl)iddinj!;  them  to  be  tau.(;ht 
in  the  same  schools  or  colkj^cs  or  to  travel  in  the  .same  cars. 

We  come  now  to  the  third  way  in  which  a  majority  may 
tyrannize,  i.e.  l)y  the  im])osition  of  purely  social  penalties,  from 
mere  (lisaiii)roval  up  to  insuh,  injury,  and  boycotting?.  The 
greatest  of  Athenian  statesmen  claimed  for  his  countrymen  that 
thev  set  an  example  to  the  rest  of  (ireece  in  thai  enlifrhtened 
toleration  which  does  not  even  visit  with  hlack  looks  tho.se 
who  hold  unpopular  opinions,  or  venture  in  anywi.se  to  differ 
from  the  prevailinu;  sentimetit  Such  enli.nlitenment  is  doubtless 
one  of  th(>  latest  fruits  and  crowns  of  a  high  civilizati(m,  and  all 
tlie  more  to  be  admired  when  it  i<  not  the  result  of  indifTerenc*', 
liiit  coexists  with  energetic  action  in  the  field  of  politics  or  religion 
(;r  Social  rcforiii. 

If  social  persecution  exists  in  t!ie  America  of  to-day,  it  is 
Old.,  in  a  few  dark  corners.  One  may  tnivcl  all  over  the  North 
and  We.st,  mingling  with  all  clas.-cs  and  reading  the  newspapers, 


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PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


without  hearing  of  it.  As  rosiXHtts  rcliRion,  so  long  as  one  docs 
not  openly  affront  tho  fcolings  of  one's  iu'ighlM)urs,  one  may  siiy 
what  one  likes,  and  go  or  not  go  to  church.  Doubtless  a  man, 
and  sail  more  a  woman,  may  be  better  thought  of,  especially  in  a 
country  place  or  small  town,  for  being  a  church  member  and 
Sunday-school  '..aciier.  But  no  one  suffers  in  niind,  body,  or 
estate  for  simply  holding  aloof  from  a  religious  or  any  other 
voluntary  association.  He  would  be  more  likely  to  suffer  in  an 
English  village.  Even  in  the  Soutli.  where  a  stricter  standard 
of  orthodoxy  is  maintained  among  the  Protestant  clergy  than  in 
the  North  or  West,  a  layman  may  think  as  he  pleas<>s.  It  is  the 
same  as  regards  social  questions,  and  of  course  ius  regards  fM)litics. 
To  Iwycott  a  man  for  his  politics,  or  (>ven  to  discourage  iiis  shop 
in  the  way  n<;'  uncommon  in  parts  of  rural  England  and  Ireland, 
would  excite  indignation  in  America  ;  as  the  atteinj/ts  of  some 
labour  organizations  to  l)()ycott  firms  resisting  strikes  hav(^ 
aroused  strong  displeasure.  If  in  tlie  Soutli  a  man  took  to 
cultivating  the  friendship  of  negroes  and  (irganizirig  tiiem  in  clui)s, 
or  if  in  the  far  West  a  man  made  himself  the  champion  of  the 
Indians,  he  might  find  his  life  become  unjjleasaiit,  tlxjugh  one 
hears  little  of  recent  instances  of  the  kind.  In  any  part  of  the 
country  he  who  should  use  his  rights  of  property  in  a  hard  or 
unneighbourly  way,  who,  for  instance,  should  refuse  all  access 
to  a  waterfall  or  a  beautiful  point  of  view,  would  Iw  rej)robated 
and  sent  to  Coventry.  I  know  of  no  such  cases  ;  perhaps  the 
fear  of  general  disapproval  pr(>vents  their  arising. 

In  saying  that  there  is  no  social  i)ersecuti()ii,  I  do  not  deny 
that  in  some  places,  I's,  for  instance^  in  tlie  smaller  towns  of 
the  West,  there  maj'  soinetimes  have  been  too  little  allowance 
for  differenc(  of  tastes  and  pur>uits,  too  much  disi)osition  to 
expect  every  family  to  conform  to  the  same  standard  of  propriety, 
and  follow  the  same  habits  of  life.  A  person  acting,  however 
innocently,  without  regard  to  the  beliefs  and  prejudices  of  his 
neighbours  might  be  talke<l  about, and  perhaps  looked  a.skance 
upon.  Many  a  man  used  to  the  variety  of  Ix)ndon  or  Washing- 
ton would  fe(>l  the  monotony  of  Western  life,  and  the  uniform  ap- 
plication of  its  standards,  irksome  and  even  galling.  But,  so  far 
as  I  could  ascertain,  li<'  would  have  nothing  specific  to  complain 
of.  And  these  Western  towns  become  every  day  more  lik(>  the 
cities  of  the  East.  Takitig  the  country  all  in  all,  it  is  hard  to 
imagine  more  complete  lilwrty  than  individuals  and  groups  enjoy 


CHAP.  Lxxxiv      TIIK  TYRANNY  OP  THE  MAJORITY 


343 


either  to  express  and  propagate  their  views,  or  to  act  as  they 
please  within  the  Hniits  of  the  law,  limits  which,  except  a^  re- 
gards the  sale  ot  intoxicants,  are  drawn  as  widely  as  in  Western 
EurofK!. 

In  the  earlier  half  of  last  (;entury  it  was  very  different  Con- 
gress wjis  then  as  now  del)arred  froni  oppressive  legislation.  But 
in  some  Northern  States  the  legislatures  were  not  slow  to  deal 
harshly  with  jM-rsons  or  societies  wIkj  ran  counter  to  the  domi- 
nant sentiment.  Tlu"  persecution  by  the  legislature  of  Con- 
necticut, as  well  as  by  iior  own  townsfolk,  of  Miss  Prudence 
Crandall,  a  benevolent  (Quakeress  who  hail  openeil  a  school  for 
negro  children,  is  a  well-remend)ered  in.stance.  A  good  many 
rigidly  Puritanic  statutes  stood  unrepealed  in  New  England, 
though  not  alwa\s  imt  in  force  against  the  transgressor.  In 
the  Slave  Stat(>s  laws  of  the  utmost  severity  punished  whoso- 
ever should  by  word  or  act  assail  the  "pecuhar  institution." 
Even  more  tyrannical  than  the  laws  was  the  sentiment  of  the 
masses.  In  Boston  a  mob,  a  well-dressed  mob,  largely  com- 
posed of  the  richer  sort  of  people,  hunted  CJarrison  for  his  life 
tlirough  the  streets  lH>cause  he  was  printing  an  AboUtionist 
journal ;  a  mo!)  in  Illinois  shot  Elijah  Lovejoy  for  the  same 
offence  ;  and  as  late  as  1844  another  Illinois  crowd  killed  Joseph 
Smith,  thi?  Mormon  ])rophet,  who,  whatever  may  1h>  thought  of 
his  honesty  or  his  doctrines,  was  as  much  entitled  to  the  protec- 
tion of  the  laws  as  any  other  citizen.  In  the  South,  as  every 
one  knows,  there  was  a  reign  of  terror  as  regards  slavery.  Any 
one  suspected  of  ,\i)olitioiiism  might  think  him.self  lucky  if  he 
escapi'd  with  tar  and  feathers,  and  was  not  shot  or  flogged  almost 
to  death.  This  extreme  sensitiveness  was  of  course  confined  to  a 
few  burning  questions;  but  the  hal)it  of  rejjressing  by  law 
or  without  law  obnoxious  opinions  was  likely  to  spread,  and  did 
spreail,  at  least  in  the  South,  to  other  matters  also.  As  regards 
thought  and  opinion  generally  over  the  I'liion,  Tocqueville  de- 
clares :  — 

"Jp  ne  ponnais  pas  de  paysoii  il  rf'gno.  en  t^t^neral.  moins  frindi^pen- 
dance  d'esprit  et  de  vi'ritahle  lihcrte  de  disftission  qui'n  Atneriqui'.  La 
majorit«  traop  iin  cprcU'  formidahle  autour  de  la  iMnsep.  .\u  dedans  de 
'•es  limitfts,  IV-Tiv.ain  est  !i!in\  !!;::!-  sjialii:  sir  ;>  !u!  -il  ly^--  c-n  :-«>rt!r  !  Ce 
nVst  |)as  quil  ait  a  craindrc  im  aul<i-<la-fe,  iiiai-;  il  est  en  hutl*  a  den 
d<5fr<)(lts  de  tout  eenre  et  a  des  persi'ciitioiis  de  tous  les  jours.  \^  earri^re 
|x>litiqne  lui  est  fmnSe  :  il  a  ofTinst'-  la  scule  piiissanee  qui  ait  la  faeultd 
le  I'ouvrir.     On  lui  refusw  tout,  jusqu'it  la  xloire."  —  Vol.  ii.  ch.  7. 


I 

i 


I  1 


i 

I 


■f 


t  Iff' 

!   !  2  1 1 


{|H- 


[-'  i 


344 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART  n 


He  ascriln^s  not  only  the  want  of  great  stat(>sinen,  Imt  the  low 
level  of  literature,  learning,  and  thouRht,  to  this  total  absence 
of  intelleetual  freedom. 

It  is  hard  for  any  one  who  knows  the  Nortliern  States  now 
to  iH'lieve  that  this  ean  liave  been  a  just  description  of  them 
so  lately  as  18.T2.  One  is  tempted  to  think  that  Tooqueville's 
somewhat  pessimistic  friends  in  Xew  England,  mortified  l)y  the 
poverty  of  intelleetual  production  around  them,  may  have  exag- 
gerated the  repressive  tendencies  in  which  they  found  the  eaus(> 
of  that  ix)verty.  We  can  now  see  tiiat  the  explanation  was  erro- 
n<'ous.  Freedom  dcM>s  not  nec(>ssarily  increase  fertility.  As  they 
erred  in  their  diagnosis,  they  may  hav(>  erred  in  their  observation 
of  the  symptoms. 

Assuming,  however,  that  the  description  was  a  just  one, 
how  are  we  to  explain  the  change  to  the  absoluti"  freedom  and 
tolerance  of  to-day,  when  every  man  may  sit  under  his  own  vine 
and  fig-tree  and  say  and  do  (provideil  he  drink  not  the  juice  of 
that  vine)  what  he  i)leases,  none  making  him  afraid? 

One  may  suspect  that  Toc(iueville,  struck  l)y  the  ent)rmous 
power  of  general  opinion,  attributed  too  much  of  the  sul)missive- 
ness  which  he  observed  to  the  active  coercion  of  the  majority, 
and  too  little  to  that  tendency  <jf  the  minority  to  acquiescence 
which  will  l)e  discussed  in  the  next  succeeding  chapter.  Setting 
this  aside,  however,  ami  assuming  that  the  majority  did  in  those" 
days  really  tyrannize,  several  causes  may  be  assigned  for  its 
having  ceased  to  do  so.  One  is  the  al)sence  of  violent  passions. 
Slavery,  the  chief  source  of  ferocity,  was  to  the  iieated  minds 
of  the  South  a  matter  of  life  or  dciith  ;  Abolitionism  seemed  to 
many  in  the  North  a  disloyal  heresy,  the  necessary  parent  of 
disunion.  Since  the  Civil  War  tliere  h:is  been  no  crisis  calcu- 
lated to  tempt  majorities  to  al)us(>  their  legal  powers.  Partisan- 
ship has  for  years  past  been  more  intenst^  in  Great  Britain  — 
not  to  say  Ireland  —  and  France  than  in  America.  When 
Tocqueville  saw  the  United  States,  tlie  democratic  spirit  was  in 
the  heyday  of  its  youthful  strength,  flusiied  with  self-confidence, 
intoxicated  with  the  exuberance  of  its  own  freedom.  The  first 
generation  of  statesm(>n  whose  authority  had  restrained  the 
masses,  had  just  quitted  the  stage.  The  anarchic  teachings  of 
JefTerson  had  borne  fruit.  .Vdmiiiistration  dml  legislation, 
hitherto  left  to  the  educated  classes,  had  i)een  sci/cd  by  tiu>  rude 
hands  of  men  of  low  social  iM)sition  and  scanty   knowledge. 


CHAP.  Lxxxiv      THK  TYUANNY  OF  TIIK   MAJORITY 


Ma 


A  reign  of  brutality  and  violence  had  set  in  over  large  regions  of 
the  country.  Neither  literature  nor  tlie  universities  ex(>rcised 
as  yet  any  sensil)le  iM)\ver.  Tlie  masses  were  so  persuaded  of 
their  immense  sui)eriority  to  all  other  peoples,  past  as  well  as 
present,  that  they  would  listen  to  nothing  l)ut  flattery,  and  their 
intolerance  spread  from  politics  into  every  other  sphere.  Our 
EurojM'an  philosopher  may  therel'ore  have  been  correct  in  his 
description  of  the  facts  as  he  saw  them  :  he  erred  in  supposing 
them  essential  to  a  democratic  government.  As  the  nation 
grew,  it  purged  away  these  faults  of  youth  and  inexperience: 
the  stern  discipline  of  the  Civil  War  taught  it  .sobriety,  and  in 
giving  it  something  to  be  really  proud  of,  cleared  away  the  fumes 
of  self-conceit. 

The  years  which  have  pissed  since  the  war  have  been  years 
of  immensely  extemled  and  pttpularized  culturt>  and  enlighten- 
ment. Bigotry  in  n  ligion  and  in  everything  else  ha.s  been 
broken  down.  The  old  hindmarks  have  been  removed  :  the 
habits  and  methods  of  free  iii(|uiry,  if  not  generally  practised, 
have  at  lea.st  beconu"  superficially  familiar  :  the  "latest  results," 
as  people  call  them,  of  I']u[o|)t;!n  thought  have  been  brought  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  native  .\niericans  more  fully  than  to  the 
mas.ses  of  Eurojie.  .\t  tlie  same  time,  as  all  religious  and  socio- 
religious  questi(ms,  except  tliose  wiiich  n  late  to  education,  are 
entirely  disjoined  from  politics  and  the  State,  neither  those  who 
.stand  by  the  old  views,  nor  t!;(i>f  who  embrace  the  new,  carry  that 
bitterness  into  their  (■on1n)\(i>i(>  which  is  natural  in  countries 
where  rehgious  (jUfstions  arc  ;dM)  party  (juestioiis,  where  the 
clergy  are  a  i)rivil!'ged  am'  >,"I;iti(Ml  (irder,  where  the  tiirone  is 
held  bound  to  defend  the  ah;ir.  and  the  workman  is  taught  to 
believe  that  i)oth  are  Ica'iiU'  I  .•i^;iinst  him.  The  influence  of 
these  cau.ses  will,  it  may  !>'■  predicted,  be  permanent.  Should 
pas-sion  again  itwade  politics,  or  should  tli(>  majority  beccmie 
convim'cd  that  its  interest-;  v.ill  be  secund  by  overtaxing  the 
few,  one  can  imagine  tlie  tendency  of  fifty  years  ago  reappear- 
ing in  new  fonns.  But  in  no  ima'j;in;ii)le  future  is  there  likely 
to  be  any  attempt  to  repress  eitiier  l)y  law  or  by  opinion  the 
free  exerci.se  ami  expression  of  spectilative  thought  on  tnorals, 
on  religion,  and  indeeil  on  rvciy  i!iatt<r  not  witluii  the  innuediate 
range  of  politics. 

If  the  above  Mi-couid  l>e  correct,  the  tyraimy  of  th(>  majority 
is  no  longer  a  lilemish  on  liir  American  system,  and  the  charges 


1?  I 

■  a 

■i\ 

;« 


I  [11 

ft 

li 


. 


346 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


FART  IT 


:■ 


1 

i 
I 


ll 
ll 


II 


brouKht  againHt  dennKTRcy  from  the  suppow'd  example  of 
America  are  groviiulloss.  Ah  tyranny  is  one  of  thow^  evils 
which  tends  to  perpetuate  itself,  those  who  had  l)een  oppressed 
revenging  themselves  by  lieeoming  oppressors  in  their  turn, 
the  fact  that  a  danger  once  dreaded  has  now  disappearetl  is  no 
small  evidence  of  the  recuperative  forces  of  the  American 
government,  and  the  healthy  tone  of  the  American  peopl»- 


r ; 

ll! 


NmI 


m 


CHAPTER  LXXXV 


I' 

i 

I 


THK   FATALISM   OF  THE  MULTITUDE 


One  foatiirc!  of  thought  and  sentiment  in  the  United  States 
needs  special  examination  because  it  has  been  by  most  observ- 
ers either  ignored  or  confounded  \vith  a  phenomenon  which  is 
at  bottom  quite'  different.  This  is  a  fatalistic  attitude  of  mind, 
which,  since  it  disposes  men  to  acquiesce  in  the  rule  of  num- 
bers, has  been,  wlien  perceived,  attril)uted  to  or  identified  with 
what  is  commonly  called  the  Tyranny  of  the  Majority.  The  ten- 
dency to  fatalism  is  never  far  from  mankind.  It  is  one  of  the 
first  solutions  of  the  riddle  of  the  earth  propounded  by  meta- 
physics. It  is  one  of  the  last  propounded  by  science.  It  has 
at  all  times  formed  the  background  to  religions.  No  race  is 
naturally  less  di.spt)sed  to  a  fatalistic  view  of  things  than  is  the 
Anglo-.iVmerican,  with  its  restless  self-reliant  energy, 

Nil  actum  roputans  duin  quid  restaret  agendum, 

its  slender  taste  for  introspection  or  meditation.  Nevertheless, 
even  in  this  people  the  conditions  of  life  and  politics  have  brixi 
a  sentiment  or  tendency  which  seems  l)est  describetl  by  the 
name  of  fatalism. 

In  small  and  rude  communities,  every  free  man,  or  at  least 
every  head  of  a  household,  feels  his  own  significance  and  real- 
izes his  oAvn  independenc(>.  He  relies  on  himself,  he  is  little 
interfered  with  by  neighl)ours  or  rulers.'  His  will  and  his 
action  count  for  something  in  the  conduct  of  the  affairs  of  the 
community  he  In'longs  to.  yet  common  affairs  are  few  com- 
pared to  those  in  which  he  must  depend  on  liis  o\ni  exertions. 
The  most  striking  pictures  of  in(lividualism  that  literature 
has  preserved  for  us  are  those  of  the  Homeric  heroes,  and  of 
the  even  more  terrible  and  self-reliant  warriors  of  the  Norse 

'  The  kind  of  srlf-roliant  attitudp  I  iini  rc'ckine  to  dowrilio  is  quite  a  different 
thing  from  the  siipijoscd  "stati-  of  iiaturt'"  in  wlmh  a  man  haw  no  legal  reli*- 
tiouB  with  liis  ft'ljiiws.  It  niuy  exist  ims  in  early  Home)  urnon^  the  membera 
•f  a  community  closely  united  tiy  leKul  tics. 

347 


•MH 


Pir.MC  OPIMION 


TART   II 


-.• 


stmu-s,  nu'U  lik«'  lliiKiiar  i.«Kllin»K  uinl  KkH  ?*<»n  »»f  Skullajtr'  ii, 
who  dill  not  rt'Kuii.  cvtii  tlir  kcmIs,  l>ut  lrust«'<l  tJitir  own  niinht 
und  main.  In  nion-  «lcvclo|M'd  stati's  of  siM-icty  t>rKaniz<'d  on 
an  oligarchic  Inisis,  such  as  were  the  feudal  kinRdonis  of  the 
Middle  Akc^.  or  in  socially  aristocratic  countries  such  as  most 
parts  of  Euroi)e  have  riinaiaed  down  to  our  own  'inie.  \hv  bulk 
of  tiie  people  are  no  douht  in  a  de|M'ndent  condiiion,  Init  each 
jK'rsijn  (h'rives  a  certain  sense  of  personal  corjse(|uenj'e  from  the 
strennth  of  his  khhip  and  of  the  person  or  family  at  the  head 
(tf  it.  Moreover,  the  upper  class,  lu-inj?  the  class  which  thinks 
antl  writes,  as  well  as  leads  in  ai-tion,  imjiresses  its  own  tyjM' 
uptm  the  character  of  tiie  whole  nation,  ami  that  type  is  still 
individualistic,  with  a  strong  conscittusness  of  personal  free  will, 
and  a  tenih'ucy  ftir  each  man,  if  not  to  think  for  himself,  at 
least  to  value  and  to  rely  on  his  own  opinion. 

lift  us  supi>ose,  however,  that  tin-  aristocratic  structure  of 
society  has  been  ilissolved,  that  the  old  groups  hav«'  disap- 
peared, that  men  have  come  to  feel  themselves  members  rather 
of  the  nation  than  of  classes,  or  families,  or  comnumities  within 
the  nation,  that  a  levelling  process  has  destroyed  the  a.scen- 
dency  of  birth  antl  rank,  tliat  large  lamhnl  estates  no  longer 
exist,  that  many  persons  in  what  was  previously  the  humbler 
class  have  acijuired  possession  of  property,  that  knowl(Hlg(> 
is  easily  accessible  and  tin-  powiT  of  using  it  no  longer  confined 
to  tlu'  few.  I'nder  such  conditions  of  social  e(iuality  the  habit 
of  intellectual  command  and  individual  self-confidence  will  have 
vanished  from  the  leading  <'lass,  wliich  creates  the  tyj)e  of 
national  cliaractcr,  and  will  exist  nowhere  in  the  nation. 

Let  us  suppose,  further,  that  jjolitical  equality  has  gone 
hand  in  htMid  with  the  levelling  down  of  social  eminence. 
Every  citizen  enjoys  the  .same  rigiit  of  electing  the  r<«presen- 
tativ<'s  and  officials,  the  saine  right  of  liiniscU'  iH'coming  a  rep- 
resentaiive  or  an  official.  Kv*  ly  one  is  ((jually  <'oncerned  in 
the  conduct  of  pultlic  affairs,  and  sinc<'  no  man's  opinion,  how- 
ever gnat  his  suix'riority  in  wealth,  knowledge,  or  personal 
capacity,  is  legally  entitled  to  any  more  weight  than  anotlier's, 
no  man  is  entitled  to  set  special  value  on  his  own  opinion, 
or  to  expect  others  to  tlef(>r  to  it ;  for  pretensions  to  authority 
\vill  be  promptly  resented.  All  disputes  are  referred  to  the 
determination  of  the  majority,  there  being  no  legal  distinc- 
tion between  the  naturally  strong  and   naturally  weak,   be- 


THAP.  Lxxxv      THK   FATALISM   OF  THK   MILTITI  DK 


319 


f 


twcen  the  rif}i  uiid  tlic  poor,  iKtwccn  llif  wise  aiul  tin-  fdol- 
ish.  In  sucli  a  sttilf  of  things  tin-  slroiig  niaii'M  .srlf-confidt  nee 
ami  H<'ns<>  of  individual  force  will  incvitalily  have  been  lowered, 
l)eeuuse  he  will  feel  lliat  lie  is  only  one  of  many,  thai  his  vote 
or  voice  counts  for  n<>  more  than  that  of  his  nei^hliour,  that 
he  can  prevail,  if  at  all,  only  I  a  keeping  himself  on  a  l<'vel 
with  his  iKhhour  and  reeoniii/inji;  the  hitter's  personality  as 
iM'inK  every  whit  ('(pial  to  his  own. 

Supi>ose,  further,  that  all  this  takes  |)lace  in  an  enormously 
hir^e  and  ixtpulous  country,  where  the  noverninn  voters  an- 
counted  by  so  many  millions  that  each  iiidixidual  feels  himself 
a  'lere  drop  in  t)ie  ocean,  the  intliitiice  \\hieh  lie  can  exert 
l)rivately,  whether  liy  his  personal  uifts  or  hy  his  wealth,  heinj; 
confitUMl  to  the  small  circle  of  hi-  town  or  nei>ilil)ourho<Kl.  On 
all  sides  there  stretches  round  him  an  iiiimitaiili'  horizon;  and 
beneath  the  blue  vault  which  me(  ts  that  horizon  there  is  every- 
wliere  the  same  busy  multitude  with  its  clamour  of  miiiRhHl 
voices  which  lie  hears  close  by.  In  this  multitude  his  own 
J)einji;  seems  lost.  lie  has  the  sense  of  usiRuificance  which 
overwhehns  us  when  at  ni^Jit  we  survey  ihe  host  of  heaven, 
and  know  that  from  even  th(>  neare>i  fi.xed  star  this  planet  of 
ours  is  invisible. 

In  such  a  country,  where  complete  political  equality  is 
streuRthenod  and  pt-rfected  by  complete  social  e<|Uality,  when* 
the  will  t)f  the  iiajority  is  absolute,  un(|Uestioned,  always 
invoked  to  decide  every  (|iiestion,  and  where  the  numbers 
•which  decide  an"  so  vast  that  one  comes  to  regard  them  as  one 
regards  the  largely  working  forces  of  nature,  w(  jiiay  expect  to 
find  certain  feelings  .'ind  liiliels  dominant  in  tlit   Miinds  of  men. 

One  of  tliese  is  thai  tlie  niajority  must  prevail.  .Ml  free 
goveriunent  rests  on  tliis  bcln  I,  for  there  is  no  other  way  of 
working  free  government.  '!"<>  obey  tlie  majority  is,  therefore, 
l)otli  a  nect  sity  and  a  duty,  a  iluty  !>  ause  the  alternative 
would  be  ruin  and  the  breaking  U|)  of  laws. 

Out  of  this  dogma  there  grows  up  inoilier  which  is  less  dis- 
tinctly admitted,  and  indeed  held  rather  implicitly  than  (on- 
sciously.  that  tlie  nuijority  is  riirht  And  on*  of  both  of  these 
there  urows  again  the  feeling,  still  less  con.-<  iously  held,  but 
not  less  truly  operative,  that  it  i-  vain  to  oppose  or  censure 
the  majority. 

It  may  seem  that  there  is  a  long  stej)  from  the  first  of  these 


I 


it 


til 

HI 
ill 

it 


3i30 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


FAST  It 


-|f-ij 


propoHitiona  to  the  avcond  aiid  third ;  and  that,  in  fact,  the 
very  exiHtenci*  of  a  minority  striving  with  a  majority  iniplics 
that  there  muHt  be  many  who  hold  the  majority  to  Im;  wrong, 
anH  are  preparixl  to  rettist  it.  Men  do  not  at  once  abandon 
their  views  becausM*  they  have  been  outvoted  ;  they  reiterate 
their  viev  i,  they  reorganize  their  party,  they  hope  to  prevail, 
and  often  do  prevail  ii'  a  subsequent  trial  of  strength. 

All  this  is  doubtless  involve<l  in  the  very  metho«ls  of  popular 
government.  But  it  is,  nevertheless,  true  that  the  belief  in 
the  right  of  the  majority  lit:,  very  near  to  the  belief  that  the 
majority  must  be  right.  As  self-government  is  biused  on  the 
notion  that  each  man  is  more  likely  to  be  right  than  to  be 
wrong,  and  that  one  man's  opinion  must  be  treated  as  equally 
good  with  another's,  there  is  a  presumption  that  when  twenty 
thousand  vote  one  way,  and  twenty-one  thousand  another,  the 
view  of  the  greater  number  is  the  better  view.  The  habit  of 
deference*  to  a  decision  actually  given  strengthens  this  presumfH 
tion,  and  weaves  it  into  th«!  texture  of  every  mind.  A  con- 
scientious citizen  feels  that  he  ought  to  ol)ey  the  determination 
of  the  majority,  and  naturally  prefers  to  think  that  which  he 
obeys  to  be  right.  A  citizen  languidly  interested  in  the  ques- 
tion at  i.ssue  finds  it  easier  to  comply  with  and  adopt  the  view 
of  the  majority  than  to  hold  out  against  it.  A  small  number 
of  men  with  strong  convictions  or  warm  party  feeling  will,  for 
a  time,  resist.  But  even  they  feel  differently  towards  their 
cause  after  it  has  been  defeated  from  what  they  did  while  it 
had  still  a  prospect  of  success.  They  know  that  in  the  same 
proportion  in  which  their  supporters  are  dismayed,  the  majority 
is  emboldened  and  confirmed  in  its  views.  It  will  be  harder 
to  fight  a  second  battle  than  it  was  to  fight  tlie  first,  for  then- 
is  (so  to  speak)  a  steeper  slope  of  popular  disapproval  to  bo 
climbed.  "Thus,  just  as  at  the  opening  of  a  campaign,  the 
event  of  the  first  collisions  between  the  hostile  armies  has 
great  significance,  because  the  victory  of  one  is  taken  as  an 
omen  and  a  presage  by  both,  so  in  the  struggles  of  parties 
success  at  an  incidental  election  works  powerfully  to  strengthen 
those  who  succeed,  and  depress  those  who  fail,  for  it  inspires 
self-confidence  or  self-distrust,  and  it  turns  the  minds  of  waverers. 
The  very  <;hscurity  of  the  causes  which  move  opinicm  adds 
significance  to  the  result.  So  in  the  United  States,  when 
the  elections  in  any  State  precede  by  a  few  weeks  a  presiden- 


n 


CHAF.  Lxxxv     THE  FATALISM  OP  THE  MTLTITUDE 


35i 


cud  whihf 

1  .>' 

i.i;'j'».i'\ 

', 

reassert!"  1 
feebicr  ♦  i 

The  !:.r; 

1      i"  'i 

n 

c, 

potent     •  • 
small    <    ii 

■if     !    '    HI' 

.      '  Ji     li 

■  ' 

personally  k-  • 
mine  their  v<)t( 
moderately-si/' 

.;     ,*-\ 

rl 

\    '1   reiH'ut   his  urKuments  with  less  faith, 
a  s'of         r  tJiat  he  may  l)e  wrong,  thsm  he 
ill  (h)ulitful ;    and  after  every 


tial  contest,  their  effeet  has  sometimes  IwH'n  so  Kre'».t  as  vir- 
tually to  determine  that  contest  l»y  filling  one  8id»«  with  hope 
and  the  other  with  des|K»n(len(\ .  Those  who  prefer  to  swim 
with  the  stream  are  numerous  everj'Avhere,  and  tlieir  votes 
have  as  nmch  weight  as  the  votes  of  the  keenest  partisans. 
A  man  of  eonvietiotus  may  insist  that  the  arRinnents  on  lK)th 
Hid(»s  are  after  ''  '  |M»llinK  just  wliat  they  were  In-fore.  But 
the  average 
less  zeal,  n 

11. >■    l,i;'J'»,|1\      W; 

'  its  judgment,  his  knees  grow 
!  .  u,  any  him  into  the  eombat. 
\vl  II  l.  the  majority  works,  the  more 
-.  »\  h<'n  the  scene  of  aeticm  is  a 
I.I  i'  idual  voters  are  many  of  them 
ro'licr  and  the  motives  which  deter- 
r-i  Mxl  and  discounted.  When  it  is  a 
th"  townis  or  districts  which  compose 
it  are  not  too  nui...u-u..  lor  reckoning  to  overtake  and  imagina- 
tion to  picture  them,  and  in  many  cases  their  action  can  be 
explained  by  well-known  causes  which  may  be  represented  as 
transitory.  But  when  the  theatre  stretches  itst^f  to  a  conti- 
nent, when  the  mmii)er  of  voters  is  eounttnl  by  many  millions, 
the  wings  of  imagination  droop,  and  the  huge  voting  mass 
ceases  to  be  thought  of  as  nu-rely  so  many  individual  human 
l)eings  no  wiser  or  l)etter  than  one's  own  neighbours.  The 
phenomenon  seems  to  pass  into  the  category  of  the  phenomena 
of  nature,  governed  by  far-reaching  and  inexorable  laws  whoso 
character  science  has  only  imperfectly  a.N>ertaine<l,  and  which 
she  can  use  only  by  olwying.  It  in?  ire>  a  s<Tt  of  awe,  a  sense 
of  individual  impotence,  like  that  .hich  man  fe.-ls  when  he 
contemplates  the  majestic  and  et(Ti  .u  forces  of  the  inanimate 
world.  Such  a  feeling  is  even  stronger  when  it  operates,  not 
(m  a  cohesive  minority  which  ha<l  lately  IioikhI,  or  may  yet 
hope,  to  iHKome  a  majority,  but  on  a  single  man  or  small 
group  of  persons  cherishing  some  opinion  which  the  m»s8 
di.s:ippmvps.  Thus  nut  of  the  ^nie.gjfvl  fo<>iing«  that  the  multi- 
tude will  prevail,  and  that  the  .auititude,  beca'ise  it  w\\\  p; 
vail,  must  be  right,  there  groA\'s  a  self-distrust,  a  despondency, 
a  disposition  to  fall  into  line,  to  acqui;'S"e  in  the  dominant 
opini(m,  to  submit  thoi"^v  as  welt  as  action  to  the  eacompaaa* 


I 


352 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


ing  power  of  iiuiuImts.  Now  and  then  :i  resolute  man  will, 
like  Athanasius,  stand  alone  against  the  worUl.  liut  such  a 
man  nmst  Iiave,  like  Athaiuisius,  some  speeial  spring  of  inward 
strength  ;  anil  the  difficulty  of  winning  over  others  against  the 
overwhehuing  weight  of  the  multitude  will,  even  in  such  a 
man,  dull  the  etlge  of  enterprise.  An  imlividual  seeking  to 
make  his  view  prevail,  looks  forth  on  his  hostile  fellow-country- 
men as  a  st)litary  swijumer,  raised  high  on  a  billow  miles  from 
land,  looks  over  the  countless  waves  that  divide  hijn  from 
the  shore,  and  (piails  to  think  how  small  the  chance  that  his 
strength  can  hear  him  thither. 

This  tendency  to  acijuiescence  and  submission,  this  sense  of 
the  insignificance  of  individual  etTort,  this  in-lief  that  the  affairs 
of  me",  are  swayed  by  large  forces  whose  movement  may  be 
studied  but  cannot  be  turned,  I  hav(>  ventunnl  to  call  the 
Fatalism  of  the  Multitude.  It  is  often  confouniled  \\-ith  the 
tyranny  of  the  majority,  but  is  at  Inittom  different,  though, 
of  course,  its  existence  makes  abuses  of  j)ower  by  tlie  majority 
easier,  because  less  apt  to  l)e  n^sented.  Hut  the  fatalistic  atti- 
tude I  have  been  seeking  to  describe  docs  not  imjtly  any  coni|)ul- 
sion  exerted  by  the  majority.  It  may  rat  her  sei>m  to  soften  and 
make  less  odious  an  exercise  of  their  jMiwcr,  may  even  dispense 
with  that  exercise,  because  it  disposes  a  miuor-ty  to  submit 
without  the  need  of  a  command,  to  renounce  spontaneously 
its  own  vi«'W  and  fall  in  with  th;-  view  which  the  majority  has 
expressed.  In  the  fatalism  of  the  nniltitude  there  is  neither 
legal  nor  moral  compulsion  ;  there  is  merely  a  loss  of  resisting 
power,  a  diminished  sense  of  personal  responsibility,  and  of  the 
duty  to  battle  for  one's  own  opinions,  such  as  has  beeik  brej  ^n 
.some  peoi)les  by  the  belief  in  an  overmastering  fate.  It  is  true 
that  the  force  to  which  the  citizen  of  the  vast  democracy  suIh 
mits  is  a  moral  force,  n<it  that  of  an  imapproachable  .Miah,  nor 
of  the  unchangeable  laws  of  matter.  Mut  it  is  a  moral  f<»rce 
acting  on  so  vast  a  scale,  and  from  cauMS  (>fteu  so  (tbsciire,  that 
its  effect  on  the  mind  of  the  individual  may  well  be  compan>d 
with  that  which  religious  or  scientific  fatalism  engenders. 

No  oiu'  will  sui)pose  thai  the  ;il)ove  sketch  is  intended  to 
apply  literally  to  the  I'nited  St:ites.  where  in  some  matters 
legal  restrictions  check  a  inajority.  where  local  self-government 
giv«'s  tin-  humblest  citizen  ;i  splicn-  for  pulilic  action,  where 
individualism  is  still  in  many  forms  and  directions  so  vigorous. 


(1,  .p.  Lxxxv     TlIK   FATALISM  OF  THE  MULTITl'DE 


353 


An  Ameriran  i'xplorcr,  an  AnnTican  st'tlh'r  in  ni'w  lands,  an 
American  nmn  «»t'  business  pusliiii^;  a  great  enterprise,  is  a 
iH'ing  as  hold  and  resourceful  as  tiie  world  has  ever  seen.  All 
I  sei'k  to  convey  is  that  there  are  in  the  United  States  signs 
of  such  a  fatalistic  temper,  signs  which  one  must  expect  to 
find  wherever  a  vast  pi)pulation  governs  itself  under  a  system 
of  complete  social  and  political  eciuality,  and  which  may  grow 
more  frequent  as  time  gttes  on. 

There  exist  in  the  American  Republic  several  contlitions 
which  specially  tend  to  create  such  a  temper. 

Oneof  tijese  is  the  unbouiuh'd  frec'dom  of  discu.'^sion.  Kvery 
view,  every  lim*  of  p«)licy,  has  its  fair  chanci'  before  the  imhjjjU'. 
No  one  can  say  that  audieiu-e  has  been  denied  hhn,  and  com- 
fort himself  with  the  hope  that,  when  he  is  heard,  th»'  worhl 
will  come  rountl  to  him.  Under  a  repressive  govenunent,  the 
sense  of  grievance  and  injustice  feeds  the  flame  of  resistance 
in  a  persecuted  minority,  liut  in  a  country  like  this,  where 
the  frittlom  of  the  press,  the  right  of  public  meeting,  and  the 
right  of  a.ssociation  and  agitation  have  been  legally  extj'iuh'd 
and  are  daily  exertinl  more  widely  tlum  anywhere  el.se  in  the 
world,  there  is  iiothing  to  awaken  that  sense.  He  whom  the 
multitude  condenms  or  ignores  has  no  further  court  of  appeal 
to  look  to.  Rome  has  spoken.  His  cause  has  bet-n  heard  and 
judgim'nt  has  gone  against   him. 

Another  is  the  intense  faith  which  the  Americans  have  in 
the  soundness  of  their  institutions,  and  in  the  future  of  their 
country.  Foreign  critics  have  said  tliat  they  think  themselves 
the  special  obj«'«'ts  of  the  care  of  Divine  Providence.  If  this 
be  .so,  it  is  matter  neither  f(r  surprise  nor  for  sarcasm.  They 
are  a  religious  people.  They  are  trying,  and  that  on  the  larg- 
est scale,  the  most  renmrkable  experiment  in  governnu'nt  the 
world  has  yet  witn«'ssed.  They  have  more  than  once  Ihh'U  sur- 
rounded by  perils  which  affrighted  the  stoutest  hearts,  and 
they  have  escajM'd  from  these  perils  into  peace  and  prosperity. 
There  is  among  i)ious  persons  a  deep  cunvicti«)n -one  may 
often  hear  it  expres.sed  on  platforms  and  from  pulpits  with  evi- 
dent .sincerity  th.at  (lod  has  specially  chosen  tlie  nation  to 
work  out  a  higher  type  <»f  civilization  than  any  other  State  has 
yet  attaine<l,  and  that  this  great  work  will  surely  be  brought 
to  a  happy  issue  by  the  protecting  hand  that  has  so  long  guided 
it.  Ami,  even  when  the  feeling  dix's  not  take  a  theological  ex- 
2a 


t: 

■1* 


1 


?n4 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


pression,  tho  belief  in  wliat  is  called  the  "Mission  of  ti;e  He- 
public"  for  all  humanity  is  scarcely  less  ardent,  liut  the 
foundation  of  the  Republic  is  confidence  in  the  multitude,  in 
its  honesty  and  good  sense,  in  the  certainty  of  its  arrivinR  at 
right  conclusions.  Pessimism  is  the  luxury  of  a  handful ;  op- 
timism is  the  private  deliRht,  as  well  as  public  profession,  of 
nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine  out  of  every  thousand,  for  no- 
where does  the  indivi<lual  associate  himself  more  coiLstantly 
and  directly  with  the  greatness  of  his  country. 

Now,  such  a  faith  in  the  j)eopl(>,  and  in  the  ftirces  that  sway 
them,  disposes  a  man  to  ac(]uiescen<'e  and  submission.  He  can- 
not long  hold  that  he  is  right  and  the  nmltitude  wrong.  He 
cannot  suppose  that  the  country  will  ultimately  suffer  because 
it  refuses  tt)  adopt  what  he  urges  upon  it.  .\s  he  comes  of  lui 
energetic  stock,  he  will  use  all  projier  means  to  state  his  views, 
and  give  them  every  chance  of  prevailing.  liut  he  submits 
more  readily  thai/  an  Englishman  would  do,  ay,  even  to  what 
an  Englishman  would  think  an  injury  to  his  private  rights. 
When  his  legal  right  has  been  infringed,  an  .\merican  will  con- 
fidently procetKl  to  enforce  at  law  his  claim  to  redress,  knowing 
that  even  against  the  government  a  just  caus»>  wll  prevail. 
But  if  he  fails  at  hiw,  the  sense  of  his  individual  insignificance 
will  still  his  voice.  It  may  seem  a  trivia!  illustration  to  ol)- 
serve  that  when  a  railway  train  is  late,  or  a  wagon  drawTi  up 
opposite  a  warehou.M' dour  stops  the  street  car  for  a  few  minutes, 
the  pa.ssengers  take  tiic  <'  .ay  far  niore  coolly  and  uncomplain- 
ingly than  Englisluneti  would  do.  But  the  feeling  is  the  sjune 
as  that  which  makes  good  (•itiz(>ns  bear  with  th(>  tyranny  of 
Bosses.  It  is  ail  in  tlic  course  of  nature.  ()t!»ers  submit ;  why 
should  one  man  resist  ?  \\  hat  is  he  tliat  he  .should  make  a 
fu.ss  becausi"  he  loses  a  tVw  minutes,  or  is  taxed  too  highly? 
The  sense  of  the  immense  multitude  urou!id  him  jm'sses  down 
the  individual:  and.  after  all.  he  reflects,  "things  will  come 
out  right "  in  the  end. 

It  is  hard  adeipiately  to  convey  ihe  impression  which  the 
vastm'ss  of  the  country  and  the  swifl  gnmlh  of  its  population 
make  upon  the  lluroju-aii  traveller.  1  well  remember  how  it 
once  ciune  ou  me  after  climbing  a  high  mountain  in  an  Ea.stern 
State.  .\ll  around  was  thick  forest  ;  hut  the  setting  sun  lit  up 
r»eaks  sixty  or  seventy  uuh<  away,  and  Hashed  here  and  there 
on  the  windings  of  souje  river  i)ast  a  to\vii  .so  far  off  as  to  seem 


I 


CHAP.  Lxxxv     THK   FATALISM   OF  THK   MULTITUDK 


.{55 


only  a  spot  of  wiiitc.  I  opciictl  my  mup,  a  large  map,  which  I 
hatl  to  Hprcad  iijMtii  thi'  rocks  U>  cxiuuiiic,  and  tried  to  make 
out,  as  one  would  have  done  in  Scotland  or  Switzerland,  the 
jMiints  in  the  view,  'i'lie  map,  howev<'r,  was  useless,  because 
the  whole  area  of  the  hindscap*'  beneath  me  covered  only  two 
or  three  scjuun-  inches  upon  it.  iVom  such  a  height  in  Scot 
land  tjie  eye  would  hav<'  nm^'d  fi<»m  sea  to  sea.  Hut  here 
when  one  tricil  to  re<'kon  how  many  more  e(|ually  wide  stretches 
of  landscape  lay  l)etween  this  peak  and  the  Mississi])j)i,  which 
is  It.self  only  a  tiiird  of  the  way  across  the  conliiieni,  the  cal- 
culation seemed  endii  ss  and  was  .-oon  ahaiidoiied.  Many  an 
Enj^lishman  conits  liy  mi:i(lle  life  to  know  nearly  all  Kngland 
like  a  j^love.  lie  lia^  travelled  on  all  the  f>reat  raiIroa<ls  ; 
then;  is  hardly  a  lai^e  town  in  wiiicli  he  has  nt>t  ac(|uaintances, 
hardly  a  county  whose  scenery  is  not  familiar  io  him.  But  no 
American  can  !)'■  famili:ir  with  mon-  than  a  sjnall  j)art  of  his 
coimtry,  for  his  country  is  a  continent.  .\nd  all  Americans 
live  their  life  throujili  under  the  sense  of  tlii->  j)n)dinious  and 
daily  urowinjj;  multitu<le  around  them,  which  seems  vaster  the 
m.)re  you  travel,  and  the  more  ymi  nali/''  its  uniformity. 

We  need  not  here  inciuirc  wliethri'  the  fatalistic  attitudi-  I 
have  sought  to  sketcli  is  tin-  sourie  of  more  nooil  or  I'vil.  It 
seems  at  any  rate  iuevitaMe  :  nor  does  it  fail  to  pnxluce  a  sort 
of  pleasure,  for  what  the  individual  loses  as  an  individual  he 
seems  in  a  measure  to  regain  as  one  of  the  multitude.  If  the 
iiulividual  is  not  -^tronfj,  Iw  is  at  any  rate  as  strong  as  any  oiu' 
else.  Flis  will  coiiii1,>  for  a>  much  as  any  other  will.  He  is 
overliorne  liy  no  su|)eriority.  .Most  imn  are  litter  to  make  })art 
of  the  multitud*'  than  to  strive  a^iaiust  it.  Oliedience  is  to 
most  .sweeter  than  independi-nce  :  the  Homan  (atholic  Church 
ins]>ires  in  its  children  a  stronuier  a!Tr(  tion  than  any  f(»rm  of 
Protestantism,  for  she  take>  their  souls  in  charsie,  and  assures 
them  that,  with  oheiliriice,  ;ill  will  lie  well. 

That  whi^'h  we  are  present l\  eoneerned  to  note  i-  how  greatly 
such  a  tendency  as  1  have  deserilied  facililntes  the  aeiion  of 
opinion  as  a  liovernini:  power.  enal>lii;ji;  it  to  prevail  more 
swiftly  and  more  (•om|)letel\  lli;in  in  countries  where  men  have 
n.»t  yet  learned  to  retj.Md  llie  \oiee  of  the  nniltitude  as  the 
voice  of  fate.  Many  -uliniil  wllliie.il;.  :  some  unwillingly,  yet 
ihev  sultmit.  Rarely  <loe~  an\  one  hold  ont  and  venture  to  tell 
tlu'  };reat  majttrity  of  his  coimtrvmeii  iliat  they  are  wron}^. 


356 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART    IV 


Moreover,  public  opinion  acquires  a  solidity  which  strenRth- 
ens  the  whole  Ixxly  iwUtic.  (iuestions  on  which  the  masses 
have  made  up  their  minds  pass  out  of  the  region  of  practical 
discussion.  Controversy  is  coufine<l  to  minor  topics,  and  how- 
ever vehemently  it  may  rage  ov<'r  these,  it  disturbs  the  great 
underlying  matters  of  agreement  no  more  than  a  tempest  stirs 
the  depths  of  the  Atlantic.  Public  onler  InH-omes  more  easily 
maintainiMl,  because  individuals  and  small  groups  have  learne<l 
to  submit  even  wh»«n  they  ftM'l  themselves  aggrieviil.  The  man 
who  munnurs  jigainst  the  world,  who  continues  to  preach  a 
hopekw  cause,  incurs  cont<'mpt,  and  is  apt  to  Im*  treate<l  as  a 
sort  of  lunatic.  He  who  is  tiK)  wi.se  to  murmur  and  t<K)  proud 
to  go  on  pn-aching  to  unhcMnling  ears  coiues  to  think  that  if 
his  doctrine  is  true,  yet  the  time  is  not  ripe  or  it.  He  may  be 
in  error  ;  but  if  he  is  right,  the  world  wll  ultimately  sim'  that 
he  is  right  even  without  his  eflfort.  One  way  or  another  he 
finds  it  hard  to  believe  that  this  vast  mass  and  force  of  popular 
thought  in  which  he  lives  and  moves  can  be  ultimately  wrong. 
Securus  iudicat  orbis  terrarum. 


-4  - 


r* 


CHAPTER  LXXXVI 


I. 


WHERKIN    PlIBMC   OPINION    FAILS 


Without  anticipiitiiiK  the  criticism  of  dcmocrulic  Rovoin- 
nu-nt  to  Ik'  fiivcii  in  ji  later  chapter,  we  may  wiiul  up  tin*  cxuiiii- 
iiatioii  of  public  o|)iiiioii  l»y  consitlcriun  what  arc  its  merits 
:is  u  novcriiiiiK  ami  ov»'rs«H'inK  p»)\vcr,  ami,  t)U  the  t»tlier  haml. 
what  defects,  dm'  either  to  inherent  weakness  or  to  the  want 
of  appropriate  machinery,  prevent  it  from  attaining  tiie  idvui 
which  the  Americans  have  set  In-fore  themselves.  I  l>eKin 
with  the  def»H-ts. 

The  t»l)vious  weakness  of  government  by  opinit)n  is  the  tUflfi- 
culty  of  iLscertainiiiK  it.     Knuli-^l'  administrators  in   India  la- 
ment tlie  impossibility  of  h-arninn  the  sentiments  of  the  natives, 
be<-ause  in  the  East  the  populations,  the  true  masses,  are  dumb. 
The  press  is  written  l)y  a  handful  of  persons  who,  in  becoming 
writers,  have  cea.sed  to  Itelonjr  to  the  nuiltitude,  and  the  mul- 
titmh-  does  not   read.     The  difficulties  of  Western  statesmen 
are  due  to  an  opposite   cause.     The  populations   are  highly 
articulate.     Such  is  the  din  of  voices  that   it  is  hard  to  say 
which  cry  prevails,  which  is  swelled  by  many,  which  only  by 
a  few,  throats.     The  orRunsof  opinion  seem  almost  as  numerous 
as  the  ptH)ple  th;       'Ives,  and  they  are  all  «"ngaKed  in  represent- 
ing their  own  view  as  that  of  "the  p(<)])le."     Like  other  valu- 
able articles,  neimine  opinion   is  Mirrounded  by  counterfeits. 
The  one  |)ositive  test  applicable  is  that  oi  an  election,  and  an 
election  can  at  best  do  no  more  than  test  the  division  of  opinion 
between  two  or  three  frrviit   i)arti(s,   leaving  subsidiary  issues 
uncertain,  while  in  many  cases  the  result  depends  so  much  on 
the  p.'rsonal  merits  oi'  the  candidates  as  t(»  remh-r  interpreta- 
tion difficult.     An   .\inericaii    statesman    is    in    no  danner  of 
consciously  ruiming  ctiunter  to  pul)lic  opinion,  but  how  is  he 
to  discover  whether  any  particular  oi)inion  is  making  or  losiiiR 
way,  how  is  he  to  Kauge  the  voting  streiigth  its  advocates  can 
put   forth,   or  the  moral   authority   its  advocates  can  exert? 


■1: 


si 


8 


t] 


yiS 


IH  BLir  OPINION 


PART  It 


Elections  cannot  he  further  multiplied,  for  they  are  too  numer- 
ous already.  The  rcjerciuium,  or  plan  of  submitting  a  specific 
question  to  the  popular  vote,  is  the  logical  rest)uree,  hut  it  is 
troublesome  and  costly  to  take  the  votes  of  millions  of  people 
over  an  area  so  large  as  that  of  one  of  the  greater  States ;  much 
more  then  is  the  method  difficult  to  apply  in  Federal  matters. 
This  is  the  first  drawback  to  the  rule  of  public  opinion.  The 
choice  of  persons  for  offices  is  only  an  indirect  and  often  unsat- 
isfactory way  of  declaring  views  of  i)olicy,  and  as  the  elections 
at  which  such  choices  are  made  come  at  fixeti  intervals,  time 
is  lost  in  waiting  for  the  opportunity  of  delivering  the  popular 
judgment. 

The  framers  of  the  American  Constitution  may  not  have 
perceived  that  in  lal)ouring  to  produce  a  balance,  as  well  between 
the  national  and  State  goveriunents  as  hetwtnm  the  Executive 
and  Congress,  in  weakening  each  single  authority  in  the  govern- 
ment by  dividing  iM)wers  and  functions  among  each  of  them, 
they  wer(^  throwing  upon  the  nation  at  large,  that  is,  upon 
unorganized  public  ojjinion,  more  work  than  it  had  ever  dis- 
charged in  England,  or  could  duly  discharge  in  a  country  so 
divided  by  distances  and  jealousies  as  the  United  States  then 
were.  Distances  and  jealousies  have  been  lessened.  But  as 
the  progress  of  democracy  h:us  incretused  the  self-distrust  and 
submission  to  the  popular  voice  of  legislators,  so  the  defects 
incident  to  a  system  of  restrictions  and  balances  have  been 
aggravated.  Thus  the  difficulty  inherent  in  government  by 
public  opinion  makes  itself  seriously  felt.  It  can  express 
desires,  but  has  not  the  machinery  for  turning  them  into  prac- 
tical schemes.  It  can  detemiine  (>nds,  l)ut  is  less  fit  t(»  examine 
and  select  means.  Yet  it  has  weakened  the  organs  by  whicli 
the  bu.siness  of  finding  appropriate  means  ought  to  be  dis<'harge<l. 

American  legislatures  are  bodies  with  limited  powers  and  sit- 
ting for  short  terms.  Their  members  are  less  (lualified  for  tlic 
work  of  constructive  legislation  than  are  those  of  most  Euro- 
pean chamlxTs.  They  are  accustomed  to  consider  themselve-i 
deh'gates  from  their  respective  Stales  and  districts,  respon- 
sible to  those  dislricls,  rather  tiian  c<miicillors  of  the  wiiole 
nation  labouring  for  its  general  interests;  hikI  they  li;»v<"  no 
executive  leaders,  seeing  that  no  ofHci;il  sits  eitlier  in  Congress 
or  in  a  State  legislature.  Hence  if  jit  any  time  the  people  desire 
measures  which  do  not  merely  repeal  a  law  or  direct  an  appro- 


fc<s»'.  'i!A  ■ 


CHAP.  Lxxxvi      WHKIIKIN   PUBLIC  OPINION   FAILS 


31)9 


priatioii,  hut  eHtalilish  s»)inc  udmiiiistrutivp  scheme,  or  mark  out 
Hume  p<)«itivo  line  of  finuuciul  iMilicy,  or  provide  some  Ixxly  of 
rules  for  dealing  with  sueh  a  topic  us  bankruptcy,  railroad  or 
canal  communications,  the  management  of  i)ul)lic  lands,  and  so 
forth,  the  people  cannot  count  on  liaviriR  tlieir  wishes  put  into 
tangible  workai)le  shape.  When  niemliors  of  Congress  or  of  a 
State  legislature  think  the  country  desires  h-gislation,  they  begin 
to  prepare  bills,  but  the  want  of  leadership  and  of  constructive 
skill  often  prevents  such  bills  from  satisfying  the  needs  of  the 
ca.se,  and  a  timidity  which  fears  to  go  beyond  what  opinion 
desires,  may  retard  the  iU'coni|)lishinent  of  the  public  wish  ; 
while,  in  the  case  of  State  legislatures,  constructivi;  skill  is 
seldom  present.  Public  o{)inion  is  slow  and  dum.sy  in  grap- 
pling with  large  practical  pntblcms.  It  looks  at  them,  talks 
incessantly  about  them,  complains  of  Congress  for  not  s<j|ving 
them,  is  distressed  that  they  do  not  solv(>  themselves.  But 
they  remain  unsolved,  \ital  decisions  have  usually  hung  fire 
longer  than  they  would  have  l)een  likely  to  do  in  European 
countries.  The  war  of  1H12  seemed  on  the  point  of  breaking 
out  over  and  over  again  before  it  came  at  last.  The  absorption 
of  Texas  was  a  (luestion  of  many  years.  The  Kxtension  of 
Slavery  question  came  before  the  nation  in  1H19  ;  after  1840  it 
was  the  chief  source  of  trouble  ;  year  by  year  it  grew  more 
menacing  ;  year  by  year  the  nation  was  seen  niore  clearly  to  be 
drifting  towards  the  l)re^ikers.  Everybody  felt  that  something 
must  be  done.  But  it  was  the  function  of  no  one  authority  in 
particular  to  discover  a  remedy,  as  it  would  have  been  the  func- 
tion of  a  cabinet  in  Europe.  I  do  not  say  the  sword  might  not 
in  any  ca.se  have  been  invoked,  for  the  temperature  of  Southern 
feeling  had  been  steadily  rising  to  war  ]ioint.  But  the  history 
of  1840-()0  leaves  an  impression  of  the  dangers  which  may 
result  from  fettering  the  constitutional  organs  of  government, 
and  trusting  to  public  sentiment  to  l)iing  things  right.  Some 
other  national  questions,  less  dangerous,  but  serious,  are  now 
in  the  same  condition.  The  Curreiicv  (lUcstion  has  been  an 
incessant  source  of  disfpiiet,  and  if  is  now  many  years  since  the 
campaign  against  Trusts  Ixnan.  The  <|iiestion  of  reducing  the 
suq)lus  national  revenue  ])iizzl((l  >tati-^in<'ii  and  the  people  at 
liirgc  longer  than  a  similar  uueslion  would  \n-  suffered  to  do  iti 
Enron*',  aJid  when  solved  in  jS'M)  hyfln'  passage  of  the  Depend- 
ent Pension  bill,  was  solve<l  to  tin-  pul)lic   injury  in  a  purely 


I 


•jm 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART  IV 


■> 
t  • 


1^ 


r  13 


!• 


demagogic  or  plt'ction«'oring  spirit.  I  doubt  whether  any  Eu- 
ropean legislature  would  have  so  openly  declined  the  duty  of 
considering  the  interests  of  the  country,  and  abandoned  itself 
so  undisguis<'<lly  to  the  pursuit  of  the  votes  of  a  particular  section 
of  the  iM>pulation.  And  the  same  thing  holds,  mutatiti  mutandix, 
of  State  governments.  In  them  also  there  is  no  set  of  persons 
whose  special  duty  it  is  to  find  reme<li<»s  for  admitted  «'vils. 
Th'  structure  of  the  government  provides  th«'  re<|uisite  nui- 
chiiiery  neither  for  forming  nor  for  guiding  a  iM)pular  opinion, 
disposed  of  itself  to  recognize  only  broad  and  patent  facts,  and 
to  Im'  swayed  only  by  such  obvious  reasons  as  it  ncMils  little 
reflection  to  follow.  .\dniiral)le  practical  acuteness,  admirabU' 
ingenuity  in  inventing  and  handling  machinery,  whether  of 
iron  and  wimmI  or  of  human  beings,  coexist,  in  the  Unit<Mi 
States,  with  an  aversion  to  the  investigation  of  general  princi- 
ples as  well  as  to  trains  of  systematic  rea.soning.'  The  liability 
to  Im«  caught  by  fallacies,  the  inability  to  recognize  facts  which 
are  not  s<'en  Imt  must  !«>  inferentially  found  to  exist,  the  in- 
capacity to  imagine  a  future  which  must  result  from  the  un- 
checked operation  of  presj-nt  forces,  these  are  indee*!  the  de- 
fects of  the  ordinary  citizen  in  all  countries,  and  if  they  are 
conspicuous  in  America,  it  is  only  because  the  ordinary  citizen, 
who  is  more  intelligent  there  than  elsewhere,  is  also  mon; 
potent. 

It  may  be  replied  to  these  observations,  which  are  a  criti- 
cism Jis  well  upon  the  .\merican  frame  of  government  as  upon 
public  opinion,  that  the  need  for  constructive  legislation  is 
small  in  .Vmerica,  because  the  habit  of  the  country  is  to  leave 
things  to  themselves.  This  is  not  really  the  fact.  .V  gre:it 
State  has  always  problems  of  administration  to  deal  with  ; 
these  problems  do  not  becouM'  less  grav<'  as  time  runs  on,  and 
the  hand  of  government  lias  for  years  past  been  more  and 
more  invoked  in  .\merica  for  many  jMiriioses  thought  to  be  of 
common  utility  with  which  legislation  di<l  not  formerly  inter- 
meddle. 

There  is  mor(>  force  in  the  remark  that  we  must  rememlx-r 
how  nuich  is  gaineil  as  well  as  lost  by  the  slow  and  hesitating 


'  'Vii  >;ix  llii  i.-'  Iiiit  til  iirnnrr  tlll"  itlHlU'Iirr  I'xrrciscil  nil  till-  Il.lliili:ll  tliitMl 
|i\  till-  "  iilitt'  1 1111'  )iiinr:ililiis"  nf  llir  Diihiriiliiili  nf  liiilr|M'iiili'ln  r  ;  lim  !ln 
llii'urilir.il  '.'riHiiilw  takrii  up  fur  ami  ac:iiii.*t  Stair  Kiulil.*  aihl  .s|aMr\ .  ami 
(>i>i'«iull,v  till'  liinlily  luniial  rtrlii'iuo  cxcouitatfil  liy  ( 'alhouu.. 


CHAP.  Lxxxvi      WHEREIN   PUBLIC  OPINION   KAII*S 


361 


action  of  public  opinion  in  the  United  States.      So  tremen- 
dous a  force  would  Im'  dunj^erous  if  it  nioveil  ra.><hly.     Acting 
over  and  Rathenxl  froni  uii  ciionnous  area,  in  which  there  exi.st 
many  local  differences,  it  needs  time,  often  a  Iouk  time,  to  Im*- 
comc  conscious  of  the  preiMHuleraiice  of  on«'  set  of  tendencies 
over  another.     The  clenients  lioth  of  local  difference  and  of 
class  difference  must  l)e  (so  to  spciik'  well  shaken  uj)  together, 
and  each  juirt  i>rouKht  into  contact  with  the  rest,  l«'fore  the 
mixtnl  liquid  can  prtMlucc  a  precipitate  in  the  form  of  a  practi- 
cal conclusion.     .Vnd  in  this  is  seen  the  .lifference  between  the 
excellence  as  a  KoverniiiK  !M)wer  of  opinion  in  tin-  whole  Union, 
and  opinion  within  the  limits  of  a  particular  State.     The  sys- 
tems of  constitutional  machinery  by  which  public  sentiment 
acts  are  similar  in  the  urcater  and  in  the  smaller   ;irea ;  *he 
constitutional  maxims  practically  identical.     Hut  public  opin- 
icm,  which  moves  slowly,  and,  as  a  rule,  temperately,  in  th'* 
field  of  national  affairs,   is  sometimes  ha-^ty  and   reckless  in 
State  affairs.     The  population  of  a  State  may  l)e  of  «>ne  colour, 
as  that  of  the  North-we.stern  States  is  prej>onderatinKly  agri- 
cidtural,  or  may  contain  few  persons  of  education  and  political 
knowledge,  or  may  fall  under  the  influeiice  of  a  denmgogue  or  a 
clique,  or  may  be  possesse«l  by  .some  local  passion.     Thus  its 
opiiiion  may  want  brea<ltli,  sobriety,  wisdom,  and  the  result  Ik' 
s<>en  in  imprudent  or  unjust   measures.      The  constitution  of 
California  of  1879,  the  lejj;islution  of  Illinois.  Iowa,  and  Wis- 
consin, which  beginning  with  the  (iraiiger  movement  has  from 
time   to   time   annoyed    and    harassed    the    railroads   without 
establishing  a  useful  contnd  (»ver  them,   the  tam|)ering  with 
their  iHiblic  (h-bts  by  several  States,  are  familiar  instances  of 
follies,  to  use  no  harder  name,  which  local  oj)inion  approved, 
but  which  would  have  Im'cii  impctssible  in  the  Federal  govi'rn- 
ment,  where  the  ccmtrolling  o|)inioii  is  that  »)f  a  large  and  com- 
plex nation,  and  where  the  very  deticieticies  of  (me  section  or 
one  class  serve  to  correct  (jualities  which  may  exist  in  exccs.s  in 
some  other. 

The  sentiment  of  the  nation  at  iargr,  Iwing  comparatively 
remote,  acts  but  slowly  in  restraining  the  vagarii's  or  curing 
the  faults  of  one  parti<ular  Statr.  The  dwellers  on  the  Pacific 
coast  have  caretl  vi-ry  little  for  tin  crilicisni  of  the  rest  «)f  the 
country  on  their  anti-IIindu  or  iiiiti-.btpanesr  violence  ;  Peimsyl- 
vania  and  Virginia  disregarded  the  best  opini«>ns  of  the  Union 


302 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART  IV 


!li 


\¥  1 


when  they  so  dealt  witfj  their  dehtK  as  to  affect  their  credit; 
those  parts  of  thi-  South  in  which  homicide  Roet*  unpuni.ihcxl, 
except  by  the  relatives  m'  the  slain,  are  unmoved  by  the  re- 
proaches and  jests  of  the  more  peu(  ruble  and  weil-r(^ulated 
States.  'I'he  fad  shows  how  deep  the  division  of  the  country 
into  self-governinnf  commonwealths  g(M's,  making  men  feel  that 
they  have  a  ri^ht  to  d»)  what  they  will  witli  tlwir  own,  mo  long 
as  the  power  remains  to  them,  what«'ver  may  be  the  purely 
moral  pressure  from  thos**  who,  thouKh  they  can  advise,  have  no 
title  to  interfere.  And  it  shows  also,  in  th<'  teeth  of  the  old 
doctrine,  that  republicanism  was  fit  onl>  tor  small  coiiununities, 
that  evils  pcruliar  to  a  particular  district,  which  miKht  Ik*  ruin- 
ous in  that  district  if  it  stcHMl  alone,  become  less  dangerous  when 
it  forms  part  of  a  vast  country. 

We  may  go  on  to  ask  I'.ow  far  .\nierican  opinion  succwds  in 
the  simpler  duty,  which  opinion  nuist  discharge  in  all  countries, 
of  su|M'rvisiiig  the  conduct  of  l)usiness,  and  judging  the  current 
legislative  work  whi(  !i  Congress  and  other  legislatures  turn  out. 

Here  again  the  question  turns  not  so  much  on  the  excellence 
of  public  opinitm  as  (m  the  a(le<iuacy  of  the  constitutioiud 
machinery  provided  for  its  action.  That  sufH'rvision  and  criti- 
cism may  Iw  effective,  it  must  l)e  (>a.sy  to  fix  on  particular  |M'r- 
sons  the  praise  for  work  well  done,  the  blame  for  work  neglectecl 
or  ill-performed.  Experience  shows  that  good  men  are  the  In'tter . 
for  a  sense  of  their  resjxmsibility  and  ordinary  men  u.sele.ss  with- 
out it.  The  free  governments  of  Europ<>  and  tht^  Uritish  colo- 
nies hav<'  gone  on  the  principle  of  concentrating  power  in  or(h'r 
to  be  able  to  fix  responsii)ility.  The  .Vincrican  plan  of  dividing 
powers,  eminent  as  are  its  other  a<lvantages,  makes  it  hard  to 
fix  responsibility.  The  <'xecutivf  can  usually  allege  that  it  had 
not  received  from  the  legislature  the  authority  necessary  to 
enable  it  to  grapple  with  a  difficulty  ;  while  in  the  h'gislature 
there  is  no  one  p«'rson  or  group  of  persons  on  whom  the  blame 
due  for  that  omi.ssion  or  refusal  can  be  laid.  Suppose  some 
gross  dereliction  of  duty  to  have  occurred.  The  people  are  in- 
dignant. A  victim  is  wanted,  who,  for  the  sake  of  the  examph-  to 
others,  ought  to  Im'  found  and  punished,  either  by  law  or  by  gen- 
eral censure.  But  perliap>  he  ci'inot  hi  founil,  bec-ause  out  of 
several  [mtsoiis  or  bodies  who  have  bt'cn  concerned,  it  is  hard  to 
apportum  th(>  guilt  and  award  tiie  penaUy.  Where  the  sin  lies 
at  th'    door  of  Congress,  it  is  not  always  possible  to  arraign 


CBAr.  Lxxxvi      WHKUKIN    IM'BLIC  OPINION   FAILS 


363 


either  the  SiM'aker  or  the  doininiint  majority,  or  any  particular 
party  leader.     Where  u  State  leftisiature  or  u  city  eouneil  haM 
mi«ct)iuluete»i  itself,  the  tliHiidlty  is  «till  unuter,  hecauw  party 
tieH  are  less  strict  ii»  such  u  ImmIn,  |)roc(c<liii«s  are  h-ss  fully 
reporte*!,  and  Inrth  parties  an   apt  to  Im-  c(|uiilK   iiiiplieated  in 
the  almsi'M  of  private  Icjjislatitm.     Not   uncorntnonly  there  is 
presi'uted  the  si^ht  of  uii  exjisiHTatcd  pul)lic  ^oiiin  aliout  like  a 
roariiiK  lion,  seeking  whom  it  may  licvour,  niid  hriding  no  one. 
The  results  in  State  atTairs  would  l>c  iiuicli  wnrsc  were  it  not  for 
the  existinc*'  of  th''  governor  with  iiis  function  of  vetoing  hills, 
hecauw  iti  many  cases,  knowing  that  he  can  he  nuule  answerahle 
for  the  passane  of  a  had  measure,  he  !>■  forc<'d  up  to  the  level  of  a 
virtue  lM>yond  that  of  the  natural  man  in  p<'litics.     This  tendency 
to  look  to  him  has  rcfntly  tended  to  iiiinase  his  iK)wer  ;  and 
the  disposition  to  seek  a  remedy  for  municipal  misKovernment  in 
eidarKiiiRthe  functions  of  the  mayor  illustratesthe  same  principle. 
Ahhoufsh  the   failures   of  public   opinion   in  overseeing  the 
conduct  «)f  its  servants  are  prinuirily  due  to  the  want  of  appro- 
priate nuichinery.  they  are  increased  hy  its  characteristic  temiwr. 
Quick  anil  strenuoiis  in  great  matters,  it  is  heedless  in  small 
matters,  over-kin<lly  and  indulncnt  in  all  nuitters.     It  suffers 
weeds  to  Ro  on  growiuK  till  they  have  struck  deep  root.     It  han 
so  much  to  d*)  in  looking  after  hoth  Congress  and  its  State  legis- 
lature, a  host  of  executive  ofhcials,  and  perhaps  a  city  council 
also,  that  it  nuiy  impartially  tolerate  the  misdoings  of  all  till 
some  important  issue  arises.     Kven  when  johs  are  exiK)sed  hy 
the  press,  each  particular  joh  seems  helow  the  attenti<m  of  a 
husy  iM'ople  or  tlie  anger  of  a  pM)d-natureil  i)eople,  till  the  sum 
total  of  johlwry  becomes  a  .«cau(h\l.     To  catch  and  t«)  hold  the 
attention  of  the  [>eople  is  tlie  chief  difficuhy  as  well  as  the  first 
duty  of  an  American  reformer. 

The  long-sufTeriiig  tolerance  of  puMic  opinion  towards  incom- 
petence and  misconduct  in  otficials  and  public  men  generally, 
is  a  feature  which  has  struck  recent  European  observers.  It 
is  the  mor(>  remarkable  because  nowliere  is  executive  ability 
more  valued  in  the  management  of  private  concerns,  in  which 
the  stress  of  competition  forces  every  manager  to  secure  at 
whatever  price  the  most  al)le  subonlinates.  We  may  attribute 
it  partly  to  the  good  natiUi'  of  tin;  |M-ople,  which  makes  them 
over-h'nient  to  nearly  all  criminals,  partly  to  tin-  preoccupation 
with  their  private  affairs  of  the  most  energitic  and  useful  men, 


ir 


i) 


I 


MUOtOCOTY   RESOIUTION   TBT   CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


1.0 


1^  12.8 

■  i.O     "^* 

1^ 

1^ 

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12.0 

1.8 


^  /APPLIED  IIVHGE     Inc 

^^-  1653  EosI   Main  Street 

KS  Rocliesler.   New  York        1*609       USA 

^S  (716)   482  -  0300  -  Phone 

^5  (716)  288  -  5989  -  Fan 


364 


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PART   I» 


II 


wlio  tlKTcforc  ciiiinot  .spare  time  to  unearth  abuses  and  get  rid 
of  ottVnders,  partly  to  an  indifference  intluced  by  tlie  fatalistic 
sentiment    which    I    have    already   sought   to   describe.     This 
fatalism  acts  in  two  ways.     Being  optimistic,  it  disposes  each 
man  to  believe  that  tilings  will  come  out  right  whether  he  "takes 
hold"  himself  or  not,  and  that  it  is  therefore  no  great  matter 
whether  a  particular  Ring  or  Boss  is  suppressed.     And  in  making 
each  individuii;  man  feel  his  insignificance,  it  disposes  him  to 
leave  to  the  multitude  the  task  of  setluig  right  what  is  every  one 
else's  business  just  as  nmcli  as  his  own.     An  American  does  not 
smart  under  the  same  sense  of  personal  wrong  from  the  mis- 
management of  his  public  business,  from  the  exaction  of  high 
city  ta.\es  and  their  malversation,  a.s  an  Englishman  would  in 
the  like  case.     If  he  suffers,  he  consoles  himself  by  thinking  that 
he  suffers  with  others,  as  part  of  the  general  order  of  things, 
which  he  is  no  more  called  upon  to  correct  than  are  his  neighbours. 
It  may  be  charged  :vs  a  weak  point  in  the  rule  of  j)ublic  opinion, 
that  by  fostering  this  habit  it  has  chilled  activity  and  dulled 
the  sense  of  responsibility  among  the  leaders  in  political  life.     It 
has  made  them  less  eager  and  strenuous  in  striking  out  ideas  and 
plans  of  their  own,  less  bold  in  propounding  those  plans,  more  sen- 
sitive to  the  reproach,  no  less  feared  in  America  than  in  England, 
of  being  a  crotchet-monger  or  a  doctrinaire.     That  new  or  un- 
popular ideas  are  more  frequently  started  by  isolated  thinkers, 
economists,  social  reformers,  than  by  statesmen,  may  be  set 
down  to  the  fact  that  practical  statesmanship  indisposes  men  to 
theorizing.     But  in  America  the  practical  statesman  is  apt  to  be 
timid  in  advocacy  as  well  as  infertile  in  suggestion.     He  seems 
to  be  always  listening  for  the  popular  voice,  always  afraid  to 
commit  hims(<lf  to  a  view  which  may  turn  out  unpopular.     It  is 
a  fair  conjecture^  that  tliis  m:iy  be  due  to  his  l)eing  by  his  pro- 
fession a  far  more  hal)itual  worshijjper  as  well  as  observer  of 
public  opinion,  tlian  will  be  the  case  with  men  who  are  by  pro- 
fession thinkers  and  .students,  men  who  are  le.ss  purely  Americans 
of  to-day,  because  under  th(>  influence  of  the  literature  as  well  of 
pa.st  times  as  of  contemporary  Europe.     Philosof)Iiy,  taking  the 
word  to  include  the  historical  study  of  the  forces  which  work 
upon  mankin<l  at  large,  is  nei'ded  by  a  statesman  not  only  as  a 
consolation  for  the  disappointments  of  his  career,  l)ut  a*!  a  cor- 
rectiv(>  to  the  superstitions  and  tremors  which  the  service  of  the 
multitude  implants. 


CHAP.  Lxxxvi       WHEREIN   PUBLIC  OPINION   FAILS 


365 


The  enormous  force  of  public  opinion  is  a  clangor  to  the  people 
themselves,  as  well  as  to  their  leaders.  It  no  longer  makes  them 
tyrannical,  but  it  fills  them  with  an  undue  confidence  in  their 
wisdom,  their  virtue,  and  their  freedom.  It  may  be  thought  that 
a  nation  which  uses  freedom  well  can  hardly  have  too  much 
freedom  ;  yet  even  such  a  nation  may  be  too  nmch  inclined  to 
think  free(lom  an  absolute  and  all-sufficient  g(»od,  to  seek  truth 
only  in  the  voice  of  the  majority,  to  mistake  prosptrity  for 
greatness.  Such  a  nation,  si'cing  nothing  but  its  own  triumjihs, 
and  hearing  nothing  l)ut  its  own  i)raises,  seems  to  need  a  succes- 
sion of  men  hke  the  projihcts  of  Israel  to  rouse  the  fjcople  out  of 
their  self-complacency,  to  refresl)  their  moral  ideals,  to  remind 
them  that  the  life  is  more  than  meat,  and  the  body  more  than 
raiment,  and  that  to  whom  nuicli  is  given  of  them  shall  nuich  also 
be  required.  If  America  has  no  prophets  of  this  order,  she  for- 
tunately possesses  two  classes  of  men  who  maintain  a  wholesome 
irritation  such  as  that  which  Socrates  thouglit  it  liis  function 
to  apply  to  the  Athenian  peopl(>.  These  are  the  instructed  critics 
who  exert  a  growing  influence  on  opinion  through  the  higher 
newspapers,  and  by  literature  gen(>rally,  tmd  tlie  philanthropic 
reformers  who  tell  more  directly  upon  the  nudtitude,  particu- 
larly through  the  churches.  Both  classes  combiniMl  nujy  not  as 
yet  be  doing  all  tliat  is  needed.  Rut  the  significant  i)oint  is 
that  their  influonce  represents  not  an  ebi)ing,  but  a  flowing  tide. 
If  the  evils  they  combat  exist  on  a  larg(T  scale  than  in  past  times, 
they,  too,  are  more  active  and  more  courageous  in  rousing  and 
reprehending  their  fellow-countrymen. 


JjSli 


CHAPTER  LXXXVII 


WHEREIN   PUBLIC   OPINION   srcCEFDS 


i- 


In  the  examination  of  the  actualities  of  pohties  as  well  as  of 
forms  of  government,  faults  are  more  readily  jxTceived  than 
merits.  Everybody  is  struck  by  the  mistakes  which  a  ruler 
makes,  or  by  evils  which  a  constitution  fails  to  avert,  while  less 
praise  than  is  due  may  be  bestowed  in  res{)ect  of  the  temptations 
that  have  been  resisted,  or  the  ])rudence  with  which  the  framers 
of  the  government  have  avoide(l  defects  from  which  other  coun- 
tries suffer.  Thus  the  general  jjrosperity  of  the  United  States 
and  the  success  of  their  people  in  all  kinds  of  private^  enterprises, 
philanthropic  as  well  as  gainful,  throws  into  relief  the  blemishes 
of  their  government,  and  makes  it  the  more  necessliry  to  point 
out  in  what  respects  the  power  of  public  opinion  overcomes  those 
blemishes,  and  maintains  a  high  level  of  good  feeling  and  well- 
being  in  the  nation. 

The  European  observer  of  the  working  of  American  institu- 
tions is  apt  to  sum  up  his  conclusions  in  two  contrasts.  One  is 
between  the  e.xcellence  of  the  Constitution  and  the  vices  of  the 
party  system  that  has  laid  hold  of  it,  discovered  its  weak  points, 
and  brought  in  a  swarm  of  (n  ils.  The  Fathers,  he  says,  created 
the  Constitution  good,  l)ut  their  successors  have  sought  out  many 
inventions.'  The  other  contrast  is  l)etw(>en  the  fauhs  of  the 
political  class  and  the  ni(>rits  of  the  pe(»i)le  at  large.  The  men 
who  work  the  Machine  are  often  selfish  and  unscrupulous.  The 
peoi)le.  for  whose  behoof  it  purports  to  l)e  worked,  and  who 
suffer  themselv-es  to  be  "run"  by  the  politicians,  are  hon(>st, 
intelUgent,  fair-minded.  No  such  contrast  exists  anywhere  else 
in  the  worhl.  Eith(>r  the  politicians  are  l)etter  than  they  are  in 
America,  or  the  people  are  worse. 

The  causes  of  this  contract,  which  to  many  obstTvers  lias 
seemed  the  capital  fact  of  American  politics,  have;  been  already 

'  Thotmh  sditic  iit  Icjist  of  thr  f.iults  of  tlic  party  systoni  are  directly  due  ta 
the  strurturc  of  the  C'onstitutinji. 

306 


CHAP.  Lxxxvii    WMKREIN  PUBLIC  OPINION  SUCCKKDS       3«i7 


explained.  It  brings  out  the  trutii,  on  which  too  much  stres,s 
cannot  bo  hiid,  that  the  strong  jmint  of  the  American  system, 
the  dominant  fact  of  tlie  situation,  is  the  healtiiiness  of  public 
opinion,  and  the  control  which  it  e.xerts.  As  Abraham  Lincoln 
said'in  his  famous  contest  with  Douglas,  "With  public  sentiment 
on  its  side,  everything  succeetls  ;  with  public  sentiment  against 
it,  nothing  succeeds." 

The  conscience  and  common  sense  of  tlie  nation  as  a  whole 
keep  down  the  evils  which  have  crept  into  the  working  of  the 
Constitution,  and  may  in  time  e.xtinguisii  them.  Pul)lic  opinion 
is  a  sort  of  atm()s|)here,  fresh,  keen,  and  full  of  sunlight,  like  that 
of  the  American  cities,  and  tliis  sunlight  kills  many  of  those 
noxious  germs  which  are  hatched  where  i)oliticians  congregate. 
That  which,  varying  a  once  famous  phrase,  we  may  call  the  genius 
of  universal  i)ublicity,  has  some  disagreeal)le  results,  but  the 
wholesome  ones  are  greater  and  more  numerous.  Selfishness, 
injustice,  crueltj',  tricks,  and  jobs  of  all  sorts  shun  the  light; 
to  expose  them  is  to  defeat  them.  No  serious  evils,  no  rankling 
sore  in  the  body  politic,  can  remain  long  concealed,  and  when 
disclosed,  it  is  half  destroyed.  So  long  as  the  opinion  uf  a  nation 
is  sound,  the  main  lines  oi  its  policy  cannot  go  far  wrong,  what- 
ever waste  of  time  and  money  may  I)e  incurred  in  carrying  them 
out.  It  was  observed  in  the  last  chapter  that  opinion  is  too 
vague  and  indeterminate  a  thing  to  Ix'  cajjable  of  considering  and 
selecting  the  best  means  for  the  end  on  which  it  luis  determined. 
The  counterpart  of  that  remark  is  tliat  tlie  opinion  of  a  whole 
nation,  a  united  and  tolerably  homogeneous  nation,  is,  when  at 
la.st  it  does  exi^ress  itself,  the  most  competent  authority  to  de- 
termine the  ends  of  national  policy.'  In  European  countries, 
legislatures  and  cabinets  sometimes  take  decisions  which  the 
nation,  which  had  scarcely  thought  of  tiie  matter  till  the  decision 
ha.s  been  taken,  is  ultimately  found  to  disapiirove.  In  America, 
men  feel  that  the  nation  is  the  only  jwwer  entitled  to  say  what 
it  wants,  and  tiiat,  till  it  has  manifested  its  wishes,  nothing  must 
be  done  to  conunit  it.     It  may  sometimes  lie  long  in  speaking. 


■im^i 


'  The  distiiiftion  l)otw(>('n  nican.s  iwid  ciuls  is.  of  course,  one  which  it  is  hard 
to  draw  in  practice,  Ix'causc  most  ends  are  nie;iiis  to  some  lircer  end  which 
embriu'es  them.  Slill  if  we  undirnlaiid  ii.\  <iiii>  llic  iiiaiii  uiu}  ]caiiiu»;  oKjectS 
of  national  p<)H<\v,  inchidinK  tiie  spirit  in  wiiich  the  novernment  ought  to  be 
Rdniinijstered.  we  sliall  find  tluit  these  are.  if  sometimes  slowl.v,  yet  more  clearly 
apprehended  in  America  than  in  Kurope,  and  less  freiiuently  confounded  with 
subordinate  and  trausitory  issues. 


368 


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;--f 


PART  IV 


Init  wlu'ii  it  speaks,  it  s|)caks  with  a  weight  which  the  wisest 
KoverniiiK  class  cannot  claim. 

The  frame  of  the  American  Rovernment  has  assumed  and 
trusted  to  the  activity  of  pul)lic  opinion,  not  only  as  the  power 
which  must  correct  and  remove  the  difficulties  due  to  the  re- 
strictions imposed  on  each  dej)artment,  and  to  possible  colli- 
sions between  tliem,  but  as  *  !ie  influence  which  must  supply  the 
defects  incidental  to  a  system  which  works  entirely  by  the 
machinery  of  popular  elections.  Under  a  system  of  elections 
one  man's  vote  is  as  fjjood  as  another,  tlu'  vicious  and  ignorant 
have  as  much  weight  as  tiie  wise  and  good.  A  system  of  elec- 
tions might  be  imagined  which  would  provide  no  security  for 
due  deliberation  or  full  discussion,  a  syst(>m  which,  while  demo- 
cratic in  name,  recognizing  no  privilege,  and  referring  every- 
thing to  the  vote  of  the  majority,  would  in  practice  be  hasty, 
violent,  tyrannical.  It  is  with  such  a  possible  democracy  that 
one  has  to  contrast  the  rule  of  public  opinion  a.s  it  exists  in  the 
United  States.  ()j)inion  di'dares  itself  legally  through  elec- 
tions. But  opinion  is  at  work  at  other  times  also,  and  has  other 
meth()ds  of  declaring  itself.  It  secures  full  discussion  of  issues 
of  policy  and  of  the  characters  of  men.  It  suffers  nothing  to  l)e 
concealed.  It  listens  patiently  to  all  che  arguments  that  are 
ad(lressed  to  it.  Elociuence,  education,  wisdom,  the  authority 
derived  from  experienct!  and  high  character,  tell  upon  it  in  the 
long  run,  and  have,  perhaps  not  always  their  due  influence,  but 
yet  a  great  and  growing  influence.  Thus  a  democracy  governing 
itself  through  a  constantly  active  pul)lic  opinion,  and  not  solely 
by  its  intermittent  mechanism  of  elections,  tends  to  become 
patient,  tolerant,  reasonable,  and  is  more  likely  to  be  unem- 
bittered  and  unvexed  by  class  divisions. 

It  is  the  existence  of  such  a  public  opinion  as  this,  the  practice 
of  freely  and  constantly  reading,  talking,  and  judging  of  public 
affairs  wit'h  a  view  to  voting  thereon,  rather  than  the  mere 
possession  of  political  rights,  that  gives  to  popular  government 
tha,t  educative  and  sliiiudative  power  which  is  so  frequently 
claimed  as  its  highest  merit.  Those  who,  in  the  last  generation, 
were  forced  to  argue  for  democratic  government  against  oli- 
garchies or  despot^,  were  perhaps  inclined,  if  not  to  exaggerate 
the  value  of  extended  sufTrag(«  and  a  powerful  legislature,  at 
l(>ast  to  pass  too  lightly  over  the  concomitant  conditions  by  whose 
help  such  institutions  train  men  to  use  liberty  well.     History 


CHAP.  Lxxxvii   WHEREIN  PUBLIC  OPINION  SUCCEEDS       3fiG 


(Iocs  not  support  the  doftrim'  that  tlio  mere  rnjoyincnt  of  fxiwcr 
(its  lar^c  masses  of  men,  an}'  more  than  individuals  or  i'lass«'s, 
for  its  cxcroist'.     Along  with  that  enjoyment  there  must  Ix-  found 
.some  one  or  more  of  various  auspicious  contlitions,  such  as  a 
direct  and  fairly  equal  interest  in  the  common  welfare,  the  pres- 
ence of  a  class  or  group  of  persons  respected  and  competent  to 
guide,  an  absence  of  religious  or  race  hatreds,  a  high  level  of 
education  or  at  least  of  intelligence,  old  habits  of  local  self- 
government,  the  practice  of  unliniited  free  discussion.     In  Amer- 
ica it  is  not  simply  the  habit  of  voting,  but  the  briskness  and 
l)ree/iness  of  the  whole  atmosi)iiere  of  public  life,  and  the  process 
of  obtaining  information  and  discussing  it,  of  hearing  and  judg- 
ing each  side,  that  form  the  citizen's  intelligence.     True  it  is 
that  he  would  gain  less  from  this  process  if  it  did  not  lead  up  to 
the  exercise  of  voting  power  :  he  would  not  learn  so  nmch  on  the 
road  did  not  the  polling-I)ooth  stand  at  the  end  of  it.     But  if 
it  were  his  lot,  as  it  is  that  of  the  ma.sses  in  some  European 
countries,  to  exeriise  his  right  of  suffrage  under  few  of  these 
favouring  contlitions,  the  educational  value  of  the  vote  would 
lu'come  comparatively  small.     It  is  the  habit  of  breathing  as  well 
as  helping  to  form  public  opinion  that  cultivates,   develops, 
trains  the  average  American.     It  gives  him  a  sense  of  personal 
responsibility  stronger,  because  more  constant,  than  exists  in 
those  free  countries  of  Europe  where  he  commits  his  power  to 
a  legislature.     Sensible  that  his  eye  ought  to  be  always  fixed 
on  the  conduct  of  affairs,  he  grows  accustomed  to  read  and 
judge,  not  indeed  profoundly,  sometimes  erroneously,  usually 
under  party  influences,  but  yet  with  a  feeling  that  the  judgment 
is  his  own.     He  has  a  sense  of  ownership  in  the  government, 
and  therewith  a  kind  of  inilependence  of  manner  as  well  as  of 
mind  very  different  from  the  demissness  of  the  humbler  classes 
of  the  Old  World.     And  the  consciousness  of  responsil)ility  which 
goes  alone  with  this  laudable  pride,  brings  forth  the  peaceable 
fruits  of  moderation.     As  the  Greeks  thought  that  the  old  fami- 
lies ruled  their  households  more  gently  than  upstarts  tlid,  so 
citizens  who  have  been  born  to  power,  born  into  an  atmosphere 
of  legal  right  and  constitutional  autliority,  are  sobered  by  their 
privileges.     Despite  their  natural  quickness  and  eagerness,  the 
native  Americans  are  politically  patient.     They  are  disposed  to 
try  soft  means  first,  to  expect  others  to  bow  to  that  force  of 
opinion  which  they  themselves  recognize.     Opposition  does  not 
2b 


370 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


\l   .» 


incense  them  ;  danger  does  not,  by  makinK  them  lose  their  heads, 
hurry  them  into  precipitate  eours(\s.  In  no  country  does  a 
beaten  minority  take  a  defeat  so  well.  Admitting  that  the 
blooil  of  the  race  counts  for  something  in  producing  that  peculiar 
coolness  and  self-control  in  the  midst  of  an  external  effervescence 
of  enthusiasm,  which  is  the  most  distinctive  feature  of  the 
American  masses,  the  hal)it  of  ruling  by  public  opinion  and  obey- 
ing it  counts  for  even  more.  It  was  far  otherwise  in  the  South 
before  the  war,  but  the  South  was  not  a  democracy,  and  its 
public  opinion  was  that  of  a  passionate  class. 

The  l^est  evidence  for  this  view  is  to  be  found  in  the  educative 
influence  of  opinion  on  newcomers.  Any  one  can  see  how  severe 
a  strain  is  put  on  democratic  institutions  by  the  influx  every 
year  of  nearly  a  million  of  untrained  Europeans.  Being  in  most 
States  admitted  to  full  civic  rights  befor(>  they  have  come  to 
shake  off  European  notions  and  hal)its,  these  strangers  enjoy 
political  power  before  they  either  share  or  are  amenable  to 
American  opinion.'  They  follow  blindly  leaders  of  their  own 
race,  are  not  moved  by  discussion,  exercis(>  no  judgment  of 
their  own.  This  lasts  for  some  years,  probably  for  the  rest 
of  life  with  those  who  are  middle-jiged  when  they  arrive.  It 
lasts  also  with  those  who,  belonging  to  the  more  backward 
races,  remain  herded  tcjgether  in  large  masses,  and  makes 
them  a  dangerous  element  in  manufacturing  and  mining  dis- 
tricts. But  the  younger  sort,  when,  if  they  be  foreigners,  they 
have  learnt  English,  and  when,  dispersed  among  Americans  so  as 
to  be  al)le  to  learn  from  them,  they  liave  imbil)ed  the  sentiments 
and  ideas  of  the  country,  are  thenceforth  scarcely  to  be  distin- 
guished from  the  native  population.  They  are  more  American 
than  the  Americans  in  their  ilesire  to  put  on  the  character  of 
their  new  country.  This  peculiar  gift  which  the  Republic  has 
shown,  of  quickly  dissolving  and  assimilating  the  foreign  bodies 
that  are  poured  into  her,  imparting  to  them  her  own  qualities 
of  orderliness,  good  sense,  and  a  wllingness  to  bow  to  the  will 
of  the  majority,  is  mainly  due  to  the  all-pervading  force  of  ojiin- 
ion,  which  the  newcomer,  so  soon  as  he  has  formed  social  and 
business  relations  with  the  natives,  breathes  in  daily  till  it  in- 
sensibly transmutes  him.  Their  faith,  and  a  sentiment  of  re- 
sentment against  England,  long  kept  up  among  the  Irish  a  body 
of  separate  opinion,  which  for  a  time  resisted  the  solvent  power 

'  As  to  recent  immigrant  a,  see  further  in  Chapter  XCII. 


CHAP. 


Lxxxvi.    WHKREIN  FFBLir  OPINION  SUCCEKDS      371 


i 

il 
if 


of  its  American  oiivironinoiit.  But  the  public  schools  finished 
the  work  of  the  factory  and  the  ncwspaix-rs.  The  Irish  immi- 
grant's son  is  now  an  American  citizen  for  all  purposes. 

It  is  chietty  the  faith  in  pul)licity  that  gives  to  the  American 
public  their  peculiar  buoyancy,  and  what  one  may  call  their 
airy  hopefulness  in  discussing  even  the  weak  points  of  their 
system.  They  are  always  telling  you  that  they  have  no  skele- 
ton closets,  nothing  to  keep  back.  They  know,  and  are  content 
that  all  the  w.jrld  should  know,  tlie  worst  as  well  as  the  best  of 
themselves.  They  have  a  boundless  faith  in  free  inquiry  and 
full  discussion.  They  admit  the  possibility  of  any  number  of 
temporary  errors  and  delusions.  Hut  to  sujipose  that  a  vast 
nation  should,  after  hearing  everything,  canvassing  everything, 
and  trying  all  the  preliminary  experiments  it  has  a  mind  to, 
ultimately  go  wrong  by  mistaking  its  own  true  intc^rests,  seems 
to  them  a  sort  of  blasphemy  against  the  human  intelligence  and 

its  ( 'reator. 

They  claim  for  opinion  that  its  immense  power  enables  them 
to  get  on  with  but  little  government.     Some  evils  which  the  law 
and  its  officers  are  in  other  countries  nHpiired  to  deal  with  are 
here  averted  or  cured  by  the  mere  force  of  opinion,  which  shrivels 
them  up  when  its  rays  fall  on  them.     As  it  is  not  the  product  of 
any  one  class,  and  is  unwilling  to  recognize  classes  at  all,  for  it 
would  stand  self-condemned  as  un-Ainerican  if  it  did,  it  dis- 
courages anything  in  the  nature  of  class  legislation.     \\'here  a 
l)articuhr  section  of  the  people,  such,  for  instanct-,  as  the  Western 
farmers  or  tiie  Eastern  operatives,  think  themselves  aggrieved, 
they  clamour  for  the  measures  thought  likely  to  help  them.     The 
farmers  legislated  against  the  railroads,  the  labour  party  asks 
an  eight-hour  law.     But  whereas  on  the  European  continent 
such  a  cla.ss  would  think  and  act  as  a  class,  hostile  to  other 
classes,  and  might  resolve  to  pursue  its  own  objects  at  whatever 
risk  to  the  nation,  in  America  national  oi)inion,  which  every  one 
recognizes  a.s  the  arbiter,  mitigates  tlu-se  fe.lings,  and  puts  the 
advocates  of  the  legislation  which  any  class  demands  upon  show- 
ing that  their  schemes  are  compatible   with  tlie  i)aiam()unt 
interest  of  the  whole  connnunity.     To  say  that  th.-re  is  no  legis- 
lation in  ..  ..erica  which,  like  the  class  legislation  of  Europe, 
has  thrown  undue  burdens  on  tlie  poor,  while  jealou.sly  guarding 
the  pleasun's  and  pockets  of  the  rich,  is  to  say  little,  because 
where  the  poorer  citizens  have  long  been  a  numerical  majority, 


'* 


372 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PAIIT  II 


.\.l 


invested  with  political  power,  they  will  evidently  tuke  care  of 
themselves.  But  the  opposite  danger  might  have  been  feared, 
that  the  poor  would  have  turned  the  tables  on  the  rich,  thrown 
the  whole  burden  of  taxation  upon  them,  and  disregarded  in  t\w 
suppose!  1  interest  of  the  masses  what  are  called  the  rights  of 
prop<'rty.  Not  only  has  this  not  In'en  attempted  —  it  has  l)een 
scarcely  (?ven  suggested  (excei)t,  of  course,  by  jirofessed  Collcc- 
tivists  as  part  of  a  reconstruction  of  society),  and  it  excites  no 
serious  appreh(>nsi()n.  There  is  nothing  in  the  machinery  of 
government  that  could  do  mon;  than  delay  it  for  a  time,  did 
the  masses  desire  it.  What  prevents  it  is  the  honesty  and  com- 
mon sense  of  the  citizens  generally,  who  are  convinced  that  the 
interests  of  all  cla.sses  are  substantially  the  same,  and  that  jus- 
tice is  the  highest  of  those  interests.  Equality,  open  competi- 
tion, a  fair  field  to  everybody,  every  stimulus  to  industry,  and 
every  security  for  its  fruits,  these  they  hold  to  be  the  self- 
evident  principles  of  national  prosperity. 

If  public  opinion  is  heedless  in  small  things,  it  usually  checks 
mea.sures  which,  even  if  not  oppressive,  are  palpably  selfish  or 
unwise.  If  l)efore  a  mischievous  bill  passes,  its  opponents  can 
get  the  att(>ntion  of  the  people  fixed  upon  it,  its  chances  are 
slight.  A  a  sorts  of  corrupt  or  pernicious  schemes  which  are 
hatched  at  Washington  or  in  the  State  legislatures  are  aban- 
doned Iwf'ause  it  is  felt  that  the  people  will  not  stand  them, 
although  they  could  l)e  easily  pushed  through  those  not  too 
scrupulous  asseml)li(>s.  There  have  l)een  instances  of  proposals 
which  took  people  at  first  by  their  plausibility,  l)ut  which  the 
criticism  of  opinion  riddled  with  its  unceasing  fire  till  at  last 
they  were  quietly  dropped.  It  was  in  this  way  that  President 
Grant's  attempt  to  annex  San  Domingo  failed.  He  had  made; 
a  treaty  for  the  purpose,  which  fell. through  for  want  of  the 
requisite  two-thirds  majority  in  the  Senate,  but  he  persisted 
in  the  scheme  until  at  last  the  disaiiproval  of  the  general  public, 
which  had  grown  stronger  by  degrees  and  found  expression 
through  the  leading  newspapers,  warned  him  to  desist.  After 
the  war,  there  was  at  first  in  many  quarters  a  desire  to  punish 
the  Southern  leaders  for  what  they  had  made  the  North  suffer. 
But  by  degrees  the  feeling  died  away,  the  sober  sense  of  the  whoi-j 
North  restraining  the  passions  of  those  who  had  couns(>lled  ven- 
geance ;  and,  as  every  one  knows,  there  was  nev(>r  a  ci\  il  war  or 
rebellion,  whichever  one  is  to  call  it,  followed  by  so  f(>w  severities. 


CHAP. 


I.XXXVII    WHEREIN  PUBLIC  OPINION  SUCCEEDS      :17;} 


I 

=1 


I'lihlu-  o|)ini(in  oficn  fails  to  scfun"  the  upp<»intm(>nt  of  thf 
iM'st  iiMH  to  plai'cs,  l)Ut  wluro  umlivitU'tl  n's|K)n.sil)ilit.v  i-un  \k' 
fixed  on  the  u|)|)oiiitinK  authority,  it  pn-vciits,  as  those  who  are 
behind  the  scenes  know,  eountli'ss  l)ad  apiK)intments  for  which 
politicians  intrigue.  Considering  the  power  of  party  managers 
over  the  Federal  executive,  and  the  low  sense  of  honour  and 
pul)lic  duty  as  regards  patronage  among  i)oliticians,  the  leading 
jiosts  are  filled,  if  not  hy  the  most  capable  men,  yet  seldom  l)y 
had  ones.  The  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  for  instance,  are, 
and  hav(^  always  i)een,  men  of  high  professional  standing  and 
staiidess  character.  The  same  may  l»e,  though  less  generally, 
said  of  the  upi)er  Fe(l<>ral  officials  in  tiie  North  and  West.  That 
no  simihir  praise  can  be  In-stowed  on  the  exercise  of  Federal 
I)atronage  in  tlie  Southern  States  since  the  war,  is  an  illustration 
of  the  view  I  am  stating.  As  the  public  opinion  of  the  South 
(that  is  to  say,  of  the  whites  who  make  opinion  there)  was 
steadily  hostile  to  the  Republican  party,  which  commanded  the 
executive  during  the  twenty  years  from  18G5  to  1885,  the  Re- 
publican party  managers  were  indifTen>nt  to  it,  Ix'cause  they  had 
nothing  to  gain  or  to  lose  from  it.  Hence  they  made  appoint- 
ments witliout  regard  to  it.  Northern  opinion  knows  compara- 
tively little  of  the  details  of  Southern  politics  and  the  character 
of  officials  who  act  there,  so  that  they  might  hope  to  escape  the 
ceasure  of  their  supporters  in  the  North.  Hence  they  jobl)ed 
their  patronage  in  the  South  with  unblushing  cynicism,  using 
Federal  posts  there  a,s  a  means  not  merely  of  rewarding  party 
services,  but  also  of  providing  local  white  leaders  and  organiz- 
ers to  the  coloured  Southern  Republicans.  Their  different  be- 
haviour there  and  in  the  North  therefore  showed  that  it  was 
not  public  virtue,  but  the  fear  of  public  opinion,  that  was 
making  their  Northern  appointments  on  the  whole  resi)ectable, 
while  tiiose  in  the  South  were  at  that  time  .so  nuich  th"  reverse. 
The  sanve  phenomenon  has  been  noticed  in  Great  Britain. 
Jol)s  are  frequent  and  scandalous  in  the  inverse  ratio  to  the 
notice  they  are  likely  to  attract.' 

1  It  has  often  l)ocn  remarked  thai  posts  of  the  same  elass  are  more  johljod 
liy  the  Hritish  exeeutive  in  Scotland  than  in  llnnlaml,  anrl  in  Ireland  than  in 
.Scotland,  l)ecause  it  is  Iiarder  to  rouse  I'arlianiiiit,  which  in  Great  Britain 
diseharses  much  of  the  funetioii  which  i>ut)lic  opinion  discharges  in  America, 
to  any  interest  in  an  appointment  made  in  one  of  the  smaller  countries.  In 
Great  Britain  a  minister  making  a  bad  appointment  has  to  fear  a  hostile  motion 
(though  Parliament  is  over-lenient  to  jol)s)  which  may  displace  liim  ;  ill  th(! 
United  States  a  {'resident  is  under  no  such  apprehension.  It  is  only  to  opinion 
that  be  is  rcsponaibl' 


i 
IfJifl 

w 


374 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IV 


\V'  n 


In  qucHtions  of  lorciKii  policy,  opinion  is  a  vuluahlc  resi-rve 
force.  When  ^lc^lon^t rations  arc  inath;  l»y  party  Icaih-rs  in- 
tended to  capture  the  vot(!  of  some  particular  section,  the  native 
Amorican.s  only  sniih'.  But  they  watch  keenly  the  lanRuage 
held  and  the  mtts  done  by  the  State  Department  (Foreign 
Office),  and,  while  determined  to  .support  the  President  in  vindi- 
cating the  rights  of  American  citizens,  would  be  louiid  ready 
to  check  any  demand  or  act  going  lieyond  their  legal  right.s 
which  could  tend  to  embroil  them  with  a  foreign  power.  There 
is  still  a  touch  of  .spread-eagleism  and  an  occasional  want  of 
courtesy  and  taste  among  public  sp<'akers  and  journalists  when 
they  refer  to  other  countries ;  and  there  is  a  determination  in 
all  cla.sses  to  keep  European  interference  at  a  distance.  But 
among  the  ordinary  nativ(«  citizens  one  finds  (I  think)  less  ol)- 
trusive  selfishness,  less  Chauvinism,  less  cynicism  in  declaring 
one's  own  national  interests  to  l)e  i)aramount  to  tluKse  of  other 
States,  than  in  any  of  tin;  gr(>at  States  of  Europe.  Jastice  and 
equity  are  more  generally  recognized  a.s  binding  ui)on  nations 
no  less  than  on  individuals.  Whenever  humanity  comes  into 
question,  the  heart  of  the  people  is  sound.  The  treatment  of 
the  IndiaiLS  reflects  little  credit  on  the  Western  settlers  who  have 
come  in  contact  with  them,  and  almost  as  little  on  the  Federal 
government,  whose  efforts  to  protect  them  have  been  often  foiled 
by  the  faults  of  its  own  agents,  or  by  its  own  want  of  prompti- 
tude and  foresight.  But  the  wish  of  the  peoi)le  at  large  has 
always  been  to  deal  generously  with  the  aborigines,  nor  have 
appeals  on  their  behalf,  such  as  those  so  persistently  and  elo- 
quently made  by  the  late  ..Irs.  Helen  Jack.son,  ever  failed  to 
command  the  sympathy  and  assent  of  the  country. 

Throughout  these  chapters  I  have  !)een  speaking  chiefly  of 
the  Xorthern  States  and  chi»  fly  of  r(>cent  years,  for  America  is  a 
country  which  changes  fa.st.  Hut  the  conduct  of  the  Southern 
people,  since  their  defeat  in  180.').  illu.strates  the  tendency  of 
underlying  national  traits  «o  rea-ssert  themselves  when  disturb- 
ing conditions  have  i)ass(>d  away.  Before  the  war  the  public 
opinion  of  tlie  Slave  States,  and  especially  of  the  planting  States, 
was  practically  the  )pinion  of  a  class, —the  small  and  com- 
paratively lich  landowning  aristocracy.  Tlie  struggle  for  the 
defence  of  their  in.stitution  hail  made  this  opinion  fierce  and 
intolerant.  To  a  hatred  of  the  Abolitionists,  whom  it  thought 
actuated  by  the  wish  to  rob  and  humiliate  the  South,  it  joined 


CHAP.  Lxxxvii    WHKRKIN  IM'BLIC  OlMNfOX  srcCKKDH       375 

a  misplat't'il  contrmpt  for  wliat  it  «I<'('iih'(I  tlic  ruoiu'V-grubbinK 
and  i)t'ac(Mit-any-prin'  spirit  of  tlu-  Nortlu-rii  iM'oph-  gciicrally. 
So  loiiR  UH  thi'  sul)juKut»'tl  Stuns  wen-  rulctl  l)y  urin»,  and  the 
fornuT  "n-lu'ls"  txcludctl  l)y  disfruiicliisciiu'iit  from  the  kovitii- 
iiu'iit   of   tlicir   States,    tliis    'litteriis'ss    reinuined.     Wlien   the 
restoration  of  self-Koverntiieiit,  followiiin  upon  the  lilwration  of 
tiie  Confederate  prisonerH  and  the  anuiesty,   had  shown  the 
magnanimity  of  the  North,  its  elemency,  its  wish  to  fornet  and 
fornive,  its  assumption  that  l)oth  sid«'s  would  shake  hands  and 
do  their  In'st  for  their  eommon  country,  the  hearts  of  the  South- 
ern   men    were    eon(|uered.     Opinion    went    roun(i.     Frankly, 
one  might  almost  say  elu-erfully,  it  reeogniz<'(l  the  inevitable. 
It  stop|H'«l  those  outraK*'!^  on  tlu"  negroes  which  the  law  had 
l)oen  unahle  to  repress.     It  began  to  regain  "touch"  of,  it  has 
now  almost  fused  itself  with,  the  opinion  of  the  North  and  West. 
No  one  So'.jtliern  h'uder  or  group  can  be  credited  with  this  :   it 
was  th(i  g.-neral  sentiment  of  the  peoph'  that  brought  it  about. 
Still  less  do  the  Northern  i)oliticians  deserve  the  praise  of  the 
peactMnakers,  for  many  among  them  tried  for  political  purposes 
to  fan  or  to  rekindle  the  flame  of  suspicion  in  the  North.     It  was 
the  opinion  of  the  North  generally,  more  liberal  than  its  guides, 
which  dictated  not  merely  forgiveness,  but  the  restoration  of 
equal  civic  rights.     Nor  is  this  the  only  case  in  which  the  people 
have  proveil  themselves  to  have  a  higher  and  a  truer  inspiration 
than  the  politicians. 

It  has  been  observed  that  the  all-subduing  power  of  the 
popular  voice  may  teli  against  the  appearance  of  gr(>at  states- 
men by  dwarfing  aspiring  individualities,  by  teacliing  men  to 
discover  and  obey  the  tendencies  of  their  age  rather  than  rise 
above  them  and  direct  them.  If  this  happ<'ns  in  America,  it  is 
not  because  the  .Vinerican  p(H)i>le  fail  to  aj)preciate  and  f(jllow 
and  exalt  such  eminent  men  us  fortune  bestows  upon  it.  It 
has  a  great  capacity  for  loyaltv,  even  for  hero-worship.  "Our 
people,"  si'id  an  experienced  American  publicist  to  me,  "are  in 
reality  hungering  for  great  men,  and  the  warmth  with  which 
even  pinchber'c  geniuses,  nu^ii  who  have  anything  showy  or 
taking  al)out  tliem,  anything  that  is  deemed  to  betoken  a  strong 
individuality,  are  followed  and  glorified  in  spite  of  intellectual 
emptiness,  and  |)erhaps  even  moral  shortcomings,  is  the  best 
proof  of  the  fact."  Henry  Clay  was  tlie  darling  of  his  {)arty 
for  many  years,  as  JetTersoii,  with  less    of    personal   fascina- 


376 


PUBLIC  OPINION 


PART   IS 


!    • 


tion,  had  been  in  the  preceding  generation.  Daniel  Webster 
retained  the  devotion  of  New  England  long  after  it  had  be- 
come clear  that  his  splendid  intellect  was  mated  to  a  far 
from  noble  character.  A  kind  of  dictatorship  was  yielded  to 
Abraham  Lincoln,  whose  memory  is  cherished  almost  like 
that  of  Washington  himself.  Whenever  a  man  appears  with 
something  taking  or  forcible  about  him,  he  becomes  the  object 
of  so  much  popular  interest  and  ailmiration  that  those  cooler 
heads  who  perceive  his  faults,  and  perhaps  dread  his  laxity  of 
principle,  reproach  the  proneness  of  their  less  discerning  country- 
men to  make  an  idol  out  of  wood  or  clay.  The  career  of  Andrew 
Jackson  is  a  case  in  point,  though  it  may  be  hoped  that  the  intel- 
ligence of  the  people  would  estimate  such  a  character  more 
truly  to-day  than  it  did  in  his  own  day.  I  doubt  if  there  be 
any  country  where  a  really  brilliant  man,  confident  in  his  own 
strength,  and  adding  the  charm  of  a  striking  personality  to  the 
gift  of  popular  eloquence, would  find  an  easier  path  to  fame  and 
pow(;r,  and  would  exert  more  influence  over  the  minds  and  emo- 
tions of  the  multitude.  Such  a  man,  speaking  to  the  people 
with  the  independence  of  conscious  strength,  would  find  himself 
appreciated  and  respected. 

Controversy  is  still  bitter,  more  profuse  in  personal  imputa- 
tions than  one  expects  to  find  it  where  there  are  no  grave  issues 
to  excuse  excitement.  But  in  this  respect  also  there  is  an  im- 
provement. Partisans  are  reckless,  but  the  mass  of  the  people 
lends  itself  less  to  acrid  partisanship  than  it  did  in  th(>  times 
just  before  the  Civil  War,  or  in  those  first  days  of  the  Repul)lic 
which  were  so  long  looked  l)ack  to  as  a  sort  of  heroic  age. 
Public  opinion  grows  more  temp(>rate,  more  mellow,  and  as- 
suredly more  tolerant.  Its  very  strength  disposes  it  to  bear 
with  opposition  or  remonstrance.  It  respects  itself  too  much 
to  wish  to  silence  any  voice. 


Li 

1'^  i 


PART  V 


ILLUSTRATIONS   AND   REFLECTIONS 

[This  Part  contains  sonu-  illustrations,  drawn  from  American  history, 
of  tho  workiiiK  of  political  institulions  and  \nih\\i-  opinion,  toRothcr 
with  ol)scrvations  on  several  political  questions  for  which  no  fit- 
ting place  could  bo  found  iu  the  preceding  Parts.) 


|l 


iff 

ri 


i;_. 


t>    > 


CHAPTER  LXXXVIII 


THE  TAMMANY   IlINC;   IN   NEW   YORK   CITT 

ALTHOffJH  I  have  (l('srril)od  in  provious  chapters  the  causes 
which  have  infhiccd  the  p(TV(!rsion  and  corruption  of  demo- 
cratic Rovernmcnt  in  great  Ani(>rican  cities,  it  seems  desirable 
to  ilhistrate  more  fully,  from  pa-ssages  in  the  history  of  two  such 
cities,  the  conditions  under  which  tlxjse  caus(s  work  and  the 
forms  which  that  jxTversion  takes.  The  phenomena  of  muni- 
cipal democracy  in  the  I'nited  States  are  the  most  remarkable 
and  least  laudable  wliich  th(>  modern  world  has  witnessed; 
and  they  present  souk;  evil.-;  wliich  no  political  philosopher, 
however  unfriendly  to  pc.puhir  government,  appears  to  have 
foreseen,  evils  which  have  scarcely  showed  themselves  in  the 
cities  of  Europe,  and  unlike  those  which  were  thought  charac- 
teristic of  tin;  rul(!  of  tiie  masses  in  ancient  times.  I  take  New 
York  and  Philadelphia  as  examples  b(>cause  they  are  older  than 
Chicago,  Pittsburgh,  and  St.  Louis,  larger  ihan  Boston  and 
Baltimore.  And  1  begin  with  New  York,  because  she  displayed 
on  the  grandest  scale  ph(>noincna  common  to  American  cities, 
and  because  the  plunder  and  misgoverimient  from  which  she 
has  suffered  have  b(>come  sp<'cially  notorious  over  the  Avorld. 

From  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  State  and  (some- 
what later)  the  city  of  New  York  were,  more  perhaps  than  any 
other  State  or  city,  the  seat  of  intrigues  tmd  the  battle-ground  of 
factions.  Party  organizations  early  Itecame  powerful  in  them, 
and  it  was  by  a  New  York  leader  —  Marcy,  tlie  friend  of  Presi- 
dent Jackson  —  that  tlie  famous  doctrine  of  "the  Spoils  to  the 
Victors"  was  first  formulated  as  already  the  practice  of  New  York 
politicians.  These  factions  were  for  a  long  time  le(i,  and  these 
intrigues  worked,  by  men  belonging  to  the  upper  or  middle  class, 
to  whom  the  (<moluments  of  ofTice  were  desirable  but  not  essential. 
In  the  middle  of  the  century,  however,  there  came  a  change. 
The  old  native  population  of  the  city  was  more  and  more  swollen 
by  the  inunigration  of  foreigners  :  first  of  the  Irish,  especially 

379 


aso 


ILU'STHATIOXS  AND   KKI'LKCTIONS 


I'AItT    t 


'1^ 


i»^  ! 


fr»)in  ISK)  oiuvanis  :  tluMi  also  of  tin-  (Icniuuis  from  ISH)  on- 
wards  :  (inally  of  I'olisli  and  Hussiaii  Jews,  as  well  as  of  Italians 
and  of  Slavs  fron>  al)out  KH<S;{  onwards.  Already  in  IS7((  the 
fori  i;j;n  po|)iilation,  including  not  only  the  forcij^n  horn  l)nt  a  larKc 
part  of  their  childnMi  who,  thousli  horn  in  America,  were  still 
virtually  Kiiropeans,  const  it  utetl  a  half  or  i)erhaps  even  a  majority 
of  the  inhal)itants  ;  and  the  proimrtion  of  foreigners  hjis  since 
then  urown  still  larjjer.'  These  newcomers  wvrv  as  a  rule  poor 
and  ignorant.  They  knew  litth'  of  the  institutions  of  the  coun- 
try, and  had  not  accjuired  any  patriotic  interest  in  it.  But 
they  received  vott>s.  Their  numhers  soon  made  them  a  power 
in  city  and  State  politics,  and  all  the  more  .so  hecause  they  were 
cohesive,  influenced  hy  leailers  of  their  own  race,  and  not,  like 
the  native  voters,  eitiier  dispos(>d  to  exercise,  or  capahle  of  exer- 
cising, an  independent  judgment  upon  current  issues.  From 
amonfi;  them  there  soon  emer}j;ed  men  who.se  want  of  hook-learning 
was  overcome  hy  their  natural  for(H>  and  siirewdness,  and  who  he- 
came  apt  pupils  in  those  arts  of  party  manaf>;<'inent  which  the 
native  professional  politicians  had  already  i)rouKht  to  i)erfection. 
While  tliese  cai'-'s  were  transferring  power  to  the  rouRher 
and  more  ignoran  ei>  meat  in  the  poi)ulation,  the  swift  devel- 
opments of  trade  wmch  foHowed  the  making  of  the  Erie  Canal 
and  opening  up  of  railway  routes  to  the  ^^■est,  with  the  conse- 
quent expansion  of  New  York  jus  a  commercial  and  financial 
centre,  had  nior(>  :uid  more  di.stracted  the  thoughts  of  the 
wealthier  people  from  local  politics,  which  required  more  time 
than  husy  men  could  give,  and  seemed  tame  compared  with 
that  struggle  over  slavery,  whereon,  from  IS'ti)  to  IStw,  all 
patriotic  minds  were  hent.  The  lea<ling  men,  who  fifty  years 
earlier  would  have  watched  municipal  affairs  and  perhajis 
home  a  part  in  them,  were  now  so  i-  "''.  occupiecl  with  their 
commercial  enteriiri.ses  or  their  Icj  •  act  ice  as  to  neglect 
their  local  civic  duties,  and  saw  witli  uiiconcern  the  chief  mu- 
nicipal ofrices  appropriated  hy  persons  helonging  to  the  lower 
■strata  of  society. 

'  In  ls70.  44  por  cont  of  the  population  of  New  York  woro  of  forpicn  birth  ; 
in  1M»0.  42  !<(  r  rent  ;  in  I'.KXJ,  .{7  per  cent  ;  in  I'JIO,  40.4  piT  cent.  Th<>  pcr- 
rcnt.iKO  of  rx'rsons  who  were  practically  forciiriicrs  was  and  is  of  coiirsf  much 
Krcatcr,  i)fcause  it  incltidcs  many  of  the  sons  horn  in  the  I'nitcd  States  of  persons 
.still  imperfectly  Americanized.  It  is  true  that  some  of  the  recent  itnniicrant.s 
<1')  not  for  a  tinic>  ol.tain  votes,  hut  aiiainst  this  must  he  .set  the  fact  that  the 
l)ri.p.,rtion  of  adults  is  much  larjrer  amouK  tlu'  immiurants  than  in  the  whole 
population. 


CHAP.  Lxxxviii     TAMMANY    IN   NFAV    YORK  TITY 


381 


Even  liiul  these  men  of  social  position  and  culture  desired  to 
retain  a  hold  in  city  politics,  the  task  would  not  have  been  easy, 
for  the  rapid  growth  of  New  \(»rk,  which  from  a  iwpulation  of 
1()8,(KM)  in  1820  had  risen  to  2()<>,()(«)  in  18:{(),  to  Hi:i,()()0  in  18()0, 
an< I  to  1)12, (MM)  in  1870,  hrouRht  in  swarms  of  strangers  who  knew 
nothing  of  tlu;  old  residents,  and  it  was  only  liy  lalioriously 
ornaiiizinj?  these  newcomers  that  they  could  l)e  secured  as  ad- 
herents. H(»wever  laborious  the  work  inight  he,  it  was  sure  to 
he  done,  because  the  keenness  of  party  .strife  made  every  vote 
precious.  Hut  it  was  work  not  attractive  to  men  of  etlucation, 
nor  suited  to  them.  It  fell  naturally  to  those  who  themselves 
belonged  to  the  lower  strata,  and  it  became  the  .source  of  th(! 
power  they  accjuired. 

AmonK  the  political  organizations  of  New  York  the  oldest 
and  most  jjowerful  was  the  Tammany  Society.  It  is  as  old  as 
the  Federal  government,  having  been  estalilished  under  the 
name  of  the  Columbian  Society  in  1780,  just  a  fortnifiht  after 
Washington's  inauguration,  by  an  Irisli  American  called  Wil- 
liam Mooney,  and  its  purjjoses  were  at  first  social  and  charitable 
rather  ihan  political.  In  180.")  it  entitled  itself  the  Tammany 
Society,  adopting,  as  is  said,  the  name  of  an  Indian  chief  called 
Tammanond  or  Tammany,  and  clothing  its(>lf  with  a  sort  of 
mock  Indian  charact(T.  There  wen;  t'nirteen  tribes, with  twelve 
"sachems"  under  a  grand  sachem,  a  ".sagamore"  or  ma.ster  of 
ceremonies,  and  a  "wiskinski"  or  doorkeeper.  By  degrees,  and 
as  the  story  goes,  imder  the  malignant  influence  of  Aaron  Burr, 
it  took  a  strongly  political  tinge  as  its  numbers  increased. 
Already  in  1812  it  was  a  force  in  the  city,  having  become  a  rally- 
ing centre  for  what  was  tlien  called  the  Republican  and  after- 
wards the  Democratic  party  ;  btit  the  element  of  moral  aspira- 
tion does  not  seem  to  have  l)ecome  extinct,  for  in  1817  it  issued 
an  address  deploring  the  s])rcad  of  the  foreign  game  of  i)illiards 
among  young  men  of  the  upper  classes.  .\t  one  time,  too,  it 
possessed  a  sort  of  natural  history  museum,  which  was  ultimately 
nurchased  by  th(>  well-kno\  n  showman,  V.  T.  Barnum.  Till 
IS22  it  had  been  governed  by  a  general  meeting  of  its  members, 
but  with  its  increased  size  there  came  a  representative  system  ; 
and  though  the  Society  jirojier  continued  to  l)e  governed  and  its 
l)roperty  held  l)y  the  "sachems,"  the  control  of  the  political 
organization  became  vested  in  a  general  committee  consisting 
of  delegates  elected  at  jjrimary  meetings  throui'liout  the  city, 


3S2 


ILU'STRATIONS  AND  REFLKCTIONH 


PART   V 


ri 


Ill 


which  that  organization  was  now  iM'ginninR  to  overspread. 
This  committiHs  oriRinaliy  of  tiiirty-throc  nienjlx-ra,  numbered 
seventy-five  in  ISIiO,  by  wliich  time  Tammany  Hall  had  won 
its  way  to  a  predominant  influence  on  city  politics.  Of  the  pres- 
ent organization  I  shall  speak  later. 

The  first  sachems  had  l)een  men  of  some  social  standing, 
and  almost  entirely  native  Americans.  Tht?  general  democ- 
ratization, which  was  unfortunately  accompanied  by  a  vulgari- 
zation, of  politics  that  marked  the  time  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
lowered  by  degrws  the  character  of  city  politicians,  turning 
them  into  mere  professionals  whose  object  wiis  lucn-  rather  than 
distinction  or  even  power.  This  process  told  on  the  character 
of  Tammany,  making  it  more  ami  more  a  machine  in  the  hands 
of  schemers,  and  thus  a  dangerous  force,  even  while  its  rank 
and  file  consisted  largely  of  persons  of  sonic  means,  who  were 
interested  as  direct  taxpayers  in  tlie  honest  administration  of 
municipal  affairs.  A'"ter  1850,  however,  the  influx  from  Europe 
transformed  its  memlx;rship  while  adding  it  its  strength.  The 
Irish  immigrants  W(>re,  both  as  Roman  ( 'atholics  and  in  r(>spcct 
of  such  iK>litical  sympathies  iis  they  brought  wth  them,  disposed 
to  enter  the  Democratic  party.  Tammany  laid  hold  of  them, 
enrolled  them  as  members  of  its  district  organizations,  and  re- 
warded their  zeal  by  admitting  a  constantly  increasing  number 
to  posts  of  importance  as  district  leaders,  committeemen,  and 
holders  of  city  offices.  When  the  Germans  arrived,  similar 
efforts  were  made  to  capture  them,  though  with  a  less 
complete  success.  Thus  from  1.S50  onwards  Tammany  came 
more  and  more  to  lean  upon  and  find  its  chief  strength  in  the 
foreign  vote.  Of  the  foreigners  who  have  led  it,  most  have 
been  Irish.  Yet  it  would  he  wrong  to  represent  it,  a.s  some  of  its 
censors  have  done,  iis  lieing  pre  loiiinantly  Irish  in  its  composi- 
tion. There  have  always  been  and  are  now  a  va.st  number  of 
native  Americans  among  the  rank  and  file,  as  well  as  a  few 
conspicuous  among  its  chiefs.  It  contains  many  Germans, 
possibly  one-h;df  of  tlie  German  voters  who  can  lie  reckoned  as 
belonging  to  any  party.  And  to-day  the  large  majority  of  the 
Russian  anfl  Polish  Jews  (very  numerous  in  some  parts  of  the 
city)  of  the  Czechs  and  other  Austro-Hungarian  Slavs,  and  pos- 
sibly also  of  the  Italian-  obey  its  behests,  even  if  not  regularly 
enrolled  jis  mi^mbers.  l^or  the  majority  of  these  immigrants 
are  Democrats,  and  Tammany  has  been  and  is  the  standard 


niAP.  Lxxxviii     TAMMANY   IN  NKW   VOIIK  CITY 


3iSi 


hoarcr  of  the  I)(un<)cniti(;  party  in  tint  city.  It  has  had  rivals  and 
enemies  in  that  party.  Two  rival  Machine.s  (now  long  since 
extinct),  —  Mozart  Hall,  formerly  led  liy  Mr.  Fernando  Wood, 
and  tlie  "('ountj'  Detiiocracy,"  guided  for  some  years  by  the  late 
Mr.  Hubert  ().  Thompson,  —  ci  (.fTerent  times  confronted,  and 
sometimes  even  defeated  it  ;  while  at  oth(>r  times  "making  a 
deal"  with  it  for  a  share  in  municiijal  sfjoils.  Once,  as  we  shall 
presently  see,  it  incurred  tlie  wrath  of  the  best  Democrats  of  the 
city.  Still  it  hius  on  tlie  wliole  stood  for  and  been  at  most  times 
practically  identified  with  the  Democratic  party,  jwsing  on  the 
Fourth  of  July  its  tlie  traditional  representative  of  Jeffersonian 
principles  ;  and  it  has  in  that  capacity  grown  from  the  status  of  a 
mere  private  dub  to  l)e  an  organization  commanding  a  number 
of  vot<'s  which  u.sed  to  b(!  sufficient  not  only  to  give  it  the 
mastery  of  the  city  but  even  to  turn  the  balance  in  the  great 
State  of  New  York,  and  therel)y,  perhaps,  to  determine  the 
result  of  a  Presidential  election. 

I  must,  h()wev(T,  return  to  those  early  days  when  Tammany 
was  young  and  comparatively  innocent,  days  when  the  Machine 
system  and  the  Spoils  system  were  still  l)ut  half  devek)ped,  and 
when  Chancellor  Kent  could  write  (in  lS.'i5),  that  "the  office  of 
assistant  alderman  coukl  be  pleasant  and  desirabk'  to  persons 
of  leisure,  of  intelligence,  and  (,'f  disinten^sted  zeal  for  the  wise 
and  just  regulation  of  the  public  concerns  of  the  city  "  !  In 
1834  the  mayoralty  was  placed  in  the  direct  gift  of  the  people. 
In  1842  all  restrictions  on  the  suffrage  in  the  city  were  removed, 
just  before  the  opening  of  an  era  when  they  would  have  been 
•serviceable.  In  1846  the  new  constitution  of  the  State  trans- 
ferred the  election  of  all  judges  to  the  people.  In  1857  the 
State  legislature,  which  had  during  the  preceding  twenty  years 
l)een  frequently  modifying  the  municipal  arrangements,  enacted 
a  new  charter  for  the  city.  Tlie  pra<'tice  of  New  York  State 
had  been  to  pass  special  laws  regulating  the  frame  of  govern- 
ment for  each  of  its  cities,  instead  of  having  one  uniform  system 
for  all  municipalities.  It  was  an  unfortunate  plan,  for  it  went 
far  to  deprive  New  York  of  self-government  by  putting  her  at 
the  mercy  of  the  legislature  at  Albany,  which,  already  corrupt, 
has  Ijccn  apt  to  bo  still  further  lorrujitcd  by  the  party  leaders 
of  the  city,  who  could  usually  obtain  from  it  such  statutes  as 
they  desired.  As  I  am  not  wTitiiig  a  municipal  history  of  New 
York,  but  merely  describing  the  action  in  that  history  of  a  pa^ 


•AHA 


ILLl'STRATIONS   AND   RKIM.KCTFONS 


I'AIIT    V 


Hli 


ticuhir  |)artvclul).  lu)  more  lU'ctl  1h'  said  »>f  tlic  (•liiiH«'r  iiiul 
statutes  of  isr)7  tliun  tluit  tliry  «n«:itly  limilcl  the  powers  of 
the  Coinmon  Council  The  ehief  administnitive  fuiu-tions  wero 
vested  in  the  mayor  and  tlie  heads  of  various  departments, 
while  the  power  "»)f  raisiuK  and  ai)i)ropriatin>j;  revenues  was 
(Uvided  iu'tween  a  body  called  the  lioard  of  Supervisors  and 
the  legislature.  Of  the  heads  of  the  departments,  some  were 
directly  chosen  1)V  the  |)eople,  others  ap|)ointed  by  the  mayor, 
who  himself  lu'ld'ofHce  for  two  years.  To  secure  for  their  ad- 
herents some  .share  in  the  offices  ;)r  a  city  with  a  lar^e  Demo- 
cratic majoritv.  the  leRislature.  then  coiitroll(>d  by  the  i{e|)ub- 
licans,  created  a  numl»er  «)f  new  boards  for  city  administration, 
most  of  these  memb(<rs  were  to  be  ai)pointed  by  the  (lovcTiior 
of  tlie  State.  Th(>  police  of  the  city  in  particular,  whose  con- 
dition had  been  unsatisfactory,  wen'  now  placed  under  such  a 
board,  wholly  indei)endent  of  the  munici!)al  authorities,  achanp;e 
which  excited  strong  local  opposition  and  led  to  a  sanRuinary 
conflict  between  the  old  and  the  new  police. 

This  was  the  frame  of  municiiial  government  when  the  hero 
who  was  to  make  Tammany  famous  appeared  upon  the  scene. 
The  time  wa.s  ripe,  for  the  lowest  cla.ss  of  voters,  foreign  and 
native,  had  now  been  tiioroughly  organized  ami  knew  them- 
selves able  to  control  the  city.  Their  power  had  been  shown 
in  the  success  of  a  demagogue,  the  first  of  the  city  demagogues, 
named  Fernando  Wood,  who  by  organizing  them  had  reached 
the  mayoral  chair  from  ]«>ginnings  so  small  that  he  was  currently 
reported  to  have  entered  New  York  as  the  leg  of  an  artificial 
elephant  in  a  travelling  show.  This  voting  mob  were  ready  to 
follow  Tannnany  Hall.  It  had  l)ecome  the  Acropolis  of  the  city  ; 
and  he  who  could  capture  it  might  rule  a.s  tyrant.' 

William  Marcy  Tweed  was  born  in  New  York  in  1823,  of  a 
Scotch  father  and  an  American  mother.  His  earli(>st  occupation 
wa.s  that  of  a  chair-maker  —  his  fatiier's  trade  ;  but  lie  failed  in 
business,  and  first  l)ecame  conspicuous  by  his  energy  in  one  of 
the  volunteer  fire  companies  of  tlie  city,  whereof  he  was  pres- 
ently chosen  foreman.  These  companies  had  a  good  deal  of  the 
club  element  in  them,  and  gave  their  members  many  opportu- 
nities for  making  friends  and  becoming  known  in  the  district 

>  The  naturp  and  m<)(lcs  of  artion  of  RinKs  in  Kcnoral  havo  Un-n  ilescn\wd 
in  Part  III..  Chapters  LIX.-LXV.  Sc-l-  also  as  to  ..ity  goviTuniL-nt,  Chaptera 
L.-UI.  in  Part  II. 


THAP.  i.xxxviii     TAMMANY   IN   NKW   VOllK   CITY 


:i,s5 


t3 


tiu'y  stTVcd.  Tweed  IkuI  iin  uhoiiiuliti}^  vitality,  free  and  easy 
muiiiuTs,  plenty  of  Imiiiour,  though  of  a  coarse  kind,  and  a 
jovial,  swanK'TiiiK  way  which  won  popularity  for  him  anionj? 
the  lower  and  rougher  s(»rt  of  people.  His  size  and  corpulency 
mu(U'  it  all  the  easier  for  him  to  support  the  part  of  the  genial 
good  fellow;  and  it  nnist  Ix-  said  to  his  credit,  that  thoufrh  he 
made  friends  lightly,  he  wiis  always  loyal  to  his  frieiuls.  Xeilher 
shame  nor  scruples  restraiiu'd  his  audacity.  Forty  years 
earlier  these  (jualities  would  no  more  have  fitted  him  to  he  a 
popular  leader  than  FalstalT's  (ptalities  would  have  fitted  him 
to  he  the  chancellor  of  K'lUfS,  Henry  the  I'ilth  ;  and  had  any  one 
j)redicte<l  to  the  upper  classes  of  New  York  that  the  boisterous 
fireman  of  ISI'),  without  industry,  el<i(|uence,  or  education, 
would  in  1870  he  ruler  of  the  greatest  city  in  the  western  world, 
they  would  have  laughed  him  to  scorn.  In  1S50,  however, 
Tweed  wtus  electe«l  ahlerman,  and  soon  liecanie  noted  in  the 
Common  Council,  a  hody  already  so  corrupt  (thou}j;h  the  fulc, 
of  immigration  had  only  just  hegun  to  swell)  that  they  were 
couunonly  described  as  the  Forty  Thieves.  He  came  out  of  it 
a  rich  man,  and  was  presently  sent  to  Washington  as  member 
for  a  district  of  the  city.  In  the  wider  arena  of  Congress,  how- 
ever, he  cut  but  a  poor  figure.  He  seems  to  have  spoken  only 
once,  and  then  without  success.  In  ISoT  he  began  to  rei)air  his 
fortunes,  shattered  at  the  national  capital,  l)y  obtaining  the  post 
of  Public  School  Connnissioner  in  New  York,  and  soon  after- 
wards he  was  ek'cted  to  the  Board  of  Supervisors,  of  which  he 
was  four  times  chosen  president.  There  his  o])i)ortunities  for 
joblx'ry  and  for  ac(iuiring  influence  were  much  enlarged.  "  Here- 
tofore his  influence  and  re|)utati()n  had  !)oth  !)een  local,  and 
outside  of  his  district  he  had  hardly  Ix'cn  known  at  all.  Xow 
his  sphere  of  action  embraced  the  whole  city,  and  his  large 
figure  began  to  loom  up  in  portentous  magnitude  tiirough  the 
foul  miasma  of  nmnicipal  politics."  ' 

Tweed  was  by  tliis  time  a  member  of  Tammany  Hall,  and 
in  1863  he  was  elected  jiermaneut  Chainnan  of  the  (ieneral 
Committee.  Not  long  after  he  aii<l  his  friends  captured  the 
inner  stronghold  of  the  Tammany  Society,  a  more  exclu.sive 
uiul  hitherto  socially  liiglicr  IkhIv  ;  and  he  became  Grand 
Sachem,  with  full  conmiand  l)oth  of  tlu^  Society,  with  its  prop- 

'Mr.  C.  F.  Wingate  iu  the  \orth  Anuricitn  linicu;  No.  CCXLV.  (1874), 
p.  368. 

2c 


iSsI^ 


386 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAKT    1 


h4 


I  •' 


erty  and  traditional  influence,  and  of  the  political  organization 
This  triumph  was  largely  duo  to  the  etTorts  of  another  politician, 
whose  fortunes  were  henceforward  to  l)e  closely  linked  with 
Tweed's,  Mr.  Peter  B.  Sweeny,  a  lawyer  of  humble  origin 
but  with  some  cultivation  and  considerable  talents.  The  two 
men  were  singularly  unlike,  and  each  fitted  to  supply  the  other's 
dt^fects.  Sweeny  was  crafty  and  taciturn,  unsocial  in  nature 
and  saturnine  in  aspect,  with  nothing  to  attract  the  crowd,  but 
skilful  in  negotiation  and  sagacious  in  his  poUtical  foreca.sts. 
He  was  little  seen,  preferring  to  hatch  his  schemes  in  seclusion  ; 
but  his  hand  was  soon  felt  in  the  arrangement  by  which  the  hos- 
tiUty  of  Mozart  Hall,  the  rival  Democratic  organization,  was  re- 
movetl,  its  leader,  Fernando  Wood,  obtaining  a  seat  in  Congress, 
while  Tammany  was  thus  left  in  sole  sway  of  the  Democratic 
vote  of  the  city.  The  accession  of  Mozart  Hall  brought  in 
another  recruit  to  the  Tammany  group,  Mr.  A.  Oakey  Hall. 
This  person  was  American  by  origin,  better  born  and  educated 
than  his  two  associati.'s.  He  was  a  lawyer  by  profession,  and  had 
occasionally  acted  as  a  lobbyist  at  Albany,  working  among  the 
Republican  members,  for  he  then  prof essed  llepubUcan  principles, 
-  -as  Mr.  Sweeny  had  worked  occa.sionaliy  among  the  Democrats. 
He  had  neither  the  ])opular  arts,  such  as  they  were,  of  Tweed 
nor  the  stealthy  astuteness  of  Sweeny,  antl  as  he  never  seemed 
to  take  himself  seriously,  he  was  not  taken  seriously  by  others. 
But  he  was  quick  and  adroit,  he  had  acquired  some  influence 
among  the  Mozart  Hail  faction  ;  and  his  position  as  member  of 
a  well-known  legal  firm  seemed  to  give  a  faint  tinge  of  respecta- 
bility to  a  grouj)  which  stood  sadly  in  need  of  that  quality.  He 
had  been  elected  District  Attornej'  (public  prosecutor)  in  1862, 
by  a  combination  of  Mozart  Hall  wth  the  Republicans  (having 
been  previously  Assistant  District  Attorney),  and  had  thus 
become  known  to  the  public.  A  fourth  member  was  presently 
added  in  the  person  of  Richard  B.  Connolly,  who  had  become 
influential  in  the  cDuncils  of  Taimnany.  This  man  had  been 
an  auctioneer,  and  had  by  degrees  risen  from  the  secretary- 
ship of  a  ward  committee  to  be,  in  1851,  elected  County  Clerk 
(although  not  then  yet  naturalized  as  a  citizen),  and  in  1859 
State  Senator.  His  friends,  who  had  seen  reason  to  distrust 
his  exactness  as  a  counter  of  votes,  called  him  Slippery  Dick. 
His  smooth  manner  and  insinuating  ways  inspired  little  con- 
fidence, nor  do  his  talents  seem  to  have  gone  beyond  a  con- 


CHAP.  Lxxxviii     TAMMANY   IX   XKW   YORK  CITY 


387 


fiiderahle  .skill  in  figures,  a  skill  which  he  was  soon  to  put  to 
startling  uses.  Another  nuiu  of  importance,  who  was  drawn 
over  from  the  Mozart  Hull  l;icti(jii,  wa-s  Alln-rt  ( "ardozo,  a 
Portuguese  Jew,  only  tw«'iity->ix  years  of  age,  hut  with  legal 
tal(!nts  only  lews  remarkable  than  the  flagrant  unscrupulousnes** 
with  which  he  pro.stituted  lluni  to  party  purposes.  He  was 
now,  through  Tanunany  inHucure,  rewarded  for  his  adhesion  hy 
being  elected  to  one  of  the  chief  judgeships  of  the  city  ;  and  two 
other  equally  di.shonest  minions  i>f  the  Tweed  group  wer;'  given 
him  as  colleagues  in  the  jxTsons  of  (leorge  Barnard  and  John 
H.  McCunn. 

In  1865  Tweed  and  the  other  Tammany  chiefs,  to  whom 
fortune  and  affinity  of  aims  had  linked  }iim,  carried  for  the 
mayoralty  one  of  their  number,  ]Mr.  John  T.  HofTman,  a  man 
of  ability,  who  might  have  had  a  distinguished  career  had  he 
risen  under  better  aus{)ices  ;  and  at  the  election  of  1808  they 
made  a  desperate  efTort  to  caj)ture  both  th(-  State  and  the  city. 
Frauds  of  unprecedented  magnitude,  both  in  the  naturaUzing 
of  foreigners  before  the  election  and  in  the  conduct  of  the 
election  itself,  were  perpetrated.  The  average  number  of  persons 
naturalized  by  the  city  cotjrts  had  been,  from  lHo«)  to  1867, 
9200.  In  1808  this  number  rose  to  41. (MK),  and  the  process 
was  conducted  with  imexampled  and  indecent  haste  by  two  of  the 
judges  whom  Tammany  had  just  place<l  on  the  bench  to  execute 
its  behests.  False  registrations,  repealing  on  a  larg(>  scale,  and 
fraudulent  manipulation  of  the  votes  given  rolled  up  for  Tam- 
many a  majority  sufficient  to  secure  for  its  friend  HofTman  tJie 
governorship  of  the  State.  The  votes  returned  as  cast  in  New 
York  City  were  eight  per  cent  in  excess  of  its  total  voting  popu- 
lation. The  vacancy  causeil  by  Hotlnian's  promotion  was 
filled  by  the  election  of  Mr.  Hall.  Thus  at  th(>  beginning  of 
1869  the  group  already  menfiont-d  found  itself  in  control  of  the 
chief  offices  of  the  city,  and  indeed  of  the  State  also.'  Hall  was 
mayor ;  SAveeny  was  city  chamberlain,  that  is  to  say,  treasurer 
of  the  city  and  county  ;  Tweed  was  street  commissioner  and 
president  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors  •  Coiniolly,  comptroller, 
and  thus  in  charge  of  the  city  finances.     Meanwhile  their  nomi- 


•  "On  the  1st  of  .January.  IsfiO."  said  Mr.  Til(ion,  "whon  Mr.  A.  Oalcpy  Hall 
b«»pame  niavor,  the  Rinj;  bor-aiiic  coiniilct'ly  organized  and  matured."  Pam- 
phlet entitled  The  Niw  York  City  liiny:  Ita  Origin,  Maturity,  and  Fall,  New 
York,  1873. 


:«ss 


ILLISTHATKINS  AM)  UKKLKCTIONS 


I'AKT   » 


■.f! 


niH',  HofTiniin,  v\a>  Stale  ( 'lovcmor.  alilr  to  veto  any  IcKislation 
they  •liwIiktHi,  wliilf  »»ii  tlic  city  iMiich  fhty  ha<l  thrrc  apt  ami 
supplf  tools  ill  Canlo/o,  Marnanl,  aii*l  MtCuiiii.  Othrr  Icsm 
conspicuous  iiicu  licM  minor  oHiccs.  or  were  IcaKunl  with  tlicin  in 
maiianinn  Taiiunany  Hall,  and  llirounh  it,  the  city,  liut  tlie 
four  wlio  have  Immii  lirst  named  sltMnl  out  as  the  f<»ur  ruling 
spirit-  of  the  fa<'tion,  to  all  of  \vh«»in,  more  «»r  less,  though  not 
necessarily  in  «'<iu;il  measure,  the  cn'«lit  or  discredit  for  itH  acts 
attached  :  and  it  was  to  tliem  primarily.  Ihttugh  not  exclusively, 
that  the  name  of  the  'nunmany  Uinn  came  to  l»e  thenceforth 

applietl.' 

Havinn  a  majority  in  the  State  legislature,  tlu>  Hing  used  it 
to  procure  certain  ch:inges  in  the  city  charter  whidi.  while  in 
some  resp«'cts  i)eneficial.  as  giving  the  city  more  control  over 
its  own  local  alTairs,  also  >ul>served  the  purposes  of  its  actual 
rulers.  The  elective  Hoard  tif  Supervisors  was  al»olished,  ami  its 
(inancial  functions  transferri'd  to  tin*  rectmler  and  uldennen. 
The  »'xecutivt>  power  was  concent rate<l  in  the  luuuls  of  the 
mayor,  who  also  obtained  the  power  of  appointing  the  chief 
municipal  oflieers,  and  that  for  pi>riods  varying  from  four 
t*)  eight  years.  He  exercised  this  power  (.April,  1S7())  by 
appointing  Twted  Commissioner  of  Public  Works,  Swwny 
Commissioner  ot  I'.irks,  and  (in  pursuance  of  a  subsecpient 
enactments  ( "oimolly  (  omiitroller.  In  a  new  boanl,  called  the 
lioard  of  AiiportioiMiitiit,  and  composed  of  tlu'  Mayor  (Hall), 
the  ('(inipttiller  (('oi\nolly).  the  Connnissioiier  of  Public  Works 
Tweed),  and  the  Pr"si(lei\t  of  the  Hoard  of  Parks  (Sweeny), 
nearly  all  autlurity  was  now  practically  vested,  f(tr  they  could 
levy  taxes,  appoint  the  subordinate  oflicials,  lay  down  and  en- 
force ordinances.-'  Hesides  his  power  of  api)ointing  heads  of 
departments,  the  mayor  had  the  right  to  call  for  r(>ports  from 
them  in  whalevir  form  lie  pleased,  and  also  the  sole  right  of  im- 
peachmeiil.  and  he  liad  further,  in  conjunction  with  tlie  comp- 

'  i;i;il"pi:ili  :iii.l  uii>|.arim.'  i">rti;iits  ..f  llnsr  four  niiitlcinni  iili  "  of  the 
tlir.i'  UiiiL'  ju'li;i«.  ;i~  well  a>  >>i  n'Mic  iiiiiior  Hiiiir^tirs.  may  I-'  foiiiK  i^i  Mr. 
Wiim;il<'  >  aiti,!.-  in  tli.'  -■'■'lli  Am- rim  i,  li-iinr  for  <  )<t(>l«'r.  ISTt  (\o.  C'CXLV.). 
His  :iiiiil\>i>  of  til"  ir  iliiir:iitirs  -mA  conduct  sc<ins  to  have  cvokiil  from  thcin 
no  contraijictions.  and  certainly  uavc  rise  to  no  leual  procei'ilniKM.  Uefereiue 
niav  also  !«■  ina.le  for  the  history  of  the  HiiiB  cenerally  to  the  collected  spoerhos 
of  Mr.  Samuel  .1.  TiNhn  isi'e  cspe  lally  the  si)ee.  h  of  Nov.  2nd.  1H71,  in  Mr. 
bine  lows  edition),  and  to  those  of  Mr.  Henry  I).  Clinton  (pul)li.sh('d  lis  r  pam- 
pliht  in  l-»7.').  as  well  as  to  Mr.  'I'ilden's  pamphlet  already  ntit\. 

^S'lrlh  Ainukau  linn'r  for  .Jan.  1>»75  (No.  ('CXIA'I.,  P|).  172-170). 


niAi'.  lAXXviii     TAMMANY    IN    NKW    VoUK   (ITN 


;tH» 


(roller,  1o  iillow  or  n-visc  tin  rslinuitc  (he  ImkihI  wum  iiiiiiually  lo 
hulmiit,  uikI  lo  lix  llir  salary  of  llir  v'wA  jiifj^''^.  'I  Ik*  mxlis- 
)^iiis<'<l  siiprriiiary  whirii  tliis  new  arraiiKiiiHrit.  aiiiuiintitiK 
uIiiiohI  to  <li(  taiorsliip  (pun  liasr<l,  a>  was  iMJicvcd,  Ity  Kro>s 
hrilM-ry  coiMliirttMl  l>y  Twffd  liiiiiscjl'  in  llic  Staff  l<uislatiirf 
at  Alltaiiy),  conli'inMl  upon  tin-  i|iialiinrvirat)'  was  rio  iininixcil 
a«lvantau*-,  lor  it  coiicfiitratiil  piihlic  attiiitioii  on  tlitiii,  an*! 
in  promising:  tlnin  impunity  it  pr<  ri|)it.',ti  <l  tlair  tall. 

In  the  rciun  of  the  Hin^  tin  ri'  is  little  to  nronl  liiyond  tin-  use 
made  \>y  sonie  of  them  of  the  opportunities  for  plunder,  which 
this  eontrol  of  the  nnniieipal  funds  conferred.  I'lunder  of  the 
<"ity  treasury,  especially  in  the  form  of  joliMnji  contracts,  was 
no  new  thinjj  in  New  ^'ork,  but  it  had  never  hefon  reached  such 
citlossal  dimensions.     Two  or  three  illustrations  may  suffice. 

Lar^e  schemes  of  street -open  injr  were  projected,  and  for  this 
I)urpo.se  it  became  neces.saiv  o  take  and  pay  compensation  for 
private  property,  and  also,  u  ler  the  State  laws,  to  assess  het- 
terment  UI)on  owners  wliose  property  was  to  he  benefited. 
Sweeny,"  who  knew  something  of  the  t(»rtune  amassj-d  in  the 
rebuiMiuK  of  I'aris  imder  (he  prefecture  of  Haron  IfausMiumn, 
au<l  wa.s  liimself  an  admirer  (and,  as  was  sai<l,  an  ac(|uaint- 
aiu'( )  of  liouis  Napoleon,  was  credited  with  knowing  how  to 
u.s<'  public  iinprovenjents  for  private  profit.  I'nder  the  auspices 
of  some  members  of  the  Hinn,  ( 'onunissioners  f(»r  the  carrying 
out  of  each  improvement  were  appointed  by  the  HiiiK  JikIkcs,  — 
in  the  famous  ca.se  of  the  widening  of  Hroadway  by  (  ardozo  in 
a  perfectly  novel  manner.  Those  members  and  their  friends 
then  began  quietly  to  purchase  propertv  in  the  spots  nhich  were 
eventually  taken  by  the  ("ommissioners,  and  extravagant  con»- 
peusation  was  thereupon  awarded  to  them,  while  other  owners, 
who  enjoyed  no  secret  means  of  predicting  the  action  of  the 
( 'ommis-sioners,  received  for  similar  ])ieces  of  land  far  smaUer 
sums,  the  burden  of  betterment  also  being  no  less  uiucjually 
distributed  as  between  the  ringstc  i-;  aiul  other  pmprii  tors.  In 
this  way  great  sums  jjas.sed  from  the  city  to  those  \\hom  the 
Ring  favoured,  in  certain  cases  with  conunissions  to  -ome  of  its 
memlHTs.'  Among  the  nuincnni-  c^'iitrart-^  by  v;hir}i  the  city 
trea.sury  was  depleted,  not  a  few  were  afterwards  disccncred 
to  have  been  given  for  printing  ta  t}n(>e  companies  in  which 
Tweed  and  his  intimates  were  interested.     Nearly  .S3.0(X),000 

•  Details  may  lx>  read  in  Xurlh  American  iiicicw,  No.  C'f'XLVI.,  pp.  i;U   i;i.5. 


390 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


m 


1  I 


were  paid  to  them  within  two  years  for  city  printing  and  sta- 
tionery. Other  contracts  for  wood-paving  and  concrete  were 
hardly  less  scandalous. 

The  claims  outstanding  against  the  Board  of  Supervisors, 
previous  to  1870,  furnished  another  easy  and  copious  source  of 
revenue,  for  under  a  statute  which  the  Ring  had  procured 
these  claims,  largely  fraudulent  or  fictitious,  were  to  be  exam- 
ined ami  audited  by  an  od  interim  Board  of  Audit  composed 
of  the  Maj'or,  the  Comjitroller,  and  Tweed.  The  board  dele- 
gated the  duties  of  auditing  to  an  ex-l)ankrupt  creature  of 
Tweed's  named  Watson,  who  had  been  appointed  city  auditor, 
and  who  went  to  work  with  such  liespatch  that  in  three  and 
a  half  months  he  had  jireseuted  warrants  for  claims  to  the 
amount  of  S(),312,0()0  to  the  members  of  the  ad  interim  board 
—  for  the  board  itself  seems  to  have  met  only  once  —  on  whose 
signature  these  bills  w(>re  accordingly  paid  out  of  the  city  treas- 
ury.' Sul)se(iiient  investigation  showed  that  from  65  to  85  per 
cent  of  the  bills  thus  passed  were  fictitious,  and  of  the  whole 
Tweed  appears  to  have  received  24  per  cent.  But  all  the 
other  finan<-ial  achi(>vements  of  tne  Ring  pale  their  ineffectual 
fires  beside  those  coniiecited  with  the  erection  and  furnishing 
of  the  County  Court  House.  When  designed  in  1868  its  cost 
was  estimat  '  it  .S250,0()U.  Before  the  end  of  1871  a  sum 
variously  estimated  at  from  .S8,00(),()()0  to  S13,000,000 
(£1,600,0'X)  to  £2,600,()()0)  had  l)een  expended  upon  it,  and  it 
was  still  unfinished.  This  was  effect -d,  as  was  afterwards 
proved  in  jucUeial  proceedings,  by  th(>  simple  method  of  re- 
quiring the  contractors,  many  of  whom  resisted  for  a  time, 
to  add  large  sums  to  their  bills,  sums  which  were  then  appro- 
priated i)y  Tweed,  Coiinolly,  and  their  minions  or  accomplices.^ 
Nothing  could  have  been  more  direct  or  more  effective.  The 
orders  were  giv(>u  l)y  Twceil,  the  difference  between  the  real 
and  the  nominal  charge  was  settled  by  the  contractor  with  him 
or  with  the  auditor,  and  the  bills,  passed  and  signed  by  the 
members  of  the  Boan'  (»f  Supervisors  or  Board  of  Apportion- 
ment (as  the  case  might  li(>).  were  approved  by  the  auditor 
Watson  and  were  paid  out  of  the  city  funds  at  the  bank.     The 

i  Xorth  Amirinii,   Ii<  n,  ir.  .|iil\  .   ISTfi  i  \o.  CCXLVIII,   pp.    iiti-120). 

'  AnioiiK  the  iti-nis  in  flu'  hills  for  fittine  up  atul  furiiisshiiiB  thi-  Court  House 
(amountinc  to  niori'  tliiiii  S(i.<MI((.0()().  hcsidcs  more  than  S2,(MM),()(M)  for  repairs), 
the  items  nf  .«404,.S(7  f<ir  s:if(  s,  ami  $7,')()0  for  thcmiotnettTs  were  found  amus- 
iug  when  eventually  ilisclosed. 


CHAP.  Lxxxviii        TAMMANY  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY 


391 


proceeds  were  then  duly  divided,  his  real  (hurst's,  or  perhaps 
a  little  more,  going  to  the  ooutractor,  and  the  rest  among 
the  Boss  and  his  friends. 

Under  such  a  system  there  was  nothing  surprising  in  the 
groAVth  of  the  city  debt.  Fresh  btirrowing  jjowers  as  well  as 
taxing  powers  had  been  obtained  from  the  State  legislature, 
and  they  were  freely  used.  According  to  the  jiublished  report 
of  the  committee  which  sul)se(iuently  investigated  the  city 
finances,  the  bonded  debt  of  the  city  rose  from  S;i(),2!)3,000 
at  the  beginning  of  18»j9,  to  .Syr.'iST.CKM)  in  September,  1871  ; 
that  is,  by  $61,()0(),0()0.  Adding  to  this  the  floating  debt 
incurred  during  the  same  two  years  and  eight  months,  viz. 
$20,000,000,  the  total  price  whirli  the  city  paid  for  the  privi- 
lege of  being  ruled  by  Tammany  during  tliose  thirty-two 
months  reached  .S81,o6o,(XM)  ( l"l(),2(H),(MK)),  or  more  than 
twi(!e  the  amount  of  the  debt  as  it  stood  in  1808.'  And  for 
all  this  there  was  hartUy  anything  in  the  way  of  public  im- 
provements to  show. 

What,  it  may  be  asked,  did  th(>  p(>ople  of  New  York,  and  in 
particular  the  taxpayers  ai  wlu^se  expense  these  antics  were 
proceeding,  think  of  their  ruler's,  and  how  difl  they  come  to 
acquiesce  in  such  a  government,  which,  not  content  with  plun- 
dering them,  had  degraded  justice*  itself  in  the  person  of  the 
Ring  judges,  and  placed  the  conmierce  and  ])roperty  of  the 
city  at  the  mercy  of  unscrupulous  and  venal  partisans?  I 
was  in  New  York  in  the  sujnmer  of  1870.  and  saw  tlie  King 
flourishing  like  a  green  bay-tree.  Though  the  frauds  just 
described  were  of  course  still  unknown,  nobody  had  a  word  of 
respect  for  its  members.  Tweed,  for  instance,  would  never 
have  been  invited  to  any  respectal)le  house.  I  was  taken  to 
look  at  Justices  Barnard  and  ("ardozo  as  two  of  the  most  re- 
markable sights  of  the  city  ;  and  such  iiule(Hl  they  were.  I 
inquired  why  such  things  were  endured,  not  merely  patiently, 


'I  take  tlieso  fiKuros  from  tin-  rcpdrt  nf  Mr.  Aiidri'w  H.  (invn  (then  eonip- 
trollor  of  the  city)  tniidc  in  Octohrr,  IsTl.  Of  tln'  miliiiiiiilati'd  dcht  claims, 
many  of  which  were  then  still  (mtstiiiidiiiix,  the  report  says:  "Only  a  small 
proportion  of  this  monstrous  legacy  of  CDrruptinn  and  misKovornnicnt  was 
free  from  evid(>nce  of  the  most  inircniouslv  and  dialiolicallx'  (■i)ntrived  frauds. 
For  three  years  the  niiiii;in-h(  aticd  hydra  ha.s  been  stnicKlinK  to  fori-e  t]:v 
dcwrs  of  the  treasury.  It  has  l>i>U);ht.  Inilied.  and  hroUKht  to  its  aid  by  the 
offer  of  a  division  of  profits  in  case  of  success,  the  fraud,  the  craft,  and  the 
greed  of  the  most  unscrupulnus  lawyers,  lenislators,  and  plotters  in  the  eom- 
munity.     It  has  tainted  the  press  and  dictated  political  nominations."     (p.  7.) 


;592 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKFLKCTIONS 


PAIIT   * 


1^* 


Init  I'vcMi  with  :i  sDrt  of  amused  tMijoymciit,  as  tho.-Kli  the  citi- 
zi'us  were  jjioud  ol"  liaving  |)n)(luco(i  a  now  jjhciioinciiou  the 
lik<'  wliorcor  no  othrr  comiuuiiity  could  show.  It  was  cxplaimHl 
to  mc*  that  these  tilings  had  not  eonie  suddenly,  but  as  the 
iTowa  of  a  i)rocess  of  d(>ffradatiou  proloufffd  for  some  fifteen 
years  or  nion>  whicli  had  made  corruption  so  fiuniiiar  as  to  he 
no  lons'^r  shockinjj;.  The  respect al)h'  leaders  of  the  Democratic 
l)arty  had.  with  few  exceptions,  winked  at  the  misdeeds  of 
thosc>  wlio  commanded  a  vote  which  tiiey  netnled  for  State 
and  national  jiurposcs.  The  jm-ss  had  been  lar)>;ely  muz/led 
l)y  lavish  payments  made  to  it  for  advertising,  and  a  good 
many  minor  journals  were  actually  subsiiUzed  by  the  RinR. 
The  Hench,  though  only  ])artiHily  corrupt,  was  sufficiently  in 
league  with  the  King  ior  the  sanction  whic^  tlie  law  required 
from  it  in  certain  cases  to  he  unavailable  as  a  safeguard.  As 
for  the  mass  of  citizens,  on  wh<  se  votes  this  structure  of  in- 
iquity hail  been  reari'd,  nearly  half  of  them  were  practically 
strang(>rs  to  America,  amenable  to  their  o\vii  clubs  and  leaders, 
but  with  no  sense  of  civic  duty  to  thtnr  new  country  nor  likely 
to  respond  to  any  appeals  from  its  statesmen.  Three-fourths 
or  more  of  them  paid  littk"  or  nothing  in  the  way  of  direct 
taxes  and  did  not  realize  that  the  increase*  of  civil  burdens 
would  ultimately  fall  upon  them  :is  well  as  upon  the  rich.  More- 
over, the  Ring  liad  cunningly  i)laced  on  the  pay-rolls  of  the 
city  a  large  nunibt>r  of  i)ersons  rendering  comparatively  little 
service,  who  had  become  a  body  of  janizari(>s,  bound  to  defend 
the  government  which  paid  them,  working  hard  for  it  ac  elec- 
tions, and  adding,  together  with  the  regular  employees,  no  con- 
temj.Mble  quota  to  tlie  total  Tammany  vote.'  As  for  the  Bo.ss, 
those  very  qualities  in  him  which  rejx'lled  men  of  refinement 
made  him  poi)ular  with  the  crowd. 

I  a<ke(l  what  midcr  sucli  cinumstances  the  res])ectable  citi- 
zens proposed  to  do.  My  friends  raised  their  eyebrows.  t)ne, 
of  a  !ii<tori(';il  turn,  nt'ir-ed  to  the  experience'  of  Rome  in  the 
days  of  { ■jodiu-  and  Milo,  and  suggested  the  hiring  of  gladiators. 

■■These  !);■  th.\  gods.  ()  Democracy:  these  are  the  fruit.s  of 
al'stract  theory  in  j)()litics.     It  was  for  this  then  that  the  yoke  of 

'■  Mr  lihl'ii  nrnin,  inui  Full  i,/  tin  X<  ir  York  Hi  if/t  observes  that  the  Ring 
h[i'l  ;it  it-  ili-|M,>;il  'th''  whole  Imul  iroveninieiit  iimeliiiiery,  with  its  expendi- 
ture .lUil  i>."itron:ve  and  its  einployineiit  of  at  ii'ast    1L',()()0  persons,  !)esides  its 

j,  , i,,ii  ijf  till'  iiolii-c.  it-  influeiii'e  on  tlie  judiiiar.w  its  cdiitrol  of  th<"  ins|>oi'- 

'  ■!-  iiii'l  '  ;iii\  U--I1-  iif  till'  c  I' iliiiu.i." 


CHAP.  Lxxxviii      TAMMANY   IN  NKW   YOIIK  (MTV 


393 


George  the  Third  was  broken  and  Aincricii  hailed  as  th(!  day- 
spring  of  freedom  by  the  jjeoples  oi  JCurope  —  that  a  robljer 
should  hohl  the  keys  of  the  piil)Hc  treasury,  and  a  ruffian  be  set 
to  pollute  the  seat  of  justice."  So  ]ni^;ht  the  shade  of  Alexander 
Hamilton  have  spoken,  if  permitted  to  revisit,  after  seventy 
years,  the  city  his  genius  had  adorned.  Yet  it  was  not  such 
a  democracy  as  .h-ITerson  liad  souglit  lo  create  and  Hamilton 
to  check  that  had  delivered  over  to  Tweed  and  lo  H.unard  the 
greatest  city  of  the  Western  World.  That  was  the  work  of 
corruptions  unknown  to  the  days  of  .Jefferson  and  Hamilton, 
of  the  Spoils  system,  of  election  frauds,  of  the  giit  of  tlu;  suf- 
frage to  a  host  of  ignorant  strangers,  and  above  all  of  the  apathy 
of  those  wealti)^  and  educated  classes,  v.ithout  whose  i)artici- 
pation  the  be    framed  govermnent  must  sj)eedily  degenerate. 

In  the  autumn  of  11S70  the  HiiiK  seemed  securely  seated. 
Tweed,  the  master  si)irit.  was  content  to  scoop  in  money,  and 
enjoy  the  licentious  luxuiy  which  it  j)rocured  him  ;  though 
some  declared  that  he  had  hxe<l  his  eyes  (ijjon  the  .American 
legation  in  Ixjndon.  Sweeny  preferred  the  substance  to  the 
ostentation  of  power  ;  and  ("oimolly's  tastes  were  as  vulgar  as 
Tweed's,  without  the  touch  of  open-haiidedaess  wliicli  seemed 
to  palliate  the  hitter's  greed,  ("ardozo.  however,  had  his  aml)i- 
tions,  and  hungeretl  for  a  place  on  the  Supreme  Fecleral  Bench  ; 
while  Hall,  to  whom  no  share  in  the  lujoty  was  ever  traced, 
and  who  may  not  have  received  any,  was  believed  to  <le>ire  to 
succeed  Hoffman  as  (lovernor  of  the  Sta1<'.  when  that  <jlficial 
should  be  raised  by  the  growing  iuMueuce  of  Tanunany  to  the 
Presidency  of  the  I'nited  States.  Xo  wonder  tlie  Hiiig  was 
into.xicated  by  the  success  it  had  already  won.  It  liad  achieved 
a  fresh  triumph  in  re-electiiiLi  Hall  as  .Mayor  at  the  end  of 
1S7() ;   and  New  York  seemed  to  lie  at  its  feet. 

Its  fall  came  suddenly  ;  and  tli''  (i(ca>i<in  spraiifi  from  a  petty 
personal  quarrel.  .\  <'ertain  O'lirieii.  con-piv'uoiis  as  a  leader 
in  a  discontented  section  of  the  Dcisiocralic  party,  was  also 
persfjually  sore  because  he  hail  reccixcd  an  oliice  bel(jw  his 
hopes,  and  cherished  resentment  ajiaiiisi  Sweeny,  to  whom  he 
attril)uted    his    disai)i)ointment.     .\    lieiKliniaii    ol    liis    named 

fi!ld 

hich 


^'v'peland,  emplovf^l  i!i  th'^  aMdi'':;'-  'AW' 


thei 


some     accounts     headed     '•('ouii1\-     I.iabiiilie 


^^ 


-truck  him  as  susj)ici( 


)U.> 


H. 


»pii 


liiCi 


II,  aiK 


1  -iiowed  them 


to  O'lJrien,   who  i)ercei\('d   their   \aiur.   an'l   iiuuli    hiiii   I'opv 


304 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  UKPLKC^TIONS 


PART   » 


14 1 


more  of  them,  in  fuct  a  larKc  part  of  the  fravuliilcnt  acTounts 
relating  to  the  furnisjiiui!;  of  the  Court  House.  Threatening 
the  King,  with  the  puhheation  of  these  eoinproniisinR  docu- 
ments, O'Brien  tried  to  extort  payment  of  an  old  claim  Ih; 
had  against  the  city:  hut  after  some  haggling  the  negotia- 
tions were  interrupted  by  tlu'  accidental  death  of  Watson,  the 
Auditor.  Ultimately  O'Brien  carrieil  his  copi(>s  to  the  New 
York  Times,  a  paper  which  had  already  for  som<'  months  past 
been  attacking  Tammany  with  unwonted  bohhiess.  On  the 
8th  of  July,  1871,  it  exposed  the  operations  of  the  Ring;  and 
denounced  its  members,  in  large  caj)itals.  as  thieves  and  swind- 
lers, defying  them  to  sue  it  for  libel.  Sui)se(iuent  issues  con- 
tained extracts  from  the  accounts  copied  by  Copeland;  and 
all  were  sunmied  up  in  a  supplement,  published  on  July  29th 
and  printed  in  (lerman  as  well  as  l']nglish,  which  showed  that 
a  sum  of  nearly  $10,(X)(),()0l)  in  all  had  been  exp(>nded  upon 
the  Court  House,  whose  condition  everylxnly  could  see,  and 
for  armoury  repairs  and  furnishings.  Much  credit  is  (hie  to 
the  proprietor  of  the  Times,  who  resisted  threats  and  bribes 
offered  him  on  !)ehalf  of  the  Ring  to  desist  from  his  onslaught 
and  perhaps  even  more  to  the  then  editt)r,  the  late  Air.  Louis 
J.  Jennings,  whose  conduct  of  the  cam})aign  was  full  of  Hre 
and  courage.  The  better  classes  of  the  city  were  now  fully 
aroused,  for  the  denials  or  defences  of  the  mayor  and  Tweed 
found  little  credence.  On  Sei)temb(T  4th  a  meeting  of  citi- 
zens was  h(>ld,  and  a  committee  of  seventy  persons,  many 
of  them  eminent  by  ability,  experience,  or  i)osition,  formed 
to  investigate  the  frauds  charged,  which  by  this  time  had 
drawn  the  eyes  of  the  whole  State  and  country.  It  is  n(>ed- 
less  to  recount  the  .steps  by  which  Connolly,  the  person  most 
directly  implicated,  and  the  one  whom  his  colleagues  sought 
to  make  a  scapegoat  of,  was  forctnl  to  appoint  as  deputy  an 
active  and  upright  man  (Mr.  A.  H.  (ireen),  whose  posses- 
sion and  examination  of  the  records  in  the  comiitroller's  office 
proved  invaluable.  The  leadirg  part  in  the  cami)aign  was 
playetl  by  Mr.  Samue!  J.  Tilden,  chairman  of  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  State,  afterwards  Oovernor  of  the  State,  and 
in  1876  candidate  for  tlie  Federal  Presidency  against  Mr. 
Hayes.  Feeling  acutely  the  disgrace  which  the  Ring  had 
brought  upon  \ho  Democratic  party,  he  was  resolved  by  pursuit 
and  exposure  to  rid  the  party  of  them  and  their  coterie  once  for 


PHAP.  Lxxxviii       TAMMANY  IN  NEW  YORK  CITY 


395 


all ;  iiiid  in  this  he  wuh  now  sccoiuhMl  l)y  all  the  better  Demo- 
crats, lint  ninrh  was  also  dne  to  the  lirilliant  cartoons  of 
Mr.  Tliomas  Xast,  whose  ri(!h  invention  and  striking  draw- 
ing presented  the  lour  leading  members  of  the  Ring  in  every 
attitude  ami  with  every  circumstance  of  ignominy.'  The  elec- 
tion for  State  offices  lield  in  November  was  attended  by  unusual 
excitement.  Tlic  remaining  members  of  tlie  Ring,  for  Connolly 
was  now  extinct  and  some  of  the  mi  lor  figures  had  taken  to 
flight,  fa(!ed  it  boldly,  and  Tweed  in  particular,  cheered  by 
his  renomination  in  tlie  Democratic  State  Convention  held 
shortly  beforehand,  and  by  his  re-election  to  the  chairmanship 
of  the  (leneral  Committee  of  Tanmiany,  now  neither  explained 
nor  denied  anything,  but  a.sked  defiantly  in  words  which  in 
New  York  hav«'  passed  into  a  proverb,  ''What  are  you  going 
to  do  al)out  it?"  His  reliance  on  his  own  district  of  the  city, 
rid  on  the  Tammany  masses  as  a  whol(\  was  justified,  for  he 
was  re-elected  to  the  State  Senate  and  the  organization  gave 
his  creatures  its  solid  support.  Hut  the  respectable  citizens, 
who  luul  for  once  been  roused  from  their  lethargy,  and  who 
added  their  votes  to  those  of  the  l)etter  sort  of  Democrats  and 
of  the  Republican  party,  overwhelmed  the  Machine,  notwith- 
standing the  usual  election  frauds  undertaken  on  its  behalf. 
Few  of  the  Ring  candidates  survived,  and  the  Ring  itself  was 
irretrievably  ruined.  Public  confidence  returned,  and  the  price 
of  real  estate  advanced.  Sweeny  forthwith  aimounced  his  with- 
drawal from  public  life,  and  retinal  to  (  anada.  The  wretched 
Connolly  was  indicted  and  found  so  few  friends  that  he  re- 
mained in  jail  for  six  we(>ks  before  he  could  procure  1  lail.  Tweed, 
though  dispirited  by  tlie  murder  of  his  boon-companion,  the 
notorious  Fisk  (who  had  b'>en  carrying  through  the  scandalous 
Erie  railroad  frauds  by  the  help  of  tlie  Ring  ja(lg(>s)  .stood  his 
ground  vnth  characteristic  courage,  and  refused  to  resign  the 
office  to  wliich  the  mayor  had  appointed  him.  However,  in 
Decemb.i  he  was  arrested,-  l)Ut  presently  released  on  insignifi- 
cant bail  by  Judge  Harnard.     The  State  Assembly,  in  which 


'  Twpcd  felt  IIh'  >Ii:iri)iii'ss  of  the  wcmimhi.  Me  said  onci-  "I  (lon't  rare 
a  straw  for  your  nrsvspiiixr  Mrtidi's  :  in\-  cnri.-titucnl.~  don't  know  liow  to  read, 
but  they  can  t  lu'tp  scciiif:  tiiiiii  daimirii  piitun-.s"  ;  and  ui'ii'cd  tlii-iv  was 
always  a  crowd  round  thi'  windows  in  wtii<li  Hnrpir's  IVcihli/  (then  admirably 
editrd  hy  thp  latp  Mr.  (!('or(!c  William  *  urtisi  was  displayed. 

'When  asked  on  Ivins!  roiiiniittid  to  state  his  oeeupation  and  creed,  he 
answered  that  he  was  a  statesman,  and  of  uo  religion. 


3JMi 


ILLl'STKATIONS  AND   HKKLKCTIONS 


•AUT    V 


tlu'  rct\)nn('i .<  luul  u«)w  :i  inajority,  soim  aflrrwanls  took  strps 
to  iiii|>t>:icli  Kiinuird,  .Mc(  'uiiii,  aii<l  ( 'ardozo.  ( 'anlozo  rcsij^ncd  ; 
tlu'  otluT  two  were  t'oiivictcd  and  icuiovcd  iVoiii  the  hcticli. 
Tho  endless  delays  and  minute  technicalities  of  the  courts  of 
New  York  protracleil  Tweed's  trial  (ill  .January,  IS?!},  when, 
after  a  lonjj;  hearing,  the  jury  were  discharged  because  unaMe 
to  aRree.  He  was  thereupon  rearrested,  and  upon  his  second 
trial  in  Novenil)er,  wlien  spe(i;d  elVorts  had  lieen  made  to 
secure  a  trustworthy  jiiiy,  was  I'oinid  K>iil'y  and  sentenci'd 
to  twelve  years'  imprisonment.  After  a  while  the  Court  of 
Ajjpeals  released  him.  holding  the  senteiu-e  irrej^ular,  heeause 
cumuhi'ive  ;  he  was  tlien  rearrested  in  a  civil  suit  hy  the  city, 
esc'fed,  was  caujjht  in  Spain,  identified  hy  a  caricature,  and 
brouRht  hack  to  prison,  wliere  he  died  in  IS7(».  Hall  was 
thrice  tried.  On  the  first  occasion  the  deatji  of  a  juryman 
interrui)te(l  the  ])roceedin<i,s  ;  on  the  .second  the  jury  disagreed  ; 
on  the  third  he  obtained  a  favourable  verdict.  Connolly  fled 
the  country  and  died  in  exile.  Non(>  of  the  Rroup,  nor  of 
Tweed's  other  satellites,  ever  aKnin  held  office. 

This  was  the  end  of  the  ''Veed  HiuK.  But  it  was  not  the 
end  of  Tammany.  Aba.slied  for  the  nicjmt'nt,  and  stooping 
carthwanl  wliile  the  tempest  swept  by,  that  redoubtable  or- 
ganization never  relaxed  its  grip  upon  tlie  Xew  York  nia.s,ses. 
It  was  only  for  a  few  months  that  the  tempest  clearetl  tJie 
air.  The  "good  citizens"  soon  forgot  their  sudden  zeal.  Neg- 
lecting the  primaries,  where  iiuh'cd  tliey  might  have  failed 
to  effect  much,  tliey  allowed  nominations  to  fall  back  into  the 
hands  of  .spoilsmen,  and  the  most  important  city  offices  to  be 
fought  for  by  factions  difTeiiug  only  in  their  names  and  j)arty 
badges,  because  all  were  eciually  bent  upon  selfish  gain.  Within 
five  years  fR)m  tlie  overthrow  of  1S71,  Tammany  was  again  in 
tlie  satidle,  and  the  city  government  practically  in  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  .h>hn  Kelly,  tempered  by  the  rival  influence  of  the 
ex-prize  fighter  Morrissey.  In  1H7(>  a  vigorous  pen,  reviewing 
the  history  of  the  pri>ceding  eight  years,  and  pointing  out  how 
s(jon  the  old  mischii'is  had  reappeared,  thus  described  the  posi- 
tion :  — 

"A  few  very  unscrupulous  mpn,  roaliziuir  thoroughly  tho  changed  con- 
dition of  affairs,  had  organized  t)>e  ;>r()letariat  of  the  eity  ;  and.  through 
the  foi  in  of  suffrage,  had  takei.  possession  of  its  government.  They  siiw 
ch'arly  the  fu<*ts  of  the  ease,  wliieh  tho  doctrinaires,  theorists,  ant'  pa- 


rnAP.  Lxxxviii      TAMMANY   IN  NEW  YORK  CITY 


397 


tricitH  Htudioiisly  JKiKiml  or  vchemi«ntl.v  deniinl.  Tht>y  knew  pt-rfjH-tly 
well  that,  New  York  City  was  no  loiiKtr  a  couiitry  town,  inhahited  }»y 
AnioriouiH  tyul  <-\mrrh-Ktn'rs,  and  olliciTt'd  hy  di'ucons.  Tlicy  rerog- 
nizod  Ihii  cxislriKc  of  a  very  law  class  wliidi  had  notliin^,  and  availed 
tiiornsclvi's  of  its  assistance  to  plunder  those  who  had  something.  The 
otdy  way  to  Mii>et  tlieni  elTectually  and  prevent  a  recurren<'e  of  the 
experience  is  for  the  friends  of  nood  trovernnieii'  e(inally  to  re<-ognize 
fiwts  and  shape  their  course  accordiii>;ly.  The  question  then  is  a  prac- 
tical on(». 

"If  New  York,  or  any  other  jrreal  «ity  in  America  w'lich  finds  itself 
brought  face  to  face-  with  liiis  issue,  were  an  ii:de|M'ndent  autonomy,  — 
like  llome  or  many  of  tlii^  free  cities  of  the  Middle  Afres,  -  the  question 
would  at  onc(.  he  divested  of  all  that  which  in  America  makes  it  ditlicult 
of  solution.  I'nder  these  circumstances  the  e\  il  would  run  its  course, 
and  cure  itself  in  the  re(,'ular  and  natural  way.  New  \'ork  would  have 
a  (Vsar  within  six  months.  Whether  he  came  into  power  at  the  head 
of  the  proletariat  or.sei/,ed  the  ^overnment  as  the  conservator  of  prop<'rty 
wouhl  make  no  dilTeretice.  The  city  would  instinctively  lind  rest  under 
a  stront;  rule.  The  connection  which  exists,  and  necessarily  can  never 
!)e  severed,  lietweeti  the  modern  yreat  city  and  the  larsjer  State,  closes 
this  natural  avemie  of  escape.  New  York  City  is  tied  to  New  York 
Slate,  and  imist  stumhle  alon^  as  lies',  it  nuiy  at  its  heels.  It  is  (fuaran- 
tecnl  a  jrovernment  repi.lilican  in  f(»rm,  and  consetiuently  a  radical 
remedy  for  the  evil  must  he  found  within  that  form,  or  it  cannot  bo 
found  at  all,  and  the  evil  must  renuiin  uncured. 

"The  thiuK  soufihl  for  then  is  to  (thti'in  a  municijial  Kovernment,  re- 
publican in  form,  in  which  property,  as  well  as  per>;ons,  shall  be  secured 
in  its  rights,  at  Iik-  cost  ol  a  reasonable  degret.  only  of  public  service  on 
the  part  of  th<^  individual  ••iti/.en.  The  fact-;  to  be  dealt  wiUi  are  few 
and  patent.  On  the  one  side  a  miscellaneous  population,  made  up 
largely  of  foreigners,  and  containing  an  almost  preponderating  element 
of  vice,  ignorance,  and  [>overty,  all  manipulated  by  a  set  of  unscrupulous 
professional  politicians  ;  on  the  other  a  business  community,  engrossed 
in  affairs,  amassing  wealth  rapi<lly.  and  caring  little  for  politics.  He- 
tween  the  two  the  usual  ci\ic  [)opidation,  good  and  bad.  intei.i  on 
pleasure,  art,  literature,  scicTice,  aii<l  all  the  myriad  other  i)ursuits  of 
melropoliian  life.  TIk-  two  essential  points  are  the  magnitude  and  the 
diversified  pursuits  of  the  population,  and  it^  division  into  those  who 
have  and  those  who  ha\('  not. 

"Hearing  thesis  facts,  which  cannot  b<  rluinged,  in  mind,  then  a  few 
cardinal  principles  on  which  an.v  successful  iiuniicifial  government,  re- 
publican in  form,  must  rest,  may  sal'clx  be  I'orrmdaleil.  In  the  first 
place,  theexecuti\e  imist  be  strong  and  res|)oiisible  ;  in  the  second  place, 
property  must  be  entitled  to  a  represeiilalion  as  w<'lj  as  persons  ;  in  the 
third  place,  the  judiciary  nmst  be  -is  f.ir  removed  as  po>sib!c  from  the 
|)olitical  arena.  In  other  words,  justice  must  iie  made  as  niucli  as  im)s- 
sible  to  descend  from  above.  Curiously  enough,  each  of  these  principles, 
instead  of  being  a  novelty,  is  but  a  recurrence  to  the  ancient  ways."  ' 


'  .\i)ih   Amcriciin  Riiiiiv  for  Octuhcr.    1S7(I   (N'l 
signed  article. 


CCLIII,  p.  li'i),  an  un- 


398 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


it''  ; 


These  counsels,  and  many  others  Hke  them,  were  not  taken 
to  heart.  Since  1871  the  frame  of  municipal  government  was 
frequently  tinkered  with.  A  comprehensive  .scheme  of  reform, 
proposed  l)y  a  strong  commission  which  (lovernor  Tilden  ap- 
pointed in  187(),  failed  to  l)e  carried  ;  and  though  great  progres-s 
has  been  made  in  the  way  of  better  ballot  and  election  laws 
and  some  progress  in  the  way  of  civil  ser\ice  reform,  the  Spoils 
system  still  throve,  repeaters  still  voted  in  large  numlx?rs,  and 
election  returns  could  still  be  tnanipulated  by  those  who  control 
the  city  government.  Tlicn^  have  been  some  excellent  mayors, 
such  as  Mr.  Hewitt,  fo-  the  catastrophe  of  1871  has  never  been 
forgotten  by  Tammany,  whose  chieftains  sometimes  find  it 
prudent  to  run  reputal)le  candidates.  No  more  Barnards  or 
Cardozos  have  disgraced  the  bench,  for  the  Bar  Association  is 
vigorous  and  watchful ;  and  when  very  recently  a  judge  who 
had  been  too  subservient  to  a  suspected  State  Boss  was  nomi- 
nated by  the  influence  of  that  gentleman  to  one  of  the  highest 
judicial  po.sts  in  the  State,  the  efforts  of  the  Association,  well 
supported  in  the  city,  procured  his  defeat  by  an  overwhelming 
majority. 

Nevertheless,  Tammany  has  held  its  ground  ;  and  the  august 
dynasty  of  bosses  goes  on.  When  Mr.  John  Ki'lly  died  some 
time  ago,  the  sceptre  passed  to  the  hands  of  the  not  less  capa- 
ble and  resolute  Mr.  Richard  Croker,  onc(>  the  keeper  of  a 
Hquor  saloon,  and  for  some  short  time  tlie  holder  of  a  clerk- 
ship under  T'veed  himself.'  Mr.  Croker,  like  Lorenzo  de' 
Medici  in  Florence,  held  no  civic  office,  but,  as  Chairman  of 
the  Tammany  sub-committee  on 'organization,  controlled  all 
city  officials,  while,  by  the  public  avowal  of  the  Speaker  of  the 
House  of  Assembly,  during  the  .session  of  1893,  "all  legislation 
(i.e.  in  the  State  legislature  at  Albany)  emanated  from  Tam- 
many Hall,  and  was  dictated  by  that  great  stat(>sman,  Richard 
Croker."  =  Ultimately  Mr.  Croker,  like  the  Emperors  Diocle- 
tian and  Charles  V,  abdicated  the  crown.     He  retired  to  the 


¥. 


'  Full  dcfail.s  ri'Kiirdinc  tho  cancr  i)f  Mr.  C'roknr.  o.  his  henchman.  Foliro 
Ju.sticp  Patriclv  Divvcr,  and  of  other  Tiimniany  "braves"  of  that  day,  may  be 
fuuuj  ill  :Ui  aftifir  ia  Uir  Mlcnlir  Manthiu  for  I'enniary,  IS'.U.  1)V  Mr.  H.  C. 
Merwin,  and  more  fully  in  the  "Annual  Ueionis "  <if  As.senihlynien  and  Sen- 
ators from  New  York  (^ity,  puMished  hy  the  City  Reform  Club. 

'  Mr.  D.  Ci.  Thompson,  f'olitirs  in  n  Diniocmc;/,  p.  127,  an  (v'd  little  hook 
which  purjjorts  to  defend  Tammany  hy  .showiuK  that  it  ^ives  tho  New  York 
ma.s.se.s  the  sort  of  government  they  desire  and  deserve. 


CHAP,  i.xxxviii       TAMMANY   IX  XFAV  YORK  CITY 


:m 


onjoymcnt  of  an  ostatc  .'iiul  a  racing  stud  in  Ireland,  and  Mr. 
ChnrU'H  F.  Murphy  ninncd  in  his  stead. 

Tho  reader  \\nll  expect  some  further  words  to  explain  how 
the  Tammany  (jf  to-day  is  organizcMl,  by  what  means  it 
holds  its  power,  and  what  sort  of  Rovernment  it  gives  the 
city 

Each  of  the  thirty-five  "assembly  districts"  in  the  boroughs 
of  Manhattan  and  Bronx  aimually  elects  a  certain  number  of 
meml)(>rs,  varying  from  (iO  to  270,  to  sit  on  the  (Jeneral  Com- 
mittee of  Tammany  Hall,  which  has  long  claimed  to  be,  and  at 
present  is,  the  "regular"  Democratic  organization  of  the  city. 
The  Conunittee  is  thus  large,  numbering  several  thousand  per- 
sons, and  on  it  there  also  sit  the  great  chiefs  who  are  above  tak- 
ing district  work.  Each  district  has  also  a  "Leader"  who  is 
always  on  the  (leniTal  Committee;  and  the  thirty-five  leaders 
form  the  Executive  Conuiiittee  of  the  Hall,  which  has  also 
other  committees,  includitig  that  on  finance,  whereof  Mr. 
Croker  was  chairman.  Each  election  district  has,  moreover, 
a  District  Committee,  with  the  "leader"  (appointed  by  the 
Assembly  District  leader)  as  chairman  and  practically  as  direc- 
tor. This  Committee  appoints  a  Captain  for  every  one  of  the 
voting  precincts  into  which  the  district  is  divided.  There 
are  about  1100  such  precincts,  and  these  1100  captains  are  held 
responsible  for  the  vote  cast  in  their  respective  precincts.  The 
captain  is  probably  a  liquor  seller,  and  as  such  has  opportunities 
of  getting  to  know  the  lower  class  of  voters.  He  has  often  some 
small  office,  and  usually  som(>  little  patronage,  as  well  as  some 
money,  to  bestow.  In  each  of  the  t'lirty-five  districts  there  is 
a  party  heauquarters  for  the  Committee  and  the  local  party 
work,  and  usually  also  a  clubhouse,  where  party  loyalty  ia 
cemented  over  cards  and  whiskey,  besides  a  certain  number  of 
local  "associations,"  called  after  prominent  local  politicians, 
who  are  expected  to  give  an  annual  picnic,  or  olh<  ■  kind  of 
treat,  to  their  retainers.  A  good  deal  of  social  life,  including 
dances  and  summer  outings,  goes  on  in  connection  with  these 
clubs.' 

Such  an  organization  as  this,  with  its  tentacles  touching 
every  point  in  a  vast  and  amorjihous  city,  is  evidently  a  most 
potent  force,  especially  as  this  force  is  concentrated  in  one 

'  Full  and  dcir  doscriptiotis  may  bo  found  in  Mr.  H.  C  Merwin's  article 
already  cited,  aud  iu  Mr.  Thompson's  fxxjk,  pp.  66  sqq. 


40() 


ILLISTUATIONS   AND   UKFLKCTIONS 


PART    V 


huiul  — that  of  the  Boss  of  tlu'  Hull.  Hi-  i.s  prmtioally  uuto- 
(•ratif  ;  ami  uiuUt  him  Xhvav  thousands  of  ofhi-ors,  controllinK 
probably  lu-urly  2U0,U0U  votes,  laovf  with  the  precision  of  u 
machiao.'  Howcvir,  it  has  been  not  only  in  this  nu'chunisni, 
■.vhich  may  be  called  a  legitimate  method  of  reaching  the  voters, 
that  the  strength  of  Tammany  ha<  lain.  Its  control  of  the  city 
government  gave  it  (-ndless  opiM)rtunities  of  helping  its  friends, 
of  worrying  its  oppom'nts,  and  of  enslaving  the  li(iuor-(h'alers. 
Their  licen.ses  were  at  its  mercy,  for  the  police  could  proceed 
against  or  wink  at  breaches  of  the  law,  according  to  the  amount 
of  loyalty  the  saloon-keeper  shows  to  th"  Hall.  From  the 
contributions  of  the  li(iuor  interest  a  considerable  revenue 
was  raised  ;  more  was  obtained  by  as.sessing  ofiice-holders,  down 
to  the  very  small  ones  ;  anil,  perliaps,  most  of  all  by  blackmail- 
ing wealthy  men  and  corporations,  who  ft)und  that  the  city  au- 
thorities have  so  many  opportunities  of  interfering  vexatiously 
with  their  business  that  they  jjri'ferreil  to  buy  them  off  and  live 
in  peace.-  The  worst  form  of  this  extortion  was  the  actual 
complicity  with  criminals  which  consists  in  sharing  the  profits 
of  crime.  A  fruitful  source  of  revenue,  roughly  estimated  at 
!$1, 000,000  a  year  has  been  derived,  when  the  party  was  supreme 
at  Albany,  from  legislative  blackmailing  in  the  legislature,  or, 
rather,  from  undertaking  to  protect  the  great  corporations  from 
the  numerous  "strikers,"  who  threaten  them  there  with  bills. 
A  case  has  been  mentioned  in  which  as  much  as  $60,000  was  de- 
manded from  a  great  company ;  and  the  president  of  another 
is  reported  to  havi'  said  (18!Ki)  :  "Formerly  we  had  to  keep  a 
man  at  xVlbany  to  buy  off  the  '  strikers'  one  by  one.  This  year 
we  simply  paid  over  a  lump  sum  to  the  Ring,  and  they  looked 
after  our  interests."  But  of  all  their  engines  of  power  none 
was  so  elastic  as  their  command  of  the  administration  of  criminal 
justice.  The  mayor  appointed  the  police  justices,  now  called 
city  magistrates,  usually  selecting  them  from  certain  Tammany 
workers,  sometimes  from  the  criminal  class,  not  often  from  the 
legal  profession.     These  justices  were  often  Tammany  leaders 


•  The  hinhost  tot;il  vot(>  ovor  oast  in  New  York  was  285,000  (in  1892).  In 
the  city  ch^ctinii  <.f  1K<«)  T:i!nnia!iy  |«!Uo..i  l!f>.{KK)  votes:  out  of  216.000  cast 
in  1H92  the  Tammany  candidate  for  mayor  had  17.S.000,  there  l>cinK,  however, 
no  other  Democratic  candidate. 

2  An  InvestiKatinit  C'oininittee  of  tlii'  New  York  State  Senate  east  a  scorchinK 
light  on  this  so-tailed  "Police  Protective  Tariff,"  as  to  which  sec  also  an  article 
iu  the  Forum  for  August,  1804,  by  Mr.  J.  11.  Leavitt. 


r»M'.  i.wwiii     TAMMANY    IN    NKW    YORK   CITY 


4()t 


Said   a  (li.stiiijj;ui.siH'(l  publicist 


in  their   ns[M'ctivi'  district? 
of  those  (lays  ;  — 

"Tlif  |)i.li.-i'  .-.iptain  of  III,,  prc-iti.-l.  the  justice  of  the  iM)ii<-».  court, 
and  I  lie  (lisiri.l  Iciulcr  of  tin.  'ramriiany  oriratii/.utioii  an-  all  leinjiK'd 
to^,'ctll.■r  to  k.T|)  the  pour  iti  sulijc'iion  and  |)rc\ciii  the  rich  from  iritcr- 
fcHiiir.  'I'licir  iiiians  ,,(  aimoyaiicc  I'or  a  |Mior  man  arc  ciullcss.  Thcv 
criii  arr.'st  hiiii  on  -.mall  prclciuM's.  prevent  I'is  trd  i  itii;  emphtyment  froiii 
the  ciiy.  oreiiy  eoni raeiors.  pur-^ne  him  for  allowini:  hi>uoo<is  to  remain 
on  (he  si.lewalk,  aii<l  for  not  eleaninj;  olf  the  sriow  prompllv.  tux  him 
heuMly.  or  let  him  iro  free.  All  these  means  of  persecution  are  fri'dy  re- 
sorted to.  so  that  the  poor,  and  opeeially  the  foreign  poor,  are  really  us 
mu<-h  m  sul>je,-iion  to  Tammany  as  the  lii'liaiir-  to  the  Camorra.  The 
source  of  It  all  is  the   -hara.-ter  of  the  mayor,      lie  appoints  the  |W)lict< 

commissioners,  and  tl lunmissioners  .-ippoiut  the  captains,  and  he  a|)- 

pomls  the  polic...jii>iices  also,  and  is  r.'sponsil.le  for  their  (piulit.v. 
When  theai-i  under  which  the  present  justices  act  was  under  considera- 
tion in  the  legislature,  the  id-oviso  that  all  ap|)oin<ees  should  he  luwyers 
of  a  certain  ..landini;  at  tii<.  Ii.ir  uas  stricken  out.  so  that  the  muvorhas 
a  completely  fr,  e  hatiil  in  s..|eciioii.  and  the  result  is  that  most  (if  those 
appointed  re.Mitly  under  tli..  Tammany  nVinif  are  old  Mouths,'  liquor- 
dealers.  t,'aml.lers.  or  simple  ad\<.|itureis.  who  ha\e  lived  from  the  uko 
of  twenty  liy  holdini;  small  ollices,  such  as  doorkeepers  or  clerks  of  the 
minor  city  courts. 

"Xow  there  is  in  the  moral  sphere  of  city  (,'ovorninent  nothing  so 
imi)orlaut  us  what  I  may  call  the  admitiistratiiui  of  petty  justice,  that  is, 
justice  ainonK  the  poor,  itrnorant.  and  friendless,  the  class  who'  cannot 
t)ay  lawyers  or  lind  l.ail.  and  especiall.v  that  very  lar^e  class  in  the  cities 
!  our  eastern  coast,  of  poor  forei!_'iiers  wlut  know  nothinj,'  of  our  laws 
.111(1  constitutions,  and  lo  whom  liie  police  maKist rate  or  the  police  cap- 
tain represent  the  whole  u:o\  trumeiit  of  the  country.  F(.deral.  .State,  and 

nuinicipal.  who  accept  uiihoiit  a  muniuir  any  sentei which  may  ho 

pronounc(.d  on  them,  or  any  denial  of  justice  which  may  overtake  them. 
They  t;et  all  their  iiolions  of  the  national  morality,  and  really  their  ear- 
liest political  trainin<j.  from  their  contact  with  tlit'seollicers  and  with  the 
district  "leader."  Ipoii  their  experience  with  thes(>  people  it  depends 
very  much  what  kind  of  citizens  they  will  he.'ome.  they  and  their  chil- 
dren after  them.  Well,  one  of  the  very  lirst  U.ssons  they  learn  is  that 
they  cm  have  no  staiidinir  in  court  unless  they  are  memhers  of  the 
Tammany  Society,  or  as  simple  voters  they  have  a  'pull.'  that  is,  some 
sort  of  ()ccult  intlueiict.  with  the  maHfistrate.  In  default  of  this  their 
complaints  are  dismissed,  and  they  are  found  jruiliv  and  sent  up  to  'the 
Island,"  or  held  in  hail  which  they  cannot  procure,  or  in  some  manner 
worsted."  " 

With  Huch  sources  of  jxnver  it  i--;  not  <t!rprisins  that  Tain- 
many  Hall  should  iuive  coiniiuuuled  tlie  majority  of  the  lower 

'  Atlantic  Miiiillihi.  iit  siiimi. 

'Mr.  K.  L.  (uxlkiii  in  Annals  o/  tin   Amir.  Anid.  uf  Polit.  Scimce  for  Mav 
1S91,  p.  17.  ■'• 

2d 


^ 


I 


.-h-| 

; '  I 
•pi 


403 


ILLUSTHATIONS  AND  RKFLKC'TIONH 


fAHT   V 


aiul  tin*  torciKH  nuisscs  of  \«'\v  ^■^^rk.  tlittiiuli  it  liiis  iicvor  b«H'n 
shown  ttt  hoUl  !in  iil)sohitr  niajurily  of  all  tin-  votcfH  of  thi*  city. 
Its  Uh-uI  rtir*'iiKll>  in  fairly  well  |»roportioiu'tl  to  the  clmrttctcr 
of  tlu*  local  |M»i)ulatioii  ;  aiul  though  there  urc  |)lcnty  of  iiativ« 
Anipricuns  aaionK  <•»'  rank  and  file  as  well  as  ainoiiK  the  leaders, 
still  it  has  heen  fron\  the  |)(M>rer  districts,  inhabited  hy  Jews, 
Irish,  (Jennans.  Italians,  Hohennaiis.  that  its  heaviest  vote 
ha8  conic'  These  iHH)r  ixHjph'  do  not  sui>|)ort  it  hecause  it  is 
vicious.  They  lik«'  i<  ">»d  think  it  a  hcmkI  tiling;  it  satis'' 
thoir  instincts  of  conihination  and  k<m»<1  fellowsliip ;  it  is  olt»-.i 
all  the  government  they  know.  .Mr.  Merwin  puts  the  attitiuhi 
of  the  better  sort  of  Tammany  adherents,  and  particularly  of  the 
native  American,  when  lie  writes,    - 

"The  Tammany  man  <iisiik»'s  iind  «lt>si)is«>s  the  Anglomania  of  what 
is  calltMl  'society'  in  New  York  ;  lie  distrusts  the  iwopie  wliii  (•(mi|M)so 
'society"  and  U'lieves  tiieni  at  heart  out  of  sympathy  witii  American 
principles,  wherea.s  Ta'.nmany  in  his  view  is  a  concrete  protest  against 
monarchy  and  nionan-hical  arranKenuiils  of  society,  lie  considers  that 
Tammany  is,  on  tno  whole,  a  (jimmI  ImkIv,  that  it  kIvcs  New  York  a  rrood 
Kovernment,  that  it  stands  for  what  is  manly  I  patriotic.  It  troublt  n 
him  somewhat  that  a  few  of  th{>  leaders  an'  saic.  to  Ih-  ac»|nirinn  ill-j{otten 
i^ains ;  and  if  the  scandal  increases  he  will  overthrow  those  leaders  and 
appoint  others  in  their  st»'ad.  Nh-anwhile  'rarnniaiiy  is  his  |)arty,  his 
church,  his  eluh,  his  totem.  To  he  loyal  to  somethinc  is  almost  i>  ri"  s- 
sity  of  all  incorrupt  natures,  and  esju-cially  of  the  Celtic  nature.  I'iic 
Tammany  man  is  loyal  to  Tammany. 

"In  truth  there  is  very  little  in  New  York  to  suRRcst  any  higher  ideal. 
What  kind  of  a  s|)ectaele  does  tiio  city  present  to  a  man  witrkintf  his  way 
up  frtmi  poverty  to  wealth,  —to  one,  for  instance,  who  lieKan  as  a 
'  tough, '  and  ends  as  a  capitalist '.'  The  upper  class  at  least  the  richer 
class,  the  class  chiefly  talked  at)out  in  the  pajiers  -  is,  with  exceptions, 
of  course,  given  over  to  material  luxury  and  to  ostentation.  It  is  with- 
out high  aims,  without  sympathy,  without  civic  pride  or  feeling.  It 
has  not  even  the  personal  dignity  of  a  n>al  aristocracy.  Its  sense  of 
honour  is  very  crude.  And  as  this  class  is  devoted  to  the  selfish  spend- 
ing, so  the  business  class  is  devoted  to  the  remorseless  getting,  of 
money."  ' 

To  this  description  of  the  attitude  of  the  Tammany  rank  and 
file  it  may  be  added  that,  as  few  of  tlioin  pay  any  direct  taxes, 
they  have  no  sense  of  the  iniportance  of  economy  in  admin- 
istration.    True  it  is  that  they  ultimately  pay,  through  their 

'  \n  instructive  cxaniiiiatinn  of  tho  vote  l).v  districts  which  brings  this  reC'Ut- 
deariy  out  is  (tiven  t>y  Mr.  Thompson,  pp.  79-91. 
>  AUurUic  Monthly,  ut  supra. 


riiAP.  i.xxxviii     TAMMANY   IN"  NKW   YOUK  CITY 


4(13 


.wnt  iukI  othcrwis*',  •"m-  whatever  hurdcus  are  laid  «)ii  tlie  city. 
liijt  they  lift  not  perceive  litis.  and  as  tlie  lawyers  say,  l)e 
nun  apfMircitlilius  ,1  non  c.rixltnh'ous  aii/cni  cxI  nitii).  'I'lu*  j((»v- 
erruiierit  of  the  rich  l.y  the  iiiaiiipiiiatioii  of  the  votes  of  t)ie  poor 
is  a  new  phenonieniMi  in  the  world  ;  and  where  tlie  rich  have 
little  contact  \\\\\\  tiie  poor,  !tnd  the  |)oor  little  res|)ect  for 
the  rich,  ha|)py  results  can  hardly  he  ex|M'cte(l.  Apart  fronj 
the  ahuse  of  the  minor  criminal  justice,  apart  from  the  hlack- 
inailinK  of  innocent  men  ;is  well  us  of  ofTenders,  apart  from 
the  impunity  which  the  payment  of  hlacknmil  secures  to  some 
fonns  of  vice,'  apart  fron»  such  lapses  frc^n  virtue  as  that  of  the 
ahh-rmen  who  sold  the  rijrlit  of  laying  a  railroad  in  Hroadway, 

—  twenty-two  out  of  the  twenty-four  w»Te  indicted  for  hrihery, 

—  the  actual  administration  of  the  city  injured  and  oflended 
the  ordinary  citizen  h'ss  than  niifiht  have  heen  expected.  The 
|M)lice  force,  often  as  they  were  made  the  (Migine  of  extortion  or 
the  accomplice  in  vic(>,  are  an  ellicient  force,  though  harsh  in 
their  methods,  and  they  keep  life  and  property  secure.-  The 
fire  department  is  well  manaRcd  ;  the  water  supply  is  copiou.s  ; 
the  puhlic  sch(«)ls  have  l«een  usually,  tJiouKh  not  invariahly, 
"kept  out  of  pontics."  If  the  government  has  been  wasteful  in 
details,  it  was  seldom  conspicuously  cxtravanant  :  and  the  rulers 
who  Krcw  rich  through  it  have  done  .so  by  indirect  methods,  and 
not  out  of  the  city  treasury.  Sc;mdals  lik<'  ^^  <),<{.-  of  Tweed'.s 
time  have  not  recurred.  The  city  deht  was  reduced  between 
187n  and  18«)4  to  Si(U,(KM),(KK),  tliou^h  it  must  he  added  that 
the  swift  increase  of  the  wealth  of  the  city  enabled  a  rate  of 
taxation  moderate  for  the  I'nited  States  (.sl.S.")  to  $1.79  on  the 
valuation  of  property)  to  produce  an  immense  revenue.^  Con- 
sich'rinK  what  b\'  orinin,  by  trainitifi,  by  environment,  and  by 
tastes  and  habits,  are  the  persons  who  rule  the  city  through 

'  Circat  credit  i-<  due  to  ;i  .  oiirMiii'inis  (•liTc,\iniiri  who  at  soiin'  pcrsoriMl  risk 
Kiiocccdfd  ill  cxpiisint.'  ttiis  Mystcrn.  and  liilpcd  tlicrdiy  to  dhtaiii  tlic  apijoint- 
liiciit  of  t!ir  Iii\  I'stivMt'iii:  ( 'niiiiiutti'i-. 

'  The  .•Senate  Coniiiiittee  elicited  the  fact  —  alrcr'dy  indeed  suspected  —  tluif 
an  applicant  for  enii)l<),\iniiit  in  the  police  must  pay  for  ap[Miiutrnent.  arid 
an  officer  nuist  contrilmte  a  lar«e  siini  cither  to  the  I{in«  or  to  the  J'oliee  C'om- 
inissioners  for  promotion.  The  N'ew  ^'ork  police  an-  .i  lira\('  and  active  forrp. 
hilt  long  custom  is  sanl  to  havi'  made  thi'  overlookinir  breaches  of  the  law  '.^.  a 
consideration  seem  to  them  a  venial  fault. 

■'"The  increase  in  thi'  asses.-.d  \  :ihi:iti(iii  of  propirty  (real  and  personal) 
in  New  York  City  is  .iiiniiillv  ahout  sTO.fHIDiHMl ;  mid  in  IVI.i  reached  the  un- 
I)reppdpnted  sum  of  810."). l',-)4, :.'.■,:{."  —  cHn  llncernmcnt  in  the  I'.S.,  by  Mr. 
Alfred  R.  ConkliuK,  New  York,  1894. 


404 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  IIKFLKCTIONS 


PART    V 


V 


m 


'i  ■ 


Tammany  —  considering  the  criminal  clement  anions  them 
and  their  close  association  with  tlie  hciuor  saloons,  it  may  excite 
surprise  that  the  Koveriunent,  corrupt  as  it  has  been,  was  not 
also  more  wasteful.' 

Those  who  have  Krii«P<'<l  the  singular  condition  of  New  York 
and  its  population,  will  find  it  less  surprising  that  tliis  gov- 
ermnent  should  have  proved  its(>lf  so  hard  to  overthrow.  In 
1890  a  gr  at  elTort  to  overthrow  it  was  made.  A  section  of 
the  Democrats  leagued  itself  with  t'le  Hepuhlicans  to  hriufj; 
out  what  was  unch'rstood  to  he  "a  joint  ticket."  while  the  Inde- 
pinticnt  Reformers  Messed  the  alliance,  and  endorsed  its  candi- 
■  lates.=    Success  had  been  li(»p«'d  for  ;   but  Tammany  routed  its 

Iversaries  by  2:?,(M)0  votes.  It  turned  out  that  about  'M),{M) 
ii,>publicans  had  not  voted,  — some  because  their  bosses,  secretly 
friendly  to  Tanunany,  did  not  canvass  them,  some  becaus(>  they 
did  not  care  to  vote  for  anythiiifj;  l)ut  a  Hi'i)ublican  ticket, 
some  out  of  sheer  inditTercMice  and  laziness.  This  provt>d  that 
strongly  entn^nched  as  Tanunany  is,  Tammany  could  be  over- 
thrown if  the  "good  citizens"  »vere  to  combine  for  nunticipMl  re- 
form, sett  iiifj;  aside  for  local  purposes  tliose  distinctionsof  luttional 
party  which  liave  nothiu}:;  to  do  with  city  issues.  The  rulers  of 
"  the  wigwam."  as  Tammany  is  affectionately  called,  do  not  care 
for  national  politics,  except  as  a  market  in  which  the  vote 
they  control  may  be  sold.  Thtit  the  citizens  of  New  York 
should  contuuie  to  rivet  op  their  necks  the  yoke  of  a  club  which 
is  -'most  as  nuich  a  business  concern  as  one  of  their  own  dry- 
goods  stores,  by  (UvicUng  forces  which,  if  united,  would  break 
the  tyranny  that  has  lasted  for  two  generations  tliis  indeed 
seems  strange,  yi>t  ])erhaps  no  stranger  than  other  instances  oi 
the  ])ower  of  habit,  of  laziness,  of  names  and  party  s|)irit.  In 
1804,  Tanunany  was  defeated,  and  the  imi)roved  government 
that  for  some  years  followed  made  the  "better  dement"  see 
more  clearly  what  they  might  gain  by  reform.     Victory  cnnie  al 

1  ••  rhc  cilv   is  uovcriiiMl  t.wlav  liv  tlir r  fdiir  imii  "f  f.iiviL'ii  l>irtli  who 

arc  vcrv  illit.Tatr,  nvr  .spruh^  fn.ni  tl'  •  dn^s  „f  tl..'  f.i.vi«n  |M,,.ul;,t.n.,,  I.mv.- 
lu-v.-r  pursued  mhv  rr«„lar  I'allinit.  wcr.^  .■ntir.'ly  ui.ktmwi.  U>  the  1-Mlk  of  tl.r 
rosidctits  omIv  five  vrars  auu.  and  now  s<l  tlu-  critui-nis  of  ihr  iiit.lli;;rnt  aii.l 
cduoatcl  classes  at  dcfiaii. -■.'    -  A>nHil.-<  -/  Ihr  -Im.r.  .1cm/.,  iit  .■>iii,rii. 

5H,.i„„  i„   \,.,v  York  •huii".'.  the  eh'itioii.   1  spent   some  hours  ui  watchiim 

the  votinK  in   ♦!»•  d.'iiselv   peop'l.'d   tei.e nt-liouse  districts  an<l   thus  can.e   1. 

realize  better  then  figures  can  .onvey  how  laritely  New  V.irk  is  a  Kuropcai 
rity,  Imt  a  Kuropc:.n  city  of  no  particuUu  country,  with  cleniciiis  of  muoranc 
auil  8(]uah)r  from  all  of  thcni. 


vu.\\\  i.xxxviii     TAMMANY    IN    NKW    YORK   CITY 


40.1 


liist  in  11H)2,  l)_\  wliicli  time  ( Ircutcr  New  ^'ork,  consisting  of  four 
l)on)Uj;lis  aildcd  lo  flic  old  <'ity,  liad  conic  into  bcinjj;  under  the 
new  cliartcr.  In  the  two  succccdinfj;  elections  candidates  for  the 
mayoralty  sup])orted  by  Tansn  I'.v  were  successful ;  hut  these 
elections  are  too  near  tli"  iiic  a'  '\!il,}i  I  write  to  he  proper 
su])jects  for  discussion  lien  SiifFlic  ii  t(>  say  that  the  Mayors 
between  1902  and  \\)\',i  v..  >  m:-  'iiy  n  nuch  purer  and  more 
efficient  i'dministration  tli;.::  '  h;i'l  cti.i'j.xed  Ik'Ti.;-",  and  that 
in  191)?  a  si)lit  in  tlu'  i)arty  due  to  a  (juarrel  between  tlie  lioss 
and  the  (iovernor  of  the  State  broiiiilil  ujx.n  Tammany  a 
crushinij;  disaster.  Altlumjih  there  are  (le]>artments  of  the 
government,  -ucli  as  the  i>olice  and  th(>  ])olice  ma<i;istrates, 
thai  may  --till  \>r  open  to  jirave  criticism,  the  sky  of  New  York 
was  in  l',)l  1  briiihter  th;ui  it  liad  been  for  n:any  years,  bright 
enoui!;h  to  encour:i^:e  Ihe  ho])r  that  the  clouds  which  remain 
will  ultimately  i)ass  away. 


CHAPITER  LXXXIX 


THE   PHILADELPHIA   GAS   RING 


f  : ; 


Philadelphia,  thougli  it  has  not  maintained  that  primacy 
among  American  cities  which  in  the  days  of  the  Revolution 
was  secured  to  it  by  its  population  and  its  central  position,  is 
still  one  of  the  greatest  cities  in  America,  with  a  population  of 
more  than  a  milhon.'  Though  the  element,  of  recent  immi- 
grants is  much  smaller  than  in  Xew  York  or  Boston  or  Chicago  - 
the  old  Quaker  character  has  died  out,  or  remains  i)erceptii)le 
only  in  a  certain  air  of  staid  respectability  which  marks  the  city 
as  compared  with  the  luxury  of  Xew  York  and  the  tumultuous 
rush  of  Chicago.  It  has  of  late;  years  been  strongly  Repul)li- 
can  in  its  pohtics,  partly  because  that  party  obtained  complete 
ascendency  during  the  war,  partly  becau  Pennsylvania  is  a 
Protectionist  State,  owing  to  her  manufacturing  industries,  and 
Philadelphia,  as  the  stronghold  of  protection,  is  attached  to 
the  party  which  upholds  those  (U)ctrines.  During  the  Civil 
War  the  best  citizens  were  busily  al)sorbed  in  its  great  issues, 
and  both  then  and  for  some  time  after  welcomed  all  the  help 
that  could  be  given  to  th(>ir  party  by  any  men  who  knew  how 
to  organize  the  voters  and  l)ring  them  up  to  the  polls  ;  while 
at  the  same  time  their  keen  interest  in  national  (luestions  made 
them  inattentive  to  municipal  affairs.  Accordingly,  the  local 
control  and  management  of  the  jiarty  fell  into  the  hands  of 
obscure  citizens,  men  who  had  their  own  ends  to  serve,  their 
own  fortunes  to  make,  but  who  were  valuable  to  the  party 
because  they  kept  it  in  power  through  Iheir  assiduous  work 
among  a  lower  class  of  voters.  These  local  headers  formed 
combinations  with  party  managers  in  the  State  legislature 
which  sits  at  llarrisburg,  the  capital  of  P(>nnsylvania,  anf" 
with  a  clique  managed  from  Washington  by  a  well-known  sen- 

<  In  lOlO  it  was  L.^t'.t.tMJS. 

'  Only  twenty-four  p(  i  rint  i)f  tlir  pcoiili'  of  l'hil.iil<lplii:i  arc  of  forcien  liirtii, 
whereas  in  Boston  the  perciiitatri'  is  tliirt,\ -livi'  and  in  Chicago  nearly  forty-two. 

4()« 


CHAP.  Lxxxix      THK  PHILADKLPHIA  GAS  RING 


407 


atorial  family,  wh  h  for  a  long  time  controlled  the  Pennsyl- 
vania vote  in  R('pul)lican  national  conventions  •  ; '  in  Congress. 
They  were  therefore  strongly  entrenched,  having  powerful 
allies,  both  in  State  politics  and  in  Federal  politics.  Since 
they  commanded  the  city  vote,  both  these  sets  of  politicians 
were  obliged  to  conciliate  them  ;  while  the  commercial  interests 
of  Philadeli)hia  in  the  maintenance  of  a  protective  taritY  have  for 
many  years  pressetl  so  strongly  on  the  minds  of  her  merchants 
and  manufacturers  as  to  make  them  unwilling  to  weaken  the 
Republican  party  in  either  State  or  city  by  any  quarrel  with 
those  who  swayeil  its  heavy  vote. 

Th(5  obscure  citizens  of  whom  I  have  spoken  had  begua  by 
acquiring  influence  in  the  primaries,  and  then  laid  their  hands 
on  the  mimjr,  ultimately  also  on  the  more  important,  city  offices. 
They  sometimes  placed  men  of  good  social  standing  in  the  higher 
posts,  but  filled  the  iiiferi(jr  ones,  which  were  very  numerous, 
with  their  own  creatures.  The  water  deijartment,  the  highway 
department,  the  tax  department,  tlie  city  treasurer's  department, 
the  county  commissioner's  office,  f(>Il  into  their  hands.  A  mayor 
appointed  by  them  filled  the  ])()lice  Avith  their  henchmen  tMl  it 
became  a  comj)letely  i)artisan  force.  But  the  centre  of  their 
power  was  the  ('.as  Trus: ,  administered  by  trustees,  one  of  whom, 
by  his  superior  activity  and  intelligence,  secured  the  command 
of  the  wh(jle  party  machinery,  and  reached  the  high  position  of 
recognized  Boss  of  i'Jiiladelphia.  This  gentleman,  Mr.  James 
M'Manes,  having  gaineil  influence  among  the  humbler  voters, 
was  appointed  one  of  the  Cas  Trustees,  and  soon  managed  to 
bring  the  whole  of  that  dej)artm(>nt  under  his  c  trol.  It 
employed  (I  was  told)  about  two  thousand  persons,  received 
large  sums,  and  gave  out  large  contracts.  Appointing  his  friends 
and  tlependants  to  the  chii^f  plac(>s  under  the  Trust,  and  requiring 
them  to  fill  the  ranks  of  its  ordinary  workmen  with  persons  on 
whom  they  could  rely,  the  Boss  acquired  the  control  of  a  con- 
>ideral)le  number  of  votes  and  of  a  large  annual  revenue.  He 
and  his  confederates  then  purchased  a  controlling  interest  in  the 
nrincipal  horse-car  (street  tramway)  company  of  the  city, 
whereby  they  became  mastiTs  of  a  large  numl)er  of  additional 
voters.  All  these  voters  w(>ro  of  course  I'xpectcfl  to  nci  .'is  "work- 
ers," i.e.  they  occupied  themselves  with  the  party  organization 
of  the  city.  th(\v  knew  the  meanc^st  streets  and  those  who  dwelt 
therein,  they  attendinl  and  swayed  the  primaries,  and  when  an 


t 


40S 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  HKFLFX'TIONS 


I'AIIT    < 


4 


oloption  cumr  round,  tlicy  canvassed  and  lnoujilit  up  the  voters. 
Thoir  powor.  thcroforc,  wont  tar  beyond  their  mere  voting 
strength,  for  a  huiuhvd  energetic  "woriiers"  mean  at  least  a 
thousand  votes.  With  so  much  strength  l)ehind  them,  tlie  (las 
Ring,  and  Mr.  M  Manes  at  its  head,  Ix'came  not  merely  indis- 
pensable to  th»>  Republican  party  in  the  city,  but  in  fact  its  chiefs, 
able  thereto.!'  to  dispo.se  of  the  votes  of  all  those  who  were  em- 
ployed jiermanently  or  temporarily  in  the  other  dei>artments  of 
the  city  government  -  a  number  which  one  hears  estimated  as 
high  as  twenty  thousand."  Nearly  all  th(>  nHuiicipa!  offices  were 
held  by  th(>ir  nominees.  They  commanded  a  majority  in  the 
Select  council  and  Common  council.  They  managed  the  nomi- 
nation of  members  of  the  State  legislature.  Kven  tlu>  Federal 
officials  in  the  custonv-house  and  post-office  were  forced  into  a 
dependent  alliance  with  them,  because  th(>ir  su|)port  was  so 
valuable  to  the  leaders  in  Federal  politics  that  it  had  to  be  pur- 
chased by  giving  them  th(Mr  way  in  city  affairs.  There  was  no 
getting  at  the  Trust,  because  'its  meetings  were  held  in  secret, 
its  published  annual  report  to  the  city  coimcils  was  confusc'd 
and  unintelligible,  and  (as  was  subsequently  proved)  actually 
falsified."-  Mr.  M'Manes  held  the  pay  rolls  und(>r  locfc  and 
key,  so  that  no  one  could  know  how  many  employees  there  were, 
and  it  was  open  to  him  to  increase  their  number  to  any  extent. 
The  city  councils  might  ind(>(>d  ask  for  information,  but  he  was 
careful  to  fill  the  city  councils  with  his  nominees,  and  to  keep 
them  in  good  humour  by  a  share  of  what(>ver  spoil  there  might  be, 
and  still  more  by  a  share  of  the  patronage^. 

'  The  l):\lli)t  (lid  nut  pn)t('ct  these  v()t(TS.  Prior  to  the  introduction  of  the 
Bo-ealli'd  "Australian"  ballot  in  IS'.ll  it  w:i.s  generally  possible  for  the  pre.siiinK 
elertion  oflieer  to  know  how  <>ach  man  voted. 

-See  lii  luirt  nf  tin  Cowinillir  <)/  Our  I/uiidrfil,  pu)ilished  Xov(>nihor,  ISSl. 
A  leadinc  citizen  of  Philadelphia,  from  whom  I  have  .soiijiht  an  explanation  of 
the  way  in  which  the  (las  Trust  h.id  managed  to  entrench  it.silf,  writer,  me  as 
follows:  "When  in  Is.'i.")  uas  was  first  introduced  in  Philadelphia,  it  was 
manufactured  by  a  private  company,  but  the  city  reserved  the  rijjht  to  buy 
out  the  stockholders.  When  this  was  done,  in  iNtl.  with  the  object  of  koepiuL' 
the  works  'out  of  politics.'  the  control  wus  vested  in  a  board  of  twelve,  each 
serving  for  three  years.  These  were  constituted  trustees  of  the  loans  i.ssued 
for  die  construction  and  enlarcement  of  the  works.  Their  appointment  was 
lodK'""!  in  the  hands  of  the  city  councils  :  but  when,  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
tho  councils  endeavounvl  to  obtain  control  of  the  work-,  the  courts  were  ap- 
poalod  to,  and  decided  that  the  board,  .is  trustees  for  tlie  bondholders,  could 
not  be  interfered  with  until  tlie  last  c)f  the  bonds  issued  undc-r  this  arranRemeiit 
had  matured  and  had  been  p.iid  off.  Thirt.v-.vear  loans  under  these  conditions 
were  issued  until  IS.i.'i,  so  that  it  was  not  until  ISS.')  that  the  city  was  able  td 
bn>ak  within  the  charineil  circle  of  tin'  Trust." 


CHAP.  I  . XXIX      THK   PIMLADKLl'lIlA   CAS   HINCl 


409 


That  so  vast  and  solid  an  edifice  of  pover,  revering  the  whole 
of  n  great  eity,  should  l)(>  based  on  the  control  of  a  single  depart- 
ment Uke  the  (!as  Trust  may  (>xcite  surprise.  Hut  it  nnist  ))(> 
remembered  that  when  a  numbir  of  small  factions  combine  to 
rule  a  party,  that  faction  which  is  a  little  larger,  or  better 
organized,  or  Ix'tter  j)rovidc(I  with  funds,  than  the  others,  obtains 
the  first  i)lace  among  them,  and  may  ki-ep  it  so  long  as  it  gives 
to  the  rest  a  fair  share  of  the  booty,  and  directs  the  .olicy  of  the 
confederates  with  firnniess  and  skill.  P(>rsonal  capacity,  cour- 
age, resolution,  foresight,  the  judicious  prefireiue  of  the  sub- 
stance of  i)o\ver  to  its  display,  are  qualities  whose  union  in  one 
l)rain  is  .so  unconunon  in  any  group  of  m(>n  that  their  posses.sor 
acquires  an  ascendency  Avhich  lasts  until  he  provokes  a  revolt 
l)y  oppression,  or  is  seen  to  lie  leading  his  ])arty  astray.  And 
by  the  achnission  even  of  his  emniiis,  Mr.  M'Manes  j)osse.ssed 
these  (lualities.  His  origin  was  humble,  his  education  scanty, 
but  he  atoned  for  these  deficiencies  by  tact  and  knowledge'  of  the 
world,  with  a  quietly  decorous  demeanour  veiling  an  imperious 
will.  He  knew  how  to  rule  withoiit  challenging  opposition  by 
the  obtrusion  of  his  own  jjersonality,  nor  does  he  seem  to  have 
used  his  powcT  to  plunder  the  city  for  his  owi\  behoof.  The  merit 
of  the  system  was  that  it  ])erpetuated  itself,  and  in  fact  grew 
stronger  the  longer  it  stood.  \\'henever  ;ui  election  was  in 
prospect  tiie  ward  primaries  of  the  Rc-publican  party  were 
thronged  by  the  officers  and  woik)>eople  of  the  (las  Trust  and 
other  city  (iepartments,  who  secure(t  the  choice  of  such  delegates 
as  the  King  had  iireviously  selected  in  secret  conclav(>.  Some- 
times, especially  in  the  wards  inhabited  by  the  l=vtler  sort  of 
citizens,  this  "ofhcial  list"  of  delegates  was  resisted  by  inde- 
pendent men  Ix^longing  to  the  Republican  i)arty  :  but  as  the 
chairman  was  always  in  the  interest  of  the  Rii'U',  1h>  rarely  failed 
so  to  j()ck(\v  these  Indeix'ndents  that  (>ven  if  tlie\  hai)pened  to 
have  the  majority  i)resent,  they  could  not  carry  their  candidates. 
Of  course  it  seldom  hai)pene(l  that  they  could  bring  a  n\ajority 
with  them,  while  argument  would  have  Iteeii  wasted  on  the 
crowd  of  employees  and  their  friends  witii  which  tlie  n.em  was 
filled,  and  who  were  bound,  some  by  tiie  tenun>  of  their  office, 
others  by  the  hope  of  getting  office  or  work,  to  execute  the  behests 
of  their  political  masters.  The  delegates  chosen  were  usually 
office-holders,  with  a  sprinkling  of  i)ui>lic  works  contractors. 
iKpior-dealers.  ahv.ays  a  i)otent  factor  in  ward  politics,  and  office 


410 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


!'■ 


expcctant-s.  For  instance,  the  Convention  of  13th  January, 
1881,  for  nominating  a  euniliclute  for  mayor,  consisted  of  199 
delegates,  8(3  of  wJioni  were  cotinected  witli  some  branch  of  the 
city  government,  9  were  members  of  tlie  city  councils,  5  were 
police  magistrates,  4  constables,  and  2.']  policemen,  while  of  tlie 
rest  some  were  employed  in  some  other  city  department,  and 
some  others  were  the  known  associates  and  depenilants  of  the 
Ring.  These  delegates,  assembletl  in  convention  of  the  party, 
duly  went  through  the  farce  of  selecting  and  voting  for  persons 
already  tlet(  rmincd  on  by  the  Ring  as  candidates  for  the  chief 
offices.  The  ixTsons  .so  selectt'd  thereby  l>ecame  the  authorized 
candidates  of  the  party,  fcM-  .vliom  every  godd  j)arty  man  was 
expected  to  give  his  vote.  Disgiisti^I  he  might  hv  to  find  a  per- 
son unknown,  or  known  only  for  evil,  jx-rhaps  a  fraudulent  bank- 
rupt, or  a  l)roken-down  bar  keeper,  proposed  fr>r  his  accej)tance. 
But  as  his  only  alternative  was  to  vote  fo.-  the  Dcjuocratic 
nominee,  who  was  probably  no  l)etter,  he  stibmitt(-d,  and  thus 
luc  party  was  forced  to  ratify  the  choic(>  of  the  Boss.  The  pos- 
session of  the  great  city  offices  gave  the  members  of  the  Ring  the 
means  not  only  of  making  their  own  fortunes,  but  of  junassing  a 
large  reserve  fund  to  be  used  for  "campaign  purposes."  Many 
of  these  offices  were  paid  by  fees  and  not  l)y  salary.  Five  officers 
were  at  one  time  in  the  receipt  of  an  aggregate  of  $223,000,  or 
an  average  t)f  $-14,(>00  each.  One,  the  collector  of  delinquent 
taxes,  received  nearly  §200,000  a  year  Many  others  had  the 
opportunity,  by  giving  out  contrac  ts  for  ])ul)lic  works  on  which 
they  received  large  conunissions,  of  enricliing  themselves  almost 
without  limit,  becaii  \'  there  was  practically  no  investigation  of 
their  accounts.'  The  individual  official  was  of  course  recjuiretl 
to  contribute  to  the  secret  party  funds  in  proportion  to  his  in- 
come, and  while  he  paid  in  thousands  of  dollars  from  his  va.st 
private  gains,  assessments  were  levied  on  the  minor  emj)loyees 
doA\Ti  to  the  very  j)olicemen.  On  one  occasion  each  member  of 
the  police  force  was  required  to  pny  -?2o,  and  some  afterwards 
a  further  tax  of  §10,  for  i)arty  purposes.  Any  oiu>  who  ref"sed, 
and  much  more,  of  course,  any  one  who  asserted  his  right  to 
vote  as  he  pleas(>d,  was  promptly  dismissed.     The  funil  was 

'  In  the  suit  suhsrqurntly  instituted  ac;iin»t  tlic  n:i>  Iiu.--l(in,  it  w;im  siiowii 
that  in  .six  years  the  trust  iiad  in  <';isli  losses,  iilcnal  tr.insactious,  and  niaiiu- 
faeturin)«  losse.s  duo  to  corrupt  iiiananciiiciit,  involved  the  city  in  an  expense 
of  three  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars.  Tlnse  weri'  the  fieurcs  so  far  as  a.seer- 
tained  in  NovobiImt,  IhM.  —  Hiimrt  of  the  Coiniuithc  uj  One  Hundred,  p.  ii. 


ruAP.  lAxxix    THK   PHILADKLPIHA  CAS   RINO 


411 


spout  in  what  is  called  "fixiiij?  things  up,"  in  canvussiuff,  in 
petty  i)ril)('iy,  in  kccpiu}?  har-ruonis  open  and  supplying  drink 
to  the  workers  wiuj  resort  thither,  and,  at  election  times,  in 
hringiiifj;  in  armies  of  professional  personators  and  repeaters 
from  Washington,  Haltimore.  and  other  neighbouring  cities,  to 
swell  the  vote  for  the  Ring  nominees.  These  men.  some  of  tliem, 
it  is  said,  criminals,  others  -crvants  in  the  govenmient  dei)art- 
ments  in  the  national  capital,  could,  of  course,  have  effected  little 
if  the  election  ofhciuls  and  the  ))olice  had  looked  sharply  after 
lliem.  Hut  those  who  presided  at  the  voting  places  were  mostly 
in  the  plot,  heing  Ring  men  and  largely  city  employees,  while  the 
police  —  and  herein  not  le.ss  th;in  in  their  voting  power  lies  the 
value  of  a  partisan  i)olice  had  instructions  not  to  interfere 
with  the  s1rang(>rs,  hut  to  allow  them  to  vote  as  often  as  they 
pleased,  while  hustling  away  keen-eyed  opponents.' 

This  kind  of  electioneering  is  costly,  for  secrecy  must  he 
well  paid  for,  and  in  other  ways  also  the  Ring  was  ohliged  to 
spend  heavily.  Regarding  each  municipal  department  chiefiy 
as  a  means  of  accunnilating  suhservient  electors,  it  was  always 
tempted  to  "create  new  voting-stock"  (to  use  the  technical 
exi)ression),  i.e.  to  ap])oint  additional  emi)loyees.  This  meant 
additional  salaries,  so  the  taxi)ayers  had  the  satisfaction  of 
knowing  that  the  .<ums  they  i)aid  went  to  rivet  on  their  necks 
the  yoke  of  the  hosses,  just  as  a  ( Jreek  tyrant  exacted  from  the 
citizens  money  to  hire  the  mercenaries  who  garrisoned  the 
Acropolis.  ,\nd  there  was  of  course  a  vast  deal  of  peculation 
in  nearly  all  the  departin(nits  :  hecause  clerks  who  had  it  in 
their  power  to  disclo-e  ilamiigiiig  secret-  KmI  little  to  fear, 
either  from  a  su]i(>rior  or  from  the  <'ouncilm(>n  who  had  pntcured 
their  appointment.  Thus  the  deht  of  the  city  swelled  rapidly. 
In  1800  it  stood  .-it  ahout  SL'O.OOO.OOO  ( l'4.(KM),(M)0).  In  1881 
it  had  reached  .'^TO.OOO.OOO  (  L'l  l.()(M).()()()).  Taxation  rose  in 
proportion,  till  in  ISSl  it  amounted  to  hetween  one-fourth  and 
one-third  of  the  net  income  from  the  projx'rty  on  which  it  was 
assessed,  although  that  i)roperty  was  rated  at  nearly  its  full 
value.-'     Yet  withal,  the  c-ity  was  hi'dly  ])ave(l.  badly  cleansed, 

•  A  policciiiMii  is  liy  i:\\v  f.irWiililcii  to  a!>()r<):i(li  within  tliirty  feet  of  tlio 
voter.  \\  ho  was  to  see  that  llir  law  was  oliscrvcd  'vlicn  the  guardians  of  the 
law  hroko  it  :  acinnliiin  to  the  piovcrh.  If  water  ihokcs,  what  i.s  one  to  drink 
next  ? 

2  I  take  these  facts  fiotii  an  interestimr  paper  on  the  Farw  of  Municipal  Gov- 
ernmtnt  fur  I'hUaJitpkia,  hy  Mr.  John  < '.  liullitt,  Philadelphia.  1882. 


412 


ILLl'STRATIONS  AND   K K F !.!•:( "T IONS 


I'AHT    \ 


l)!ully  sup|)lic(l  with  kus  ((ov  which  :i  lii^li  price  was  charKcil) 
imd  witli  water.'  That  sucli  a  Iturdeii  shoiilil  have  Ix-eii  borne, 
with  so  little  to  show  for  it,  was  all  the  iiiore  surprising,  because 
in  Philadelphia  there  was  at  that  time  a  larper  number  of  well- 
to-do  workinj^-people,  owning  the  houses  tlu'V  live  in,  than  in 
any  other  cily  of  the  rnion.-  It  mij^ht  have  been  expected, 
therefore,  that  since  the  evils  of  heavy  raliufi;  and  bad  adminis- 
tration i)ressed  directly  on  an  unusually  lar^e  number  of  electors, 
the  discontent  would  have  been  universal,  the  demand  for  re- 
form overwhelming.' 

Hut  how  was  reform  to  be  effect  ed  ?  Three  methods  i)re.sented 
themselves.  One  was  to  proceed  against  the  das  Trustees  and 
other  peculators  in  the  courts  of  the  State.  Hut  to  make  out  a 
case,  the  facts  must  first  be  ascertained,  the  accounts  examined. 
Now  the  city  departments  did  not  i)ul)lish  all  their  accounts,  or 
published  tliem  in  a  misleading  :iiid  incomplete  form.  The 
powers  which  should  havo  scrutinized  them  and  compelled  a 
fuller  disclosure,  were  vested  in  the  councils  of  the  city,  acting 
by  their  .standing  committees.  Hut  these  councils  wer(>  mainly 
composed  of  meml)ers  or  nominees  of  the  King,  who  had  a  direct 
interest  in  suppressing  in(|uirv,  l)ecause  they  either  shared  the 
profits  of  dishonesty,  or  liad  placed  their  own  relatives  and  friends 
in  municipal  employment  l)y  bargains  with  the  peculating  heads 
of  departments.  Th(>y  therefore  refused  to  move,  and  voted 
down  the  proposals  for  investigation  mad(>  by  a  few  of  their 
more  public-spirited  col'eagues.' 

Another  method  was  to  turn  out  tlie  corrupt  officials  at  the 


1  .'^(>c  ('hiipKT  LI.,  p.  (>40.  of  Vol.  I. 

2  There  were  in  I'liilailelphia  in  Issfi.  <t(),(MK)  IndividiKil  owners  of  roal  estate, 
coiistitutiiii;  more  tliaii  a  iiiajorily  of  all  the  votes  e\  er  ca.'it  in  an  election. 

'  During  a  eon.siderable  part  of  the  time  the  enormous  annual  I'xpenditurc' 
for  "city  improvement.^"  was  defraxi'il  out  of  fresh  loans,  so  the  citizens  did 
not  realize  the  liunlen  that  was  Ix'ini:  laid  on  them. 

'A  friend  in  I'hiladelpliia  writes  ine  :  "  It  minht  he  thounht  that  tlie  power 
of  election  vi'Sted  in  the  couin'ils  would  en.ible  the  latter  to  control  the  trustees, 
hut  when  'polities'  invaded  the  trust,  a  vicious  circle  speedily  e.stahlished 
itself,  and  the  trust  controlled  tlie  counc-ils.  Its  enormous  pay-roll  enal)led  it 
to  eniplo.\-  numerous  'workers'  in  each  of  t\u-  OOO  oi  700  election  divisions  of 
the  city,  and  aspirants  for  seats  in  the  inuncils  found  it  almost  impossihle  to 
obtain  either  iioniinafiDU  or  clcctioti  without  the  favour  of  th"  trust.  '!"i--i-! 
the  r'ouncils  hecame  filled  with  its  henchmen  or  'heelers.'  suhmissive  to  its 
hiddiim,  not  only  in  the  selection  of  trustees  to  fill  the  four  yearly  vacancies, 
hut  in  every  detail  of  ( it v  «overimii'nt  with  which  the  leader.s  of  the  trust  de- 
sired to  interfere.  It  is  easy  to  uiiderstaud  the  cnoriiious  possibilities  of  powel 
created  by  such  a  position." 


CHAP.  Lxxxix      TUK   I'HILADKLIMIIA   CAS  KINO 


413 


next  election.  The  Amcncan  system  of  >liort  terms  iind  popular 
elections  w;is  orij^iiuilly  due  to  ;i  dislnist  of  the  officiiils,  utul 
expressly  desij^iied  to  en;il)le  the  people  to  reciiil  niisused  jMAver.s. 
The  a-stuteiiess  of  professional  j)oliticians  had,  however,  made  it 
unuvailal)le.  (iood  citizens  could  not  hope  to  carry  candidates 
of  their  own  as:i  ist  the  tainteil  nominees  of  the  Hing,  lit'cause 
the  latter  having  the  "strai^lit  "  or  "regular"  j)arty  nominations 
would  conunand  the  vote  of  the  great  mass  of  ordinary  party 
men,  so  that  the  oidy  effecl  of  voting  against  them  would  at  liest 
be  to  let  in  the  candidates  of  the  oi)posite,  i.e.  the  Democratic, 
party.  Those  candidates  were  usually  no  lietter  than  the 
Republican  Hiiig  nominees,  m»  where  was  the  gain?  .\nd  the 
.sanu'  reason,  joined  t()  party  hostility,  forbade  good  Hepublicans 
to  vott>  for  Democratic  candidates.  The  Democrats,  to  be  sure, 
might  have  taken  advantage  of  Republican  discontent  l>y  nomi- 
nating really  good  men,  who  would  in  that  ca.se  have  been  carried 
b.v  the  adcUtioa  of  the  Republican  "bolting"  vote  to  the  regular 
Democratic  vote.  Hut  tlie  Democratic  wire-pullers,  being 
mostly  men  of  the  same  stamp  as  the  ( ias  Ring,  did  not  seek  a 
temponiry  gain  at  the  expense  (if  a  jiermanent  (Usjiaragement  of 
their  own  class.  Political  principles  are  the  last  thing  which  tlie 
professional  city  jjolitician  cares  for.  It  was  better  worth  the 
whih'  of  the  Democratic  chiefs  to  wait  for  their  turn,  and  in  the 
meantime  to  get  something  out  of  occasional  bargains  with  their 
(noTuinal)  I^'pul)lican  ojiponcuts,  than  to  strengthen  the  cause 
of  good  government  at  tlie  exjxnse  of  the  ))rofessional  class.' 

The  third  avenue  '  >  reform  lay  through  the  action  of  the 
State  legislature.  It  might  have  ordered  an  incpiiry  into  the 
municipal  gov(>nunent  of  Philadelphia,  or  passed  a  statute  i)ro- 
viding  for  the  creation  of  a  better  s_\stem.  Hut  this  avenue 
was  closed  even  more  cont|)lete!y  than  the  other  two  by  the  con- 
trol which  the  ("ity  Rii\g  exercised  o\<'r  the  State  legislature. 
The  Peimsylvania  House  of  Repic-cntatives  was  notoriously  a 
tainted  i)ody,  and  the  Senate  no  belter,  or  perhaps  worse.  The 
Philadelphia  politicians,  partly  l>y  their  co)iunand  of  the  Phila- 
delphia members,  i)artly  l>y  tiie  other  inducements  at  their 
eomniand,  were  alile  to  stop  all  ijro-'cedings  in  the  legislature  hos- 
tile to  them  elves,  and  did  in  fact,  a>  wiii  appear  i)re.sently,  fre- 

'  It  wim  Eriicnilly  Ix'licvi'il  in  I'chniarv .  Issi,  tli.it  t\\i-  I')rrii()criitic  iKissea 
liml  iiiMilc  :i  tiMrciiiii  (for  vmIumIiIi'  cniisiili  rutioii)  witti  the  ( i;is  HitiR  not  to 
uuiniuato  Mr.  lluutiT.  tin'  nfoniiii.s'  (■ah(.licl;ite,  for  tlio  ruccivLTsliip  of  tazea. 


414 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  UKPLKCTIONS 


PAKT    V 


[I 


m 


quently  balk  the  efforts  which  the  reformers  made  in  that  (garter. 
It  was  enouKh  for  their  pun)ose  to  command  one  Mouse  ;  indeed 
it  was  practically  enough  to  conunand  tlu'  c(jnunittee  of  that  one 
House  to  Avhich  a  measure  is  referred.  The  facilities  for  delay 
are  such  that  a  reforming  bill  can  be  stiHe<l  without  the  need  of 
open  o[)position. 

This  was  the  condition  of  the  (Quaker  Cit"  with  its  850,000 
people  ;  these  the  difhculties  refomers  had  to  encountcir.  Let 
us  see  how  they  proceeded. 

In  1870,  a  bill  was  pa.s.sed  by  the  State  legislature  at  Harris- 
burg,  at  the  instigation  of  the  ("ity  Ring,  then  in  ihe  first  flu.sh 
of  youthful  hope  and  energy,  creating  a  Public  liuilchngs  Com- 
mission for  tlie  city  of  Philadelphia,  a  body  with  an  unlimited 
term  of  office,  with  power  to  enlarge  its  numbers,  and  fill  up 
vacancies  among  its  members,  to  tax  the  city  and  to  .spend  tiio 
revenue  so  raised  on  buildings,  practically  ^v^thout  restriction 
or  supervision.  When  this  Act,  which  liad  l)eeti  jias-sed  in  one 
day  through  both  Houses,  without  having  been  even  printtHl, 
came  to  the  knowled,.,;-  of  the  better  cla.ss  of  citizens,  alarm 
aro.se,  and  an  agitatioji  was  set  on  foot  for  its  abrogation.  A 
public  meeting  was  held  in  March,  1871,  a  committee  formed, 
with  instructions  to  proceed  to  Harrisburg,  and  have  the  Act 
repealed.  The  committei'  went  to  Harrisburg  and  urged  mem- 
bers of  both  Houses  to  support  a  n^pealing  bill  introduced  into 
*he  .State  Senate.  In  May  this  bill  passed  the  Senate,  in  which 
there  was  then  a  Democratic  jnajority,  five  Ilepul)lican  memluTs 
voting  for  it.  However,  a  committee  of  the  ( Republican) 
Hou.se  of  Representatives  reported  against  the  repeal,  inline  iic»'d 
by  interested  ])ersons  from  Philadeli)hia,  and  (as  is  generally 
believed)  influenced  by  arguments  weightier  than  Avords  ;  .so 
the  C'oimnission  was  maintained  in  force.  The  incident  had, 
however,  .so  far  roused  a  few  of  the  better  class  of  Repul)licans, 
that  they  formed  a  Municipal  Reform  Association,  whose  career 
has  been  summarized  for  me  by  an  eminent  citizen  of  Phila- 
delphia, in  the  words  which  follow  :  — 

"The  assoc'  tiori  lahoured  curnesily  to  check  the  tide  of  inisgovern- 
ment.  Its  task  wan  a  dilTicult  one,  I'or  the  passions  aroused  l>y  the 
war  wcTf  -still  \i^;on)tis,  tlic  rfci>iistnti'!ii)(i  in  prii^criNs  in  !ln  Soutli  ki^pt 
partisaiishi])  at  a  wliitc  heat,  and  fealty  to  party  ol)Iii;atioiis  was  re- 
garded as  a  sacred  duty  l>y  nearly  all  <'lass('s.  ( 'onscMpiently  it  had  no 
newspaper  support  to  depend  upon,  aixi  as  a  rule  it  niet  with  opposition 
from  the  leaders  of  both  political  orjjanizatious.     Moreover,  the  laws 


<MAP.  lAXxix        THK    PHILADKM'IIIA  (iAS   UI\(1 


41.1 


n»»f>»liitiiiK  llio  rt'tfistry  of  vcdcrs  an<l  lli )ti(hicl  at  flections  Imd  lncn 

so  fraini'd  us  lo  c'ikIit  t'ljiml  easy  utnl  ilcticiion  d'Hicull.  rmltt«rri'<l 
by  tht'Sf  oli^tiiiU's,  ihf  Associalioii  set  itself  \  i),'oroiisly  to  work  ;  it  lield 
pul)li<'  meeiiiiij-.  it  issued  addie-<es  and  tni'-ts.  it  placed  ticki'ts  in  the 
Held  consist ini;  III'  lli,-  he!  ter  candidates  of  either  party,  and  wiicn  n»'ilhei 
had  made  passal)|e  iioininalions  {"..ran  olVice.  it  put  forward  thoKoof  its 
own.  It  continued  in  active  existence  lor  thiee  or  I'oiir  years,  and  ae- 
coinplislied  nuicli  of  what  it  set  out  to  do.  ()cca>ioii;dly  it  sii<<  ceded  in 
defeatiii  pecially  olijc.'i ionahle  i-andidates.  and  in  electini:  hetter  men 
to  t!ie  1  ..y  councils;  the  increase  in  tli.'  piildic  delit  was  cheekMl,  the 
ere.lit  of  the  i-ity  was  improved,  and  economy  lieiran  to  lie  pruetised 
in  sotne  of  tli>  departments;  salaries  Wire  sul)slituled  for  fees  in  th« 
pilltlic  ollices  ;  the  election  laws  were  revised,  and  honest  elections  he- 
cante  j)ossil>le ;  prosecutions  were  instituted  aKain^i  olTenders,  and 
«Mioui,'h  convictions  were  secured  to  ser\e  as  .'i  wholes<ime  warning. 
The  services  of  the  Association  >\ere  especially  apparent  in  two  din>e- 
tions.  It  contrihnted  laru'cly  to  the  airitalious  which  secured  the  call- 
ini;  of  a  convention  in  IN7;{  to  revise  the  .State  constitution,  it  had  a 
salutary  influence  with  the  convent  Ion.  ami  it  aided  in  ohtainini;  the 
ralificatie:i  <-r  the  new  constitution  l>y  the  people.  Still  more  important 
was  its  success  in  arousing  the  pui'lic  conscience,  and  in  trainin>r  a  class 
of  inde|)endent  voters,  who  irra<lually  learned  to  cast  their  hallots  with- 
out r<>nard  to  so-called  party  fealty.  It  thus  oiw-ned  tho  way  for  all 
suhseiinent  reforms,  anil  when  iis  memhers.  wearied  with  its  thankless 
task,  one  l>y  one  withdrew,  and  the  .Vssocialion  disl)an<led,  they  could 
ftM'l  that  n<it  (mly  was  the  condition  of  the  city  materially  improved, 
hut  that  their  succes.sors  in  the  Sisyphean  lahonr  would  have  a  lighter 
burden  and  a  h'ss  ni^'Kid  ascent  to  clind).  One  inii)ortant  result  of  the 
attention  which  they  had  drawn  to  nuinieipal  misnumatrement  was  the 
passas;e  of  an  a<'t  of  the  lefrislature,  under  which,  in  1S77,  the  (governor 
of  thi>  State  appointed  ;i  comniisvion  of  eleven  persons  to  devise  a  i)lan 
for  the  government  of  cities.  This  commission  made  a  report  propos- 
ing valuable  improvements,  and  sulimilted  it,  with  a  bill  embodying 
t heir  su«!j:esl  ions,  to  the  State  le^cislatnre  in  1S7S.  The  legislature,  how- 
ever, at  the  bidding  of  the  Wings,  for  Pittsburg  and  other  cities  have 
their  Kings  as  well  as  I'hilachlphia,  smothered  the  bill,  and  all  efforts 
to  pass  it  fa-led  till  1SS,'>." 


In  tho  courso  of  1S8(),  tli(>  horizon  hcffan  to  clear.'  Several 
honest  ami  outsjjokcn  men  who  had  found  their  way  into  the 
two  coiuicils  of  the  city.  *l(>noimced  the  prevailing  corruption, 
and  l)y  demands  of  in(iniry  l)ef!;an  to  rouse  the  citizen.s.  A 
correspondent  of  a  New  York  paper  ohtainetl  facts  about  the 

'  In  tlio  narrative  which  follows  I  have  ctcrivcd  inncli  nssistrmcc  fnmi  f\  little 
Ixjok  by  Mr.  CcorKc  Viikcrs.  entitled  Tli>  Full  a/  hos.^i'sni  (I'liiladdphia.  lSS:i), 
whirh,  with  siitnc  oddities  of  style,  {-oiitaiiis  many  instructive  details  of  the 
d(;incs  of  the  Ho.s-^is  and  the  Uiforin  Caiiipaicn.  Some  information  as  to  Ring 
methods  in  Philarldphia  may  also  he  uathcrcd  frf)m  a  lively  satire  published 
anonjmously,  entitled  Holid  /or  Mulhooly  (New  York,  1881). 


416 


lUJ'STUATloNS   AND   WKKKKCTIONS  paht  v 


IW- 


;  1 
(1/1 


>       ! 


VII 


^'i. 


iimimKiinnit   ul    tlu-  (ius  Trust    wliirii,   whin   i)ul>lisli(Hl,   toul 
seriously  on  o|)ini(»n.     At  the  N'ovtnilur  flfctioii,  wliilc  riiilii- 
dclphiu  cast  ti  heavy  vote  in  favour  of  ( lenerai  (iarlield  as  He- 
pultUean  eaiuli^hite  for  tlie  IVesi.leney    and  for  tlie  Hepni.Ucan 
nominees  for  th(>  olliees  of  State  AmUtor-Ceiu-ral,  and  judu*' 
of  the  State  Suprejne  Court,  slie  returned  as  City  Contntih" 
u  younn  Democrat,  wiio  having,  witii  tlie  help  »)f  the  Municipal 
Reform  Association,  found  his  way  into  that  ofiict'  at  the  last 
prece«linK  election,  had  sif;naliz.<l  himself  hy  uprightness  and 
indepeiuh'nce.     The  Hepul^lican  bosses  did  the.r  utmost  against 
him,   luit    the   vote  of   iiuh-pemh'nis   .•imoiiK   the    Kei)ul)licans, 
joineil  to  that  of  the  Democratic  party  (wh(»se  bosses,  although 
secretly  (Us|)leased  with  his  conduct,  did  not  opeidy  throw  him 
over).  Carried  him  in.     Thirteen  days  afterwards,   uiuh-r  tlie 
impulse  of  tliis  strufinlc,  an  energetic  citizen  convened  a  meeting 
of  leacUiiK  mercliaiits  to  set  on  foot  a  movement  for  choosing 
good  men  at  the  eli'ctions  due  in  Kei)ruary,  IHhl.     This  meetinp; 
creutetl  a  committee  of  one  hundred  business  men,  includinK  a 
large  mnnber  of  persons  bearing  the  oldest  and  most  respected 
names  in  Philadelphia.     All  were  Uepul)licans,  and  at  first  tliey 
endeavoured  to  eflect  their  i)urposes  by  i-caiis,  and  within  the 
limits,  of  the  Repul)lican  party.     Tliey  prepared  a  declaration 
of  principles,  containing  their  j)rogramme  of  nnmicipal  reform, 
and  resolved  to  support  ro  candi(hite  who  would  not  sign  it. 
Soon  the  time  came  for  making  nominations  for  the  three  offices 
to  be  filled  uj),  viz.,  those  of  mayor,  ri'ceiver  of  taxes,  and  city 
solicitor.     For  mayor,  the  "regular"    Uepublican  party,  con- 
trolled by  Mr.  M'Slam^s.  nominat.-d  Mr.  Stokley.  who  was  then 
in  office,  a  man  against  whom  no  fraud  could  be  charged,  l>ut 
whose  management  of  the  police  force  and  sul)servience  to  the 
Boss  liad  made  him  suspected  l)y  earnest   reformiTs.     At  firs  , 
in  the  !)elief  that  lie  was  i)rei);iied  to  sul)scribe  their  (h'claration, 
the  One   Hundred  gave  him  their  nomination:    l>ut    wlien   it 
turned  out  that  he.  influenced  by  t)ie  Ring,  refused  to  do  so, 
they  withdrew   their   "indorsement."   and   perceived   tliat    the 
time  had  come  for  a  bolder  course.     Since  they  must  resist  the 
Ring  Republicans,  tliey  invited  the  co-<)])eration  of  tlie  Demo- 
cratic party  in  choosing  a  good  man.     The  novelty  of  the  cir- 
cumstances, and  the  o])portunity  of  doing  a  good  stroke  for  their 
party  and  their  city  at  once,  brought    to  tlu'   front  the  best 
element  among  the  Democrats.     Overruling  their  bosses  by  a 


ciiAi'.  i.WMx        Tin-:    IMIILADKIJ'IIIA   (!.\      UIXO 


417 


Huddm  inovciiifnt,  thr  DciiuMralii-  roiivfiilion  iKtiiiiiuit.-d  Mr. 
KiuK  '•T  tln'  nmonilt.v .  ii  ImjM  uud  limu'si  iuhii,  wlioiii.  tli(»u>rJi  a 
Democrat,  the  committee  «»f  One  llimdrcd  pioinjxly  arccptrd. 
For  the  not  less  iin|M)rtjmt  office  of  receiver  of  tiixe.s,  the  Oiu! 
Hi.  ulred  IkmI  uomiiiuted  Mr.  Hunter,  u  Uepiil)iican,  who  fiad 
approved  fiis  piililic  spirit  i>y  uprinlit  service  in  the  coninion 
council.  The  liiuK  He|)ul)|ic:ins  jiud  taken  for  tlieir  candidate 
ii  1  unknown  man,  suppox-d  to  he  a  creature  of  Mr.  M'Manes  ; 
and  everytliiuK  i"'W  turned  on  tlie  conduct  of  tlie  Democratic 
nominatiuK  convention.  It  was  strongly  urp'd  hy  the  feeling  of 
the  people  to  acce|)t  .Mr.  MlHiler.  Hut  the  Democratic  bosses 
had  no  nniid  to  help  a  reformer,  and  even  aiiionj;  the  hi'tter 
men.  the  old  dislike  to  supporting  a  person  hclonjrinjr  i,,  the 
opposite  i)arty  was  strong.  .V  passionate  strunnle  in  the  Demo- 
cratic convention,  round  whose  doors  a  vast  and  eayer  (  rowd 
had  Kathercd,  resulted  in  the  carrying  l,y  .i  small  majority  of  a 
rcKular  party  candidate  najned  M'Crath  against  .Mr.  Hunter. 
Thereupon  the  deli  |rjites  who  supported  Hunter  seceded,  and 
marched,  escorted  and  cheered  hy  excited  crowds,  to  the  rooms 
of  the  (>ne  Hundred,  where  they  organized  themselves  afre.sh 
as  an  independent  convention,  and  nominated  Hunter.  Im- 
mense enthusiasm  was  evoked  in  hoth  parties  hy  tliis  novel 
and  unexpectedly  hold  action.  Indej)eii(h'nt  Democrats  organ- 
ized clul)s  and  committees  iti  Hunter's  cau.s(>.  and  the  move- 
ment spread  so  fast  that  ten  days  l)efore  the  ehction  .M'f  Irath 
retired,  leavinj?  the  regular  Democrats  free  to  cast  their  votes 
tor  the  HepuMican  Hunter,  alon^  with  the  Democrat i<'  Kin^. 
< 'tily  one  rluince  was  now  left  to  the  (las  IJinfj  the  lavish 
<x{)en<htiire  or  money,  and  the  resort  to  election  frauds.  They 
;.-s,>--.Th„('|>..li.  ■,  about  i;:tK)in  number,  .S2()  a  head  to  replenish 
II.'"  '-simmiK'  iiiid,  le\'yiiu>;  assessments  on  the  other  city  depart- 
Tite'it!!-  ..-,<).  Preparati.Mis  for  repea'injr  and  hallot-hox  stuffinR 
^-1  mmtvu^  i-  lormer  days,  hut  tin  .■ner«y  of  the  One  Hundred, 
■vsa,.  -jrciiiv  'hvy  issued  a  circular  to  clerfjymen  of  all  denomi- 
imtioiis  -?-i!i<'stiii<:  them  to  preach  .sermons  on  tlie  duty 
fl  eiM-siir-,  i~-^ued  aiso  notices  threatening  i)rosecution  against 
jay  «-  saii^y  or  an  ejection  fraud,  and  organized  a  larj^e  force 
7  v„iiii:te»-.  cilizfiis  io  look  after  tiie  poiice,  so  much  frij>;htened 
Mm«sff»«rs  and  their  depeiuh-nts,  that  the  voting  was  ccm- 


:at- 


aav  wa- 


UELpr 


caif-ifl  ^TiTb  fairness  and  purity.     The  excitement 


on  the  polling 


.  if 


■dentetl  in  municipal  politics,  and  the  success 


418 


ILLUSTRATION'S  AND  REFLECTIONS  part  v 


of  the  reform  candidates  who  were  chosen,  King  by  a  majority 
of  six  thousand,  Hunter  by  twenty  t'ousand,  was  welcomed 
with  transports  of  joy.  Astraja  had  returned  — the  City 
of  Independence"  was  again  a  city  of  freedom. 

The  committee  of  One  Hundred,  to  whose  efforts  the  victory 
was  mainly  due,  was  kept  on  foot  to  carry  on  and  perfect  the 
work  of  reform.     It  recommended  candidates  at  the  spring  and 
fall  elections  during  the  three  years  that  followed,  obtaining 
for  them  a  measure  of  success  encouraging,  no  doubt,  yet  less 
complete  than  had  been  expected.     It  retained  counsel  to  aid 
in  a  suit  instituted  against  the  Gas  Trustees,  which  resulted 
in  disclosing  scandalous  waste  and  fraud,  and  led  to  a  great 
improvement  in  the  management  of  that  department.     It  in- 
duced the  State  legislature  to  reduce  the  salaries  of  a  number 
of  over-paid  officials,  and  to  place  on  a  peiinanent  basis  the 
salaries  of  judges  which  had  hitherto  been  voted  annually. 
The  Mayor,  whom  it  had  carrie<l  in  1881,  stoppcnl  the  assess- 
ment of  the  police  for  "campaign  purposes,"  and  rigidly  restrained 
them  from  joining  in  the  nominating  conventions  or  inter- 
fering with  voters  at  the  polls.     The  tax  office  was  reorgamzed 
by  the  new  Receiver,  and  the  income  which  its  employee  depleted 
turned  into  the  city  treasury.     The  system  of  banking  city 
moneys,  which  had  been  usetl  for  political  purposes,  was  reformed 
under  an  ordinance  of  the  city  councils,  secured  by  the  efforts 
of  the  committee.     The  lists  of  voters,  whicli  had  been  carelessly 
and  sometimes  corruptly  made  up,  were  set  to  rights,  and  capable 
men  appointed  assessors  instead  of  the  ward  politicians,  often 
illiterate,  to  whom  this  duty  had  been  previously  entrusted. 
An  inspector  of  highways  was  engaged  by  the  committee  to  report 
cases  in  which  contractors  were  failing  to  do  the  work  m  repair- 
ing streets  and  drains  for  which  they  were  paid,  and  frauds  wore 
unearthed  by  which  the  city  had  b(«en  robbed  of  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  dollars.     Gross  abuses  in  the  management  of  the  city 
almshouse  and  hospital  wore  revealed  ;  a  new  administration  was 
installeti,  which  in  its  first  year  saved  the  city  $80,000  ;  while  the 
conviction  and  imprisonment  of  the  chief  offenders  struck  whole- 
some terror  into  evil-d(KTs  in  other  departments.     Finally,  the 
committee  undertook  the  prosecution  of  a  large  number  of 
persons  accused  of  fraud,  repeating,  personation,  violence,  tam- 
pering with  ballot-lK)XPs  and  other  election  offences,  and  by  con- 
victing some  and  driving  others  from  the  city,  so  much  reduced 


CHAP.  Lxxxix      THE  PHILADELPHIA  GAS  RING 


419 


these  misdemeanours  that  in  ilw  cud  of  1883  the  city  elections 
were  pronounced  to  show  a  clcnu  hill  of  health.' 

Work  so  various  and  so  diflicult  cost  the  numbers  of  the 
conamittee  of  One  Hundred,  who  were  nearly  Jl  men  actively 
engaged  in  business,  and  had  passed  a  sclf-denyiiig  ordinance 
binding  themselves  to  accept  no  i)ersonal  jwlitical  advantage, 
an  infinitude  of  time  and  trouble.  Accordingly,  when  they 
found  that  the  candidates,  whom  they  had  recommended  at 
the  election  of  Fel)ruary,  1884,  had  been  reje(!ted  in  favour  of 
other  candidates,  wlio  made  similar  professions  of  reform,  but 
seemed  less  likely,  from  their  past  Jii.story,  to  fulfil  those  pro- 
fessions, they  detennined  to  v.ind  up  and  dissolve;  the  commit- 
tee. It  had  done  great  tilings,  and  its  failure  to  carry  its  can- 
didates at  this  last  election  was  due  partly  to  the  intrusion 
into  municipal  politics  of  the  national  issue  of  the  protective 
tariff  (the  most  l)urning  of  all  (juestions  to  Philadelphians), 
partly  to  that  languor  which  creeps  over  voters  who  fancy  that 
by  doing  their  duty  strenuously  for  some  years  they  have  mor- 
tally wounded  the  power  of  corruption  and  need  not  keep  up 
the  fight  till  it  is  stone  dead. 

The  situation  was  thus  shortly  afterwartls  summed  up  by 
competent  writers :  — 

"The  committoe  of  Ono  Hundrpd  fought  the  Rinp  at  everj-  point  and 
at  all  points  for  city  and  county  omcers,  the  .•(nmcil.  and  tlie'legislature, 
the  plan  being  to  unite  for  the  nominations  of  the  two  great  parties  and 
endorse  one  or  the  other  of  the  <'andidates,  or  even  nominate  eandidates 
of  their  own.  They  .sent  tickets  to  every  citizen,  and  created  the  class 
of  'vest-pocket  voters'  — men  who  come  to  the  polls  with  their  tickets 
made  up,  to  the  ccmfusion  of  'the  hoys."  They  changed  for  a  while  the 
complexion  of  councils,  eh'ct<'d  a  reform  mayor  and  receiver  of  taxes, 
caused  the  repeal  of  tiie  infamous  DeHntiueut  Tax  Collections  Bill,  and 
the  equally  notorious  and  obnoxious  Recorder's  Bill,  and  generally  made 
a  more  decent  observance  of  the  law  necessary  throughout  the  city.  In 
its  nature,  however,  tlie  remedy  was  esoteric  and  nvolutionary,  and 
therefore  necessarily  ephemeral.  It  couhl  not  retain  the  spoils  system 
and  thereby  attra<'t  the  workers.  Us  <'andidates,  when  elected,  often 
betrayed  it  and  went  over  to  the  regulars,  who,  they  foresaw,  had  more 
staying  qualities.  Its  numbers  became  tired  of  the  thankless  task  of 
spending  time  and  money  in  what  must  l)e  a  <'ontinuous,  unending  battle. 
The  people  became  restive,  and  refuscni  their  support  to  what  jarred  on 

'  The  comniittop  ohspn-e  in  the  Riport  tlmt  tin-  party  orRaniiation  of  the 
Pity,  in  nearly  every  instan-e,  did  its  iilino.st  !»>•  siipiivinR  l)ail,  oniployiiiK 
counsel,  and  rendcritiK  other  ussistanic  to  prefect  the  culprits,  who  were  regarded 
as  sufferers  for  the  sake  of  their  party. 


420 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


their  conservative  ideas,  and  what  they  were  pleased  to  call  the  dictation 
of  an  autocratic,  self-constituted  body.  The  cry  was  raised :  '  Who 
made  thee  a  ruler  and  judge  over  us  ? ' 

"In  188;^  the  committee's  candidate  for  controller  was  defeated  in  a 
pitched  battle,  and  the  following  spring  the  reform  mayor  was  bea,ten 
by  over  700i)  votes  by  the  most  advanced  tyiw  of  a  machine  politician, 
who  has  since  been  impeached  by  his  own  party  in  Common  Council  for 
pecuniary  malfeasance."  ' 

Since  1884  there  have  been  many  changes  in  the  city  o.aminis- 
tration,  which  I  touch  on  but  briefly,  because  it  is  to  the  (Jas  Ring 
episode  that  this  chapter  is  devotefl.  A  bill  for  reforming  mu- 
nicipal government  by  the  enactment  of  a  new  city  charter,  ap- 
proved by  the  One  Hundred,  came  Ix'fore  the  State  legislature  in 
1883.  It  was  there  smothered  by  the  professionals  at  the  in- 
stance of  the  (las  Ring.  When  it  reappeartnl  in  the  legislature 
of  1885  circumstances  were  more  favoural)le.  The  relations 
between  the  State  Boss  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  City  Ring 
headed  by  Boss  M' Manes  were  strained.  The  State  Boss 
seems,  while  wishing  to  cripple  the  City  Ring  by  cutting  off 
some  of  its  iiatronage,  to  have  thought  that  it  would  be  well  to 
conciliate  the  good  citizens  of  Philadelphia  by  giving  his  power- 
ful support  to  a  reform  measure.  He  was  tlu;  morc^  drawn  to 
this  course  because  th(!  Mayor  of  Philadelphia,  whose  appoint- 
ing power  would  be  enlarged  by  the  bill,  was,  although  not  a 
"high-class  politician,"  far  from  friendly  to  the  das  Trust. 
Long  discussions  of  the  bill  in  the  press  and  at  meetings  had  pro- 
duced some  effect  even  on  the  State  legislature  at  Harrisburg ; 
nor  wa<  there  wanting  in  that  body  a  small  section  of  good 
members  willing  to  help  reform  for\vard.  Many  leaders  and 
most  newspapers  had  in  the  course  of  the  discussions  been  led 
to  comniit  themselves  to  an  approval  of  the  bill,  while  not  expect- 
ing it  to  passs.  Thus,  in  1885,  th(>  opposition  in  th(>  legislature 
ceased  to  be  open  and  direi-t,  and  came  to  turn  on  the  question 
when  the  bill,  if  i)assed,  should  take  eff(>ct.  Its  promoters 
prudently  agreed  to  let  its  operation  he  delaytnl  till  1887  ;  and 
having  thus  "squared"  som(>  of  their  oi)ponents,  and  out- 
marueuvred  others,  they  ran  it  through.  Public  opinion  and  a 
righteous  cause  counted  for  something  in  this  triumi)h,   but 

'  Mr.  Iv  r.  Alliiisipri  ami  Mr.  H.  Piiir.isi'.  in  an  articli'  <>ti  "fity  f iovcninH'iit 
in  Phila(|cl|ilil;i."  Tor  a  history  of  carli'-r  iir.iiiiciiial  KovcnitTK'nt  in  the  city, 
rifiTiTirr  may  hr  niadi-  to  the  tnatisc,  " riiiiadilpliia,  ltisl-18S7,"  of  the  8ame 
authurs. 


<HAP.  lAxxix        THE  PHILADKLPHIA  GAS  RING 


421 


even  public  opinion  and  riRhtcousness  nii^ht   have  failed  but 
for  the  feud  between  Mr.  M'Manes  and  tlie  State  Boss. 

The  new  city  charter  did  some  good.     By  bringing  gas  manage- 
ment under  the  control  of  thi;  city  executive,  it  extinguished  the 
separate  Gas  Trust,  and  therewith  quenche<i  the  light  of  Mr. 
M' Manes,  who  cea.sed  to  bo  fonnidajjlc  when  his  i)atronage  de- 
parted, and  tliereafter  became  "a  back  number,"  free  to  devote 
his  interest  to  tlieological  (luestions,  for  he  was  a  champion  of 
orthmloxy  in  his  church.     Municij)al  administration  gained  by 
the  concentration  of  power  and  resjjonsibility  in  the  mayor  and 
the  executive^  heads  of  departments  whom  he  appoints.     The 
Councils,  however,  remained  bail  l)odi(>s,  few  of  the  members 
respected,  many  of  them  corrupt.     They  continued  to  be  nomi- 
natcHl  by  a  cli(iue  of  machine  i)oliticians,  and  this  clique  they 
obeywl,  paying  some  regard  to  the  interests  of  their  respective 
wards,  but  none  to  those  of  the  city.     Refonners  thought  that 
to  give  them  a  .salary  might  lessen  their  temptat.  ns,  since  it 
seemed  impo.ssible  to  raise  their  tone.     In  the  .stead  of  Mr. 
M'Mane.s,  the  State  Boss  (a  man  even  less   trusted   i)y  the 
good  citizens)  reigneil  for  a  tiine  through  his  lieutenants ;  and 
so  tight  was  his  grip  of  the  city,  that  when,  in  1890,  the  .sus- 
picions he  arou.sed  had  provoked  a  popular  uprising  which  over- 
threw his  nominee  for  the  State  governorship,  turning  over  to 
the  other  party  .some  thirty  thousand  votes,  he  was  still  able 
to   hold  Philadelphia  —  rich,  educated,  staid,  pious  Philadel- 
phia —  by  a  large  majority.     Elections  continued  to  be  tainted 
with  fraud  and  bribery ;  the  politicians  still  refu.sed  the  enact- 
ment of  adequate  laws  for  a  secret  ballot  and  the  publication 
of  election  expenses.     A  menacing  jiower  was  wielded  by  the 
great  local  corporations,  inclutUng  the  railroad  and  street-car 
comj)anies.     Whether  by  the  use  of  inoney,  or,  as  is  thought 
more  probable,  by  influencing  the  votes  of  their  employees, 
or  by  both  methods,  these  corj)oratioris  seemed  to  hold  the 
councils  in  the  hollow  of  their  hands.     One  of  them  .secured 
from  the  city  legislature,  at  a  merely  nominal  figure,  a  public 
franchise,  which,  while  it  made  the  .streets  more  dangerous, 
added  to  the  market  price  of  its  stock  about  .SG,G0(),OOO.     And 
this  wasdone  by  a  two-third'^majority  over  the  veto  of  the  mayor, 
in  the  teeth  of  an  active  agitation  conducted  by  the  most  worthy 
citizens.     Against  scandals  like  this  the  best  city  charter  fur- 
nislies  little  protection.     They  can  be  cured  only  by  getting 


422 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


■ft 


upright  Councils,  and  these  again  can  be  secured  only  by  having 
free  instead  of  cooked  nominations,  honest  elections,  and  a  far 
more  constantly  active  interest  in  the  welfare  of  city  than  the  mass 
of  the  voters  have  hitherto  evinced.  Philadelphia  is  not  the 
only  city  in  which  private  corporations  have  proved  more  than 
a  match  for  public  interests,  and  in  which  such  corporations  have 
netted  inmiense  profits,  that  ought  to  have  gone  to  reduce  the 
burdens  of  the  people.' 

Agpinst  these  evils  strenuous  campaigns  have  been  from  time 
to  time  conducted  by  various  associations  of  "good  citizens," 
some  permanent,  some  formed  for  a  special  occasion.  These 
associations,  of  which  it  is  enough  to  say  that  they  have 
been  worthy  successors  of  the  Committee  of  One  Hundred,  have 
included  nearly  all  those  in  whom  high  personal  character  is 
united  to  a  sense  of  public  duty.  But  their  members  have 
hitherto  formed  so  small  a  proportion  of  the  voters  that  it 
is  only  when  some  glaringly  bad  candidate  is  nominated  or 
outrageous  job  perpetrated  that  their  efforts  tell  in  an  election. 
In  1912,  however,  they  gained  a  svuUion  victory,  carrjing  as 
Mayor  a  veteran  reformer  who  had  Ijeen  one  of  the  foremost 
fighters  in  February,  1881. 

The  history  of  all  these  efforts  and  of  the  failure  to  effect  any 
thorough  and  permanent  improvement  in  municipal  conditions 
in  this  great  city  would  stretch  to  a  volume,  were  it  given 
with  the  fulness  neetled  to  explain  why  the  forces  that  make 
for  misr.ovemment  have  proved  so  exceptionally  strong.  The 
enisode  I  have  selected  is  enough  for  the  present  purpose. 

The  European  reader  may  have  found  four  things  surprising 
in  the  foregoing  narrative  —  the  long-suffering  of  the  tax- 
payers up  till  1881  ;  the  strength  of  party  loyalty,  even  in 
municipal  affairs  where  no  political  principle  is  involved ;  the 
extraordinary  efforts  required  to  induce  the  voters  to  protect 
their  pockets  by  turning  a  gang  of  plunderers  out  cf  office; 
and  the  tendency  of  the  old  evils  to  reappear  as  soon  as  the 
ardour  of  the  voters  cools.  He  will  be  all  the  more  surprised 
when  he  learns  that  most  of  the  corrupt  leaders  in  Philadelphia 
have  been  not  men  of  foreign  birth,  but  Americans  born  and  bred, 
and  that  in  none  of  the  larger  cities  was  the  percentage  of  recent 
immigrants  so  small.    The  general  causes  of  municijial  misgovern- 

'  It  was  stated  by  the  Municipal  LeattUP  that  the  city  had  in  recent  years  lost 
as  much  us  sr>0,0(K),(KK)  l)y  improvident  grants  «f  vaiualJe  franchist-s  to  street 
railroad  conipaniea. 


CHAP.  Lxxxix       THE  PHILADELPHIA  OA8  RING 


423 


4 


ment  have  been  already  set  forth,  hut  it  may  he  well  to  repeat 
that  the  existence  of  universal  suflFrag(>  in  a  gigantic  city  imposes 
a  vast  amount  of  work  on  those  who  would  win  an  election. 
Nothing  but  a  very  complete  and  very  active;  ward  organization, 
an  organization  which  knows  every  house  in  every  street,  and 
drops  upon  the  new  voter  from  Europe  as  .soon  as  residence  and 
the  oath  have  made  him  a  vifmm,  can  grapi)le  with  the  work 
of  bringing  up  these  multitudes  to  the  poll.  It  was  their  com- 
mand of  this  local  organization,  their  practice  in  working  it,  the 
fact  that  their  employees  were  a  trained  and  disciplined  body 
whose  chief  business  was  to  work  it  —  services  in  the  gas  or 
water  or  some  other  department  being  a  mere  excuse  for  paying 
the  "workers"  a  salary  —  that  gave  the  Cas  Ring  and  its  astute 
head  their  hold  upon  the  voting  power  of  the  city,  which  all  the 
best  Republicans,  with  frequent  aid  from  the  Democrats,  found  it 
so  hard  to  shake.  It  was  tlie  cohesion  of  this  organization,  the 
indifference  of  the  bulk  of  its  members  to  issues  of  municipal 
policy  and  their  responsiveness  to  party  names  and  cries,  that 
enabled  the  henchmen  of  the  State  Boss  to  re-<'stabUsh  a  selfish 
tyranny  and  with  impunity  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  the  city 
to  those  of  rich  and  vote-controlling  corporations. 

The  moral  of  the  whole  story  is,  however,  best  given  in  the 
words  of  four  eminent  Philadelphians.  I  multiply  testimonies 
because  Philadeli)hia  is  a  peculiarly  instructive  instance  of  the 
evils  which  everywhere  infect  municipal  government.  Her 
social  and  economic  conditions  are  far  more  favourable  than 
those  of  New  York  or  Chicago,  and  the  persistence  of  those 
evils  in  her  is,  then-fore,  a  more  alarming  symptom  than  the 
grosser  .scandals  which  have  disgraced  those  cities  with  their 
masses  of  recent  immigrants. 

Two  of  them  wrote  me  as  follows  in  1888.     One  said  :  — 

"Those  who  study  those  questions  most  critically  and  think  the  most 
carefully,  fear  more  for  the  Republic  from  the  indifference  of  the  better 
classes  than  the  ignorance  of  tlie  lower  classes.  We  hear  endless  talk 
about  the  power  of  the  labour  vote,  the  Irish  vote,  the  German  vote, 
the  Granger  vote,  but  no  conit)ination  at  the  ballot-box  to-day  is  as 
numerous  or  powerful  as  the  stay-;  t-home  vote.  The  sceptre  which  is 
stronger  to  command  than  any  other  is  passed  by  unnoticed,  not  because 
outworn  m  contlict,  i)ut  because  rusted  and  wasteu  neglect.  The 
primary,  the  caiicus,  and  the  convention  are  the  real  n.  rs  of  America, 
and  the  hand  which  guides  these  is  the  master.  Here  again  the  stay-at- 
home  vote  is  still  more  responsible.  In  Xmv  i'ork  City  in  188.5  there 
were  266,000  voters  ;  of  these  201,000  voted  at  the  regular  election,  and 


424 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  HKFLK(TI()NS 


PAIIT    V 


betwwn  •20.(KK)  uiiil  2."),(M)()  v()te<l  at  th«>  priiimry.  This  proportion 
would  hold  Kootl  the  country  ov«>r,  and  it  appears  that  on«  out  of  every 
four  does  not  vote  at  all,  and  nine  out  of  every  ten  do  not  attend  the 
primaries.  It  can  therefore  ejisily  be  swn  that  it  is  vi-ry  eas^y  to  (tontrol 
the  primaries,  and,  jrrantinK  strong  parly  fealty,  how  difficult  it  is  to 
run  an  independent  ticket  against  the  machine." 


Tho  otiior,  Mr.  Honry  C. 
said :  — 


Lea,  the  distinguishotl  historian, 


"Your  expression  of  fiurprise  at  the  mal-tuiministration  of  Phila- 
delphia is  thoroughly  justified.  In  existing  social  conditions  it  would  he 
difficult  to  conceive  of  a  large  community  of  which  it  would  apjMmr  more 
safe  to  predicate  judieious  self-government  than  ours.  Nowhere  is 
there  to  Im"  found  a  more  general  diffusion  of  property  or  a  hi4{her  aver- 
age standard  of  comftirt  and  inlelligem-e  —  nowhere  so  large  a  propor- 
tion of  landowners  hearing  the  hunlen  of  direct  taxation,  and  personally 
interested  in  the  wise  and  honest  ex|M'n<liture  of  the  public  revenue. 
In  these  respects  it  is  almost  an  ideal  commuuit.v  in  which  to  work  out 
practical  results  from  denux-ratic  theories.  I  hav<' often  speculated  as 
to  the  causes  of  failure  without  satisfying  myself  with  any  solution.  It 
is  not  attributable  to  manhood  suffrage,  for  in  my  reform  labours  I  have 
found  that  the  most  dangerous  ent-mies  of  reform  have  not  l)een  tho 
ignorant  and  poor,  but  men  of  wealth,  of  high  sm-ial  position  and  char- 
acter, who  had  nothing  personally  to  gain  from  |M)litical  corruption,  but 
who  showed  themselves  as  unfitted  to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage  as 
the  lowest  iiroletariat.  by  allowing  their  partisanship  to  enlist  them  in 
the  support  of  candidates  notoriously  bad  who  hapiwned  by  control  of 
party  machinery  to  obtain  the  'regidar'  nominations. 

"The  nearest  approach  which  I  can  make  to  an  explanati(m  is  that 
the  spirit  of  i>arl.v  blinds  many,  while  still  more  are  governe<I  by  the 
mental  inertia  which  renders  independent  thought  the  most  laborious 
of  tasks,  and  the  selfish  indolence  which  shrinks  from  interrupting  the 
daily  routine  of  avocations.  In  a  constituency  so  enormous  the  most 
prolonged  and  strenuous  effort  is  required  to  ojjpose  the  ponderous  and 
complicated  machinery  of  party  organization,  which  is  always  in  the 
hands  of  professional  j>oliticians  who  obtain  control  over  it  by  a  prm-ess 
of  natural  selection,  and  who  thus  are  i)erfectly  fitted  for  the  work.  Re- 
calcitrants are  raw  militia  who  take  the  field  with  overwhelming  odds 
against  them,  both  in  numbers  and  discipline.  Kven  though  they  may 
gain  an  occasional  victory,  their  enthusiasm  exhausts  itself  and  th<'y 
return  to  more  congenial  labours,  while  the  'regidar'  is  always  on  duty, 
and  knows,  with  Philip  II,  that  time  and  he  can  overcome  any  other 
two." 

A  third  wrote  in  1893:  — 

"The  great  majority  of  the  voters  take  no  interest  in  local  politics. 
They  ri-fuse  to  attend  the  party  prinuirij's,  and  can  rarely  be  induced  to 
do  more  (hari  spend  a  few  niimites  once  a  year  in  voting  at  city  chM'fions. 
Many  refuse  to  vote  at  all,  or  yield  only  to  corrupt  inducements  or  to 


CHAP.  Lxxxix       TlfK   PHH.ADKMMriA  (IAS  RINO 


tho  MoliHtafioriH  of  interested  friends.  Tlie  result  is  that  comhinations 
of  unworthy  Nwh-rs  and  mercenary  henehnien  are  enal>h<(l  to  eontrol 
tho  nominating  eonventioiis  of  l.otli  parlies;  an<I  when  deetion  (hiy 
eomoH,  tho  peoph'  ean  do  notiiinj;  hut  choose  hetwei'U  two  tickets  die- 
tated  by  equally  corrurit  men  and  nominated  by  similar  methods." 


A  fourth,  writing  in  1894,  ohscrved  :  — 

"The  most  characteristic  feature  of  the  situation  is  the  supremacy  of 
tho  Itopublican  party,  wliidi  has  an  immense  nuijurity  in  the  city. 
Politically,  therefore,  tiie  <'ontr()l!inu  party  manaf,'ers  aiidthe  class  from 
which  reform  leaders  mijjlit  he  exfjccted  to  come  are  in  accord  (nianu- 
facturiuK  interests  heint;  the  most  important);  and  the  advantajres  to 
be  derived  hy  imtsous  in  Imsiness  in  a  hirife  way  from  standing  well  with 
the  managers  of  the  dominant  party  are  sulliciently  >,'reat  to  cheek  in  no 
small  de(fre<!  individual  inclination  to  strive  for  better  conditions.  A.s 
elsewhere  in  America,  it  is  not  tht^  natural  leaders  in  the  community, 
the  men  who  hav(!  succeeded  in  l)usitiess  or  in  the  i)rofessions,  who  are 
party  leaders,  but  men  wh(j  are  of  no  imiM)rtance  in  any  other  coime*-- 
tion.  This  fastens  ufjou  us  an  impersonal  rule,  tiiose  who  exercise  it 
not  being  influenced  by  puhlic  opinion,  whicii  would  certainly  act  as  a 
restraint  upon  men  of  standing.  .  .  .  The  councils  are  dominated  hy 
tho  party  managers  who  nominated  tiiem,  and  corporations  who  pay 
wages,  in  one  way  or  anot  her,  to  a  considerabh-  port  ion  of  t  he  members. " 

When  thpso  comments  were  written  Pliil:i(i<'Ii)hi:i  was  orpctinR 
a  maRnificont  city  hall,  the  loftic  st  hnildiiiK  "f  its  kind  in  the 
United  States,  with  a  tower,  olO  feet  in  heifi;lit,  which  far  over- 
tops Cologne  Cathedral  and  the  I'yrainid  of  Cheops  and  St. 
Peter's  at  Home.  The  thoughts  of  the  traveller  who  is  taken 
to  admire  it  naturally  turn  to  what  goes  on  beneath  its  ample 
roof,  and  he  asks  whether  the  day  will  arrive  when  Philadelphian 
voters  will  take  to  heart  the  painful  lessons  of  the  past,  and  when 
the  officials  who  reign  in  this  inunicij)al  ])alace  will  become 
worthy  of  so  superb  a  dwelling  and  of  th(>  city  where  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  and  the  Federal  Constitution  first  saw 
the  light.  His  Philadelphian  friends  reply  that  such  a  day  will 
doubtless  arrive.  But  though  the  situation  was  better  in  1913 
than  it  had  been  for  many  a  long  year,  they  have  seen  too  many 
disappointments  to  feel  suro  that  Astraea  haa  "come  to  stay." 


S 


CHAPTER  XC 


KGARNEYISM   IN   CALIFORNIA 


I.    TUE   rUAKACTER   OF   CALIFORNIA 


li^-:; 


What  America  is  to  Europe,  what  Western  America  is  to 
Elastem,  tliat  California  is  to  the  other  Western  States.  The 
characteristics  of  a  new  and  quickly  clevelopwl  colonial  civiliza- 
tion are  all  strongly  marked.  It  is  thoroughly  American,  but 
most  so  in  thost;  points  wherein  the  Old  World  differs  from  the 
New.  Large  fortunes  are  swiftly  made  and  not  less  swiftly 
spent.  Changes  of  public  sentiment  are  sudden  and  violent. 
The  most  active  minds  are  too  much  absorbed  in  great  business 
enterprises  to  attend  to  politics  ;  the  inferior  men  are  frequently 
reckless  and  irresponsible  ;  the  masses  are  iinjiatient,  accustomed 
to  blame  everything  and  everyboily  but  themselves  for  the  slow 
approach  of  the  millennium,  ready  to  try  instant,  even  if  peril- 
ous, remedies  for  a  present  evil. 

These  features  belong  more  or  less  to  all  the  newer  and 
cruder  commonwealths.  Several  others  are  peculiar  to  Cali- 
fornia —  a  State  on  which  I  dwell  the  more  willingly  because  it 
is  in  many  respects  the  most  striking  in  the  whole  Union,  and 
has  more  than  any  other  the  character  of  a  great  country,  capa- 
ble of  standing  alone  in  the  world.  It  has  a  superb  climate, 
noble  scenery,  immense  wealth  in  its  fertile  soil  as  well  as  in  its 
minerals  and  forests.  Nature  is  nowhere  more  imposing  nor 
her  beauties  more  varied. 

It  grew  up,  after  the  cession  by  Mexico  and  the  discovery  of 
gold,  like  a  gourd  in  the  night.  A  great  iJopulation  had  gathered 
before  there  was  any  regular  government  to  keep  it  in  order, 
much  less  any  education  or  social  culture  to  refine  it.  The 
wildness  of  that  time  passed  into  the  soul  of  the  people,  and 
has  left  them  more  tolerant  of  violent  deeds,  more  prone  to 
interferences  with,  or  supersessions  of,  regular  law,  than  are  the 
people  of  most  parts  of  the  Union. 

426 


CHAP.   XC 


KEARNEYISM   IN   CALIFORNIA 


427 


The  chief  occupation  of  the  first  Rcneration  of  Califomians 
waa  mining,  an  industry  wliich  i.-s  lii<t'  gainhling  in  its  influence 
on  the  character,  with  its  sudden  ultcrnutionH  of  wealth  and 
poverty,  its  long  hours  of  painful  toil  relieved  i)y  bouts  of 
drinking  and  merriment,  its  life  in  a  crowd  of  men  who  have 
come  together  from  the  four  winds  of  heaven,  and  will  scatter 
again  as  soon  as  some  are  enriched  and  others  ruined,  or  the 
gold  in  the  gulch  is  exhausted.  Moreover,  mining  in  this  region 
means  gambling,  not  only  in  cami)s  among  the  miners,  but 
among  townsfolk  in  the  shares  of  tlu;  mining  com])anies.  Cali- 
fomians of  all  classes  have  formed  the  habit  of  buying  and 
selling  in  the  mining  exchatiges,  with  effects  on  the  popular 
temper  both  in  business  and  in  j)oliti('s  which  every  one  can 
understand.  Speculation  becomes  a  passion,  jjatient  industry  is 
distasteful ;  there  is  bred  a  recklessness  and  turbulence  in  the 
inner  life  of  the  man  which  dot«  not  fail  to  ex])ress  itself  in  acts. 

When  California  was  ceded  to  the  United  States,  land  specu- 
lators bought  up  large  tracts  under  Spanish  titles,  and  others, 
foreseeing  the  coming  prosperity,  subsequently  acquired  great 
domains  by  purchase,  either  from  the  railways  which  had 
received  land  grants,  or  directly  from  the  government.  Some 
of  these  speculators,  by  holding  their  lands  for  a  rise,  made  it 
di^cult  for  immigrants  to  acquire  small  freeholds,  and  in  some 
ca-ses  checke<l  the  growth  of  farms.  Others  let  their  land  on 
short  leases  to  farmers,  who  thus  came  into  a  comparatively 
precarious  and  often  necessitous  condition ;  others  established 
enormous  farms,  in  which  the  soil  is  cultivated  by  hired  labourers, 
many  of  whom  are  discharged  after  th(!  harvest  —  a  phenomenon 
rare  in  the  United  States,  which  is  elsewhere  a  country  of  mod- 
erately sized  fanns,  owned  l)y  persons  who  do  most  of  their 
labour  by  their  own  and  their  children's  hands.  Thus  the  land 
system  of  California  presents  features  both  peculiar  and  danger- 
ous, a  contrast  b(>tween  great  projjerties,  i)ft(>n  appearing  to 
conflict  with  the  general  weal,  and  the  sometimes  hard  pressed 
small  fanner,  togetlier  with  a  mass  of  unsettled  labour,  thrown 
without  work  into  the  towns  at  certain  times  of  the  year.' 

Evervwhere  in  the  W<'st  the  pfiwt^r  of  the  railways  has  excited 
the  jealousy  of  the  people.  In  California,  however,  it  has  roused 
most  hostility,  because  no  State  has  been  so  much  at  the  mercy 
of  one  powerful   corporation.     The  Central   Pacific   Railway, 

'  "Latifuudiu  pcrdunt  Culifuruiuui,"  ;>oine  uue  aaid  to  lue  in  San  Franciaco. 


a:l 


42S 


IM.l  STHATIONS   AM)  UKPI.KCTIONS 


PMiT    V 


''C'! 


wh(»si«  main  liiu'  t>xtciuls  from  Sun  Kranciscit  to  ()fj(h'ii  in  Utah, 
wImto  it  nuH'ts  the  Tnioii  I'licific  aiul  toiiclH-s  tin-  Dcnvor  mid 
llio  (irandc  system,  had  Im'j'ii  up  till  IS77,  when  my  imrrativ«' 
iM'Kins.  the  only  route  to  tlie  Mississippi  valley  and  Atlantie,' 
and  therefore  possesse<l  immense  inHuenee  over  tlie  tra«l<>  of  the 
\yh(tle  State.     It  was  «(»ntrol!ed  hy  a  small  knot  of  men  who  had 
risen  from  insignificance  to  affluence,  held  nearly  all  tJn'  other 
railway  lines  in  California,  employed  an  enormous  numherof  clerks 
and  workmen,  and  nt.ule  t!ie  weiRht  of  tiieir  hand  felt  wherev(>r 
their  interest  was  involvnl.     Alike  .as  capitalists,  jis  |M)tentates, 
and  as  men  wliose  rise  t(»  nijrantic  wealth  seenuHi  due  as  much  to 
the  j?rowth  of  the  State  as  to  their  own  abilities,  and  tJierefore 
to  come  under  the  principle  wiiich  is  called  in  KuRland  tiiat  of  tlie 
"uneanu'd  increment."  tliey  excited  irritation  lunong  tlie  fann- 
ing and  trading  class,  as  w,.l|  as  amonR  the  labourers.     As  great 
fortimes  have  in  .\merica  been  usually  won  by  unusual  gifts, 
any  envy  they  can  excite  is  tenjj)ered  by  admiration  for  the 
ability  shown   in  actjuiring  them.     The  cojumon  people   felt 
a  kiinl  of  prid(>  in  the  late  Mr.  A.  T.  Stewart,  and  jwrhaps  even 
in   that   flagrant    "monopolist,"   Mr.   Jay  (Jould.     But   while 
these  particular  railway  magnates  were  men  of  talent,    there 
were  also  in  California  millioiuiires  who  had  grown  rich  merely 
by  lucky  speculation.     They  displayinl  their  wealth  with  a  vulgar 
and  unbecoming  ostentation.     They  did  not.  as  rich  men  nearly 
always  do  in  the  Atlantic  States,  bestow  a  large  part  of  it  on 
useful  public  ol)jects.     There  was  therefore  nothing  to  break 
the  wave  of  suspicious  dislik(\ 

Most  of  the  Weste.n  States  have  been  peopled  by  a  steady 
influx  of  settlers  from  two  or  three  older  States.  Minnesota, 
for  instance,  and  Iowa  have  grown  by  the  overflow  of  Illinois 
and  Ohio,  as  well  as  by  immigration  direct  from  Europe.  But 
( "alifornia  was  filled  by  a  sudden  rush  of  adventurers  from  all 
parts  of  the  world.  They  arrived  mostly  rin  Panama,  for  there 
wa.s  no  transcontinental  railway  till  1809.  and  a  great  many 
came  from  the  Southern  States.  This  mixed  multitude,  bring- 
ing with  it  a  variety  of  .nanners,  customs,  and  ideas,  formed  a 
.society  more  mobile  and  unstable,  less  governed  by  fixed  beliefs 
antl  principles,  than  one  finds  in  such  North-western  commu- 

'There  are  now  four  other  transrontiiiental  trunk  lines,  hut  two  of  them 
he  far  to  tlie  north,  and  another  IxlonKs  to  the  same  group  of  men  who  have 
controlled  the  Ceutral  Pacific. 


THAP.  XC 


KKAUNKYISM    |\'    CAMKOUNIA 


420 


nitirs  an  I  hiiv«'  just  in<'nfr<.ii.<l.  LiviiiK  f.-ir  iiwu.v  from  tlu 
HtiwIyiiiR  iiiMiiniiTs  of  Dm.  Kastrni  States,  thr  Califoriiijuis 
hav«'  developed,  iirid  iirc  proud  of  liaviiiK  done  so,  u  sort  of 
Pacific  type,  vvliicli,  thoiiKh  dinVririK  l>iit  slJKJitly  fn.m  the  usual 
WcMtJ-rn  tyjM',  Jius  less  of  the  Kiinlisli  eleiuent  ||Iaii  one  discovers 
in  the  Anwricun  who  lives  on  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains.  Achl  to  this  that  ( 'alifoniia  is  the  hist  place  to  tlie 
west  iM'fore  you  coine  to  Japan.  That  scum  which  the  west- 
ward moving  wave  of  eniiKration  carries  on  its  crest  is  h«'re 
stopped,  iM'causi'  it  can  «..  no  farther.  It  accunmlates  in  San 
Francisco,  and  fonns  a  <huiKerous  constituent  in  the  population 
of  that  great  and  gnming  city  a  |>opulation  perhaps  inon; 
mixed  thaii  one  fijids  anywhere  else  in  America,  lor  rretichmen, 
Italians,  Portuguese,  Cre.-ks,  and  the  children  of  .\ustralian  con- 
victs alMmiid  there,  .side  hy  .side  with  negroes,  ( iernnins,  and  Irish. 
Of  the  ( 'hine.se  one  need  n<,f  .speak;  for,  though  they  niimhered 
in  188().sometweIvethousand,  havea  large  (luarter  to  themselves, 
and  have  given  ri.se  to  the  dotninant  (luestion  in  Pacific  coa.st 
politics,  they  do  not  themselves  join  in  any  political  moven»ent, 
but  mingle  as  little  with  the  whiles  as  oil  with  water. 

California,  more  than  any  other  part  of  the  I'nion,  is  a  country 
by  itself,  and  San  Francisco  a  capital,  ("iil  <.tr  froju  the  nutre 
iwpulous  parts  of  the  .Mis.sissippi  valley  by  an  almost  c(tntinuous 
desert  of  twelve  hundred  jniles,  across  which  the  two  daily  trains 
moved  like  ships  across  the  ocean,  s<.|)arate<l  from  Oregon  on  the 
north  by  a  wilderness  of  sparsely  .settled  mountain  and  forest, 
it  grew  up  in  its  own  way  and  accpiired  a  .M»rt  of  consciou.sness 
of  .separatf!  existence.  San  Francisco  dwarfed  the  other  cities, 
for  in  those  days  Los  .\ngeles  had  not  risen  to  importance, 
and  was  a  commercial  and  intellectual  centre  and  source  of  iii- 
fluence  for  the  surrounding  regions,  more  |)owirful  over  them  than 
is  any  Eastern  city  over  its  neighbourhood.  It  was  a  New  York 
which  has  got  no  \ew  Kngland  on  one  side  of  it,  :ind  no  .shrewd 
and  orderly  rural  poiMilation  on  the  other,  to  keep  it  in  order. 
Hence  both  State  and  city  wire,  and  in  a  sense  are  still,  less 
.steadio<l  by  national  oi)inion  th.in  any  other  State  or  city  within 
the  wide  compa.ss  of  the  Tnion, 

These  facts  in  Californian  history  must  be  borne  in  mind  in 
order  to  understand  th«"  ev«'nts  I  am  al)out  to  sketch.'     They 

'The-  n.'irrativ.'  vvtii.li  f,,||.,sis  ilo.-  n-.t  |,rof.--<  to  I.  uiiii.li.li-,  fi,r  tli<'  dinTi- 
culty  of  ijr.Kurini,'  uiJ"iu;it'    (l:it;i  wi.-.  \,r\   i;.   .it.     Wi..ii  I   vi.sitc]  San  Fran- 


i 


'■J  I 


'I- 


'M 


430 


ILLUSTHATIONH  AND  KKFhKCTIONH 


I'AKT    V 


show  how  HuiWil  i»  \\vr  w»il  \o  n-volutionary  movenurits.  Thry 
HUKgeat  that  movwiu'iits  imturul  hero  an-  less  likrly  to  arist!  in 
other  parts  of  the  Union. 


II    TiiK  Sand  Lot  Pahtt 

In  1877  California  Mas  suflFcrin)?  from  "hard  times."  The 
srvero  commercial  deprension  which  Ix'^an  in  the  ^4lstern 
States  in  187;J,  and  touched  the  lowest  fx.int  ahoiit  IS70,  had 
reached  the  Pacific  coiust,  and  wa.s  agnravateil  there  hy  a  heavy 
fall  in  mining  stm-ks.  Th«'  great  Honaima  finds  some  years 
l)efore  had  ushered  in  a  p<Ti(Kl  of  wild  sp«>culation.  KverylxMly 
gamblcHl  in  stocks,  from  railroad  kings  dovm  to  maidservants. 
Stocks  had  now  fallen,  »ti<l  everylMnly  was  hard  hit.  The 
railroad  kings  could  stand  their  los.s<'s,  hut  the  clerks  and  shop 
assistants  and  workmen  suffered,  for  their  savings  w(>re  gone 
and  many  were  left  heivily  in  debt,  with  their  houses  mort- 
gaged and  no  hope  of  redc^nption.  Trade  was  had,  work  was 
scarce,  and  for  what  th(  re  was  of  it  the  Chinese,  willing  to  take 
only  half  the  ordinary  wages,  com|M't<'d  \vith  the  white  lalwurer. 
The  mob  of  San  Francisco,  swelh-d  l)y  di.sap|K)inted  miners  from 
the  camps  and  lalxjurers  out  of  work,  men  lurwl  from  di.stant 
homes  by  the  hope  of  wealth  and  ea.se  in  the  land  of  gold,  saw 
itself  on  the  verge  of  .starvation  while  the  splendid  mansions 
of  speculators,  who  fifteen  years  Ix-fore  liad  kej)t  little  shops, 
rose  along  the  heights  of  the  city,  and  the  newspapers  reported 
their  luxurious  banquets.  In  the  country  the  farmers  wen; 
scarcely  le.ss  cU.scontented.  They,  too,  had  "gone  into  stocks," 
their  farms  were  mortgaged,  and  many  of  them  were  bankrupt. 
They  complaiiied  that  tiie  railroads  crushed  them  by  heavy 
rates,  and  asked  why  they,  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  country, 
should  toil  without  profit,  while  local  millionaires  and  wealthy 
Eastern  bondhold«>rs  drew  large  incomes  from  the  traffic  \>aich 

ciaro  in  ISSl,  and  iigain  in  1hh;{,  ihh)|)Ic  wore  unwillinK  to  talk  alif.ut  tho  Koarney 
agitation.  f.cliii«,  it  sciuihI  to  n,.-,  rather  ashanifMl  of  it,  anij  amioyc*!  that  no 
much  should  hiivt-  Ixcn  made  of  it  (nior;-,  they  declared,  than  ii  denorvpd)  in 
the  Eastern  .Stated.  When  I  asked  how  I  eouiil  learn  the  facts  in  detail,  they 
answere<l.  "Oiily  hy  r.:idiiiK  thn.UKh  tiie  fih'S  of  the  new.ipap<"r8  for  the  years 
1H77-80  inclusive."  .S,,„,e  .•ulded.  that  there  were  an  iii;»ny  lies  in  the  ncw«- 
papers  that  I  would  not  have  got  at  the  facta  even  then.  F'ailing  this  method, 
I  was  obliged  to  rely  on  what  I  could  pick  up  in  conversation.  I  have,  however, 
derived  some  assistance  from  a  liriiliaiit  articli-  hy  Mr.  Henry  G«>orKe,  who  wag 
then  a  resident  of  .San  PVancisco,  in  the  Popular  Science  Monthly  for  August, 
1880. 


f^Ar.   \r 


KKARXKVIHM    IN   < "AMFoKNIA 


431 


th«' plounJi of  tin-  airrniilturist  utul  Uw  pitkaxt-  of  th.-  miiu«r  hud 
crea-ttnl. 

Itotl.  in  Uh'  coufilry  and  in  (],,.  riiy  tlnrc  won  dwRUHt  with 
pohtics  and  th<'  iM,liti.iiui.s.     Th.-  I.-Kisiatur.-  wus  compowtl  al- 
most wholly  .'ith.T  of  orti(r-w.-k.rs  from  the  city  or  of  petty 
country  Juwyr-rH,  iie.-<ly  and  iiarrow-iniiidcd  men.     Those  who 
luuj  virtue  e.iouKh  not  to  U-  "uni  at  "  l.y  th«'  great  eoriK)rations. 
had  not  intelliKiriee  eiiounh  to  know  li..w  to  resist  their  devices. 
It  was  a  eomujoi»  wiyinn  ifi  the  State  tliat  each  HUccessive  leg- 
islature was  worw  tJian  its  pre<|eeesHor.      The  meeting  of  the 
reprew'ntatives  (.f  the  |M<.p|e  was  m-vn  with  anxiety,  their  de- 
parture witli   relief.     Some  ..pprol-ic.us  ejHtliet   was  l«>stoweti 
upon  <'ach.     One  was,  "the  legislature  of  a  thousand  drinks  "  • 
another,  "the  legislature  of  a  thousand  steals."     ( '(.unty  govern- 
ment wus  little  Letter  ;    city  government  was  even  worse.     The 
judges  were  not   eornifit,   hut  m«.st  of  them,  as  was  natural 
con.sidering  the  scanty  salaries  assign.-d  to  them,  were  inferior 
men,  not  fit  to  cofM-  with  the  counsel  who  practised  h'fore  them 
Partly  owing  to  the  weaknes,s  of  juries,  partly  to  the  intricacies 
of  the  law  and  the  defects  of  the  recently  mlopUil  ccxle,  criminal 
justice  was  halting  and  uncertain,  and  malefactors  often  went 
unpunishefl.      It  Ijecame  a  pnncrh  that  you  might  safely  commit 
a  murder  if  you  t(H)k  tlie  advice  of  the  he.st  lawyers. 

Neither  Democrats  nor  Repuhlicaiis  had  done,  or  s<-emed 
likely  to  do,  anything  to  remove  tlu-Mc  <viis  or  to  improve  the 
lot  of  the  fK-ojde.  Thc-y  were  only  seeking  fso  men  thouglit) 
places  or  the  chance  of  jnl>s  for  themselves,  and  could  always 
Ix?  Iwught  l)y  a  powerful  corporation.  Working  men  must 
help  themwives  ;  there  must  he  new  mcth(Kls  and  a  new  de- 
parture. Everything,  in  short,  was  rii)e  for  a  demagogue. 
Pate  was  kind  to  the  (alifornians  in  .sending  them  a  dema- 
gogue of  a  commcm  type,  noisy  and  confident,  hut  with  neither 
political  foresight  nor  constructive  talent. 

Late  in  1877  a  meeting  was  called  in  San  Franci.sco  to  ex- 
press s>'mpathy  with  the  men  on  strike  at  Pittslmrg  in  Penn- 
sylvania. Their  riotous  violence,  which  ha<l  alarmed  the 
respectable  classes  all  over  America,  had  gratified  the  di.scon- 
terited  railroad  operatives  of  California,  then  meditating  a 
strike  of  their  own  against  a  threat.  -I  reduction  of  wages. 
Some  .strong  language  used  at  this  n.eeting.  and  exaggerated 
by  the  newspapers,  frightene*!  the  tjusine.ss  men  into  forming 


fll 


132 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  IlKFLKCTIONS 


PAKT   > 


il 


a  sort  of  coiiunitti'e  of  puMic  safety,  with  the  president  of  the 
famous  Vigilance  Coniniittee  of  185G,  a  resolute  and  capable 
man,  at  its  hea«l.  Persons  enrolled  by  it  paraded  the  streets 
with  sticks  for  some  days  to  prevent  any  attack  on  the  Chinese, 
but  it  was  soon  perceived  that  there  was  no  real  danger,  and 
the  chief  result  of  the  incident  was  further  irritation  of  the 
poorer  classes,  who  jxTceivetl  that  the  rich  were  afraid  of  them, 
and  therefore  tlisposed  to  deal  harshly  with  them.  Shortly 
after  cume  an  election  of  municipal  officers  and  members  of  the 
State  legislature.  Tiie  contest,  a.s  is  the  custom  in  America, 
brought  into  life  a  number  of  clubs  and  other  organizations,  pur- 
porting to  represent  various  parties  or  sections  of  a  party, 
among  others  a  body  calling  it:;'lf  the  " Workingmen's  Trade 
and  Labour  Union,"  the  secretarj*  of  which  was  a  certain  Mr. 
Denis  Kearney.'  When  the  election  wa:s  over,  Kearney  declared 
that  he  would  keep  his  union  going,  and  form  a  working  man's 
party.  He  was  Irisli  by  birth,  and  though  in  l)usiness  as  a 
drayman,  had  some  experience  as  a  sailor,  and  held  a  master's 
certificate.  He  had  borne  a  good  character  for  industry  and 
steadiness  till  some  friend  "put  him  into  stocks,"  and  the  loss  of 
what  he  hoped  to  gain  is  said  to  have  first  turned  him  to  agita- 
tion. He  hail  gained  some  faculty  in  speaking  by  practice  at  a 
Sunday  debating  club  called  the  Lyceum  of  Self  Culture.  A 
self-cultivating  lyceum  sounds  as  harmless  as  a  Social  Science 
congress,  but  there  are  times  when  even  mutual  improvement 
societies  may  be  dangerous.  Kearney's  tongue,  loud  and  vio- 
lent, .soon  gathered  an  audience.  On  the  west  side  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, as  you  cross  the  peninsula  from  the  harlwiur  towards  the 
ocean,  there  was  then  a  large  open  space,  laid  out  for  building, 
l)ut  not  yet  built  on,  covered  with  sand,  and  hence  called  the 
Sand  Ijot.  Here  the  mob  had  l)een  wont  to  gather  for  meetings  ; 
here  Kearney  formed  his  i)arty.  .\t  first  he  had  mostly  vaga- 
bonds to  listen,  but  one  of  tlu  two  great  newspapers  took  him 
up.  These  two,  the  Chronicle  and  th(>  Morning  Call,  were  in 
keen  rivalry,  and  the  former,  seeing  in  this  new  movement 
a  chance  of  going  ahead,  filling  its  columns  with  .sensational 
matter,  and  increasing  its  sale  among  working  men,  went  in 
hot  and  strong  for  the  Saiid  Lot  party.  One  of  it.e.  reporters 
hius  been  credite<l  with  dressing  up  Kearney's  speeches  into 
something  approaching  literary  form,  for  the  orator  was  an 

'  Sir  notr  in  tln'  Appiiidix  at  the  fiid  of  this  volume. 


CBAP.   XC 


KEARNEYISM  IN  CALIFORNIA 


433 


imperfectly  educated  man,  with  idc'as  chieHy  Kathered  from  the 
daily  press.     The  advertisement  which  the  Chronicle  gave  him 
by  Its  reports  and  articles,  and  which  he  repaid  by  advising 
workmg  men  to  take  it,  soon  made  him  a  personage ;  and  his 
p<Mition  was  finally  assured  l)y  his  being,  along  with  several 
other  speakers,  arrested  and  prosecuted  on  a  charge  of  riot 
m  respect  of  inflammatory  speeches  delivered  at  a  meeting  on 
the  top  of  Noi)  Hill,  one  of  the  steej)  heights  which  make  San 
Irancisco  the  most  picturesque  of  American  cities.     The  prose- 
cution failed,  and  Kearney  was   a  iwp.ular  hero.     Clerks  and 
the  better  class  of  citizens  now  began  to  attend  his  meetings 
though  many  went  from  mere  curiosity,  as  thev  would  have' 
gone  to  a  circus :   the  W.  P.  C.  (Workingman's  Party  of  Cali- 
fornia) was  organized  as  a  regular  party,  embracing  the  whole 
btate  ot  California,  with  Kearney-  for  its  president.     The  gather- 
ing on  the  Sand  Lot  to  which  all  those   'eager  for  now  things  " 
as  the  discontented  class  were  of  a\0.  time  called,  flocked  every 
Sunday  afternoon  'o  cheer  denunciations  of  corporations  and 
monopolists,    and      ,   "resolute"   against  the   rich   generally 
became  a  centre  of  San  Francisco  politics,  and  through  the 
reports  of  some  newspapers  und  the  attacks  of  others,  roused 
the  people  of  the  entire  State.     The  Morning  Call  had  now 
foUowed  the  lead  of  the  Chronicle,  trying  to  outbid  it  for  the 
support  of  the  working  men.      There  was  nothing  positive, 
nothing  constructive  or  practical,  either  in  these  tirades  or  in 
the  programme  of  the  party,  but  an  open-air  crowd  is  not 
critical,  and  givos  the  loudest  cheers  to   the   strongest    lan- 
guage.    Kearney   was  not   without  shrewdness  and  address- 
he  knew  how  to  push  himself  to  the  front,  and  retain  the  repu- 
tation of  rugged  honesty  :  he  always  dressed  as  a  workman 
and  ran  for  no  oflice,  and  while  denouncing  politicians  as  thieves 
and  capitalists  as   blood-suckers,    while  threatening  fire   and 
the  halter  if  the  demands  of  the  people  were  not  granted, 
he  tried  to  avo=(l  direct  breaches  of  the  law.     On  one  occasion 
he  held  a  gathering  beside  the  mansions  of  the  Central  Pacific 
magnates  on  Nob  Hill,  pointed  to  them  and  to  the  bonfire  which 
nriarked  the  place  of  meeting,  and  while  telling  the  people  that 
these  men  deserved  to  have  their  houses  burned,  al,.stained  from 
suggesting  that  the  torch  should  Ih»  applied  then  and  there. 
Another  time  he  bade  the  ptH)ple  wait  a  little  till  his  party  had 
carried  their  candidate  for  the  governors 


* 

^I 


2f 


rship 


State:  "Then 


434 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   1 


r;,f' 


r- 


we  shall  have  the  control  of  the  militia  and  the  armouries ; 
then  we  can  go  down  to  the  Pacific  Mail  I'ompany's  dock  and 
turn  back  the  steamers  that  come  in  bringing  the  Chinese."  ^ 
Immense  enthusiasm  was  evoked  by  these  harangues.  He  was 
crowned  with  flowers  ;  he  was,  when  released  from  prison  on  one 
occasion,  drawn  in  triumph  by  his  followers  in  his  own  dray ; 
newspaper  reporters  thronged  around  to  interview  him  ;  promi- 
nent politicians  came  to  seek  favours  from  him  on  the  sly. 
Discontent  among  the  wt)rking  class  was  the  chief  cause  that 
made  the  new  party  grow,  for  grow  it  did  :  and  though  San 
Francisco  was  the  centre  of  its  strength,  it  had  clubs  in  Sacra- 
mento and  the  other  cities,  all  led  by  the  San  Francisco  convention 
which  Kearney  swayed.  But  there  were  further  causes  not  to 
be  passed  over.  One  was  the  distrust  of  the  officials  of  the 
State  and  the  city.  T^ie  municipal  govt  rnm(>nt  of  San  Francisco 
was  far  from  pure.  Tne  officials  enriched  themselves,  while  the 
paving,  the  draining,  the  lighting  were  scandalously  neglected  ; 
corruption  and  political  jobbery  had  found  their  way  even  into 
school  management,  and  liquor  was  sold  everywhere,  the  publi- 
cans being  leagued  with  the  heads  of  the  police  to  prevent  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws.  Another  was  the  support  given  to 
their  countrymen  by  the  Irish,  here  a  discont<^ntt!d  and  turbulent 
part  of  the  population,  by  the  lower  class  of  C.'rman  immigrants, 
and  by  the  longshore  men,  also  an  imjwrtant  element  in  this 
great  port,  and  a  dangerous  element  (as  long  ago  in  Athens) 
wherever  one  finds  them.  The  activity  of  the  Chronicle  counted 
for  much,  for  it  was  ably  written,  went  everywhere,  and  con- 
tinued to  give  a  point  and  force  to  Kearney's  harangues,  which 
made  them  not  less  effective  in  print  than  even  his  voice  had 
made  them  to  the  listening  crowds.  Some  think  that  the 
monie<l  classes  at  this  juncture  ought  to  have  lK)ught  up  the 
Chronicle  (supposing  they  could  have  done  so  secretly),  and 
its  then  editor  and  proprietor  has  been  much  maligned  if  he 
would  have  refused  to  be  Iwught  up."    The  newspajx'rs  certainly 

'  In  an  earlier  agitation  this  company's  yard  whs  attarked,  but  the  onlj' 
person  killed  was  a  lad  (ono  of  th«!  sptviiil  ponstabU-s  deiendinK  it)  whose  Run 
burst. 

'  Thi«  i^itor  liwiini'*  Hiilmomi-ntly  ftvmoiia  over  Anipriou  by  his  "difficulties" 
with  a  leading  Baptist  minister  of  Sau  Fraurispo.  He  had  shot  this  minister 
in  the  street  from  l)ehin<l  the  blind  of  a  carriage,  and  thereby  made  him  so 
popular  that  the  W.  P.  C.  carried  him  for  their  candidate  for  the  mayoralty. 
The  blood  feud,  however,  was  not  settli-d  by  this  iinint<!n'led  service,  for  the 
clergyman's  son  went  soon  after  to  the  Chronicle  office  and  slew  the  editor. 


CHAP.   XC 


KEARNEYI8M   IN  CALIFORNIA 


435 


played  a  great  part  in  the  movement ;  they  turned  the  working 
man's  party  into  a  force  by  representing  it  to  have  already  become 
one.  Most  important  of  all,  how(!ver,  was  the  popular  hatred 
of  the  Chinese.  This  was  so  strong  in  California  that  any  party 
which  could  become  its  exponent  rode  on  the  crest  of  the  wave. 
The  old  parties,  though  l)oth  denouncing  Chinese  immigration 
in  every  convention  they  held,  and  professing  to  legislate  against 
it,  had  failed  to  check  it  by  State  laws,  and  had  not  yet  obtained 
Federal  laws  prohibiting  it.  They  had  therefore  lost  the  con- 
fidence of  the  masses  on  this  point,  while  the  Sand  Ix)t  party, 
whose  leaders  had  got  into  trouble  for  the  ferocity  of  their 
attacks  on  the  Chinese,  gained  that  confidence,  and  became 
the  "anti-Mongolian"  party  par  excellence.  Like  C'ato  with 
his  Delenda  est  Carthago,  Kearney  ended  every  speech  vith 
the  words,  "And  whatever  happens,  the  Chinese  mu.st  go." 

Meanwhile,  where  were  the  old  parties,  and  what  was  their 
attitude  to  this  new  one  ?  It  is  so  hard  in  America  to  establish 
a  new  movement  outside  the  regular  party  lines,  that  when  such 
a  movement  is  found  powerful,  we  may  expect  to  find  that  th<!re 
exist  special  causes  weakening  these  lines.  Su(;h  forces  existed 
in  California.  She  lies  so  far  from  the  Atlantic  and  Mississippi 
State«,  and  has  been  so  much  occupied  with  her  own  concerns  — 
even  the  War  of  S<K-es.sion  did  not  interest  her  as  it  did  the 
country  east  of  tlie  Rocky  Mountains  —  that  the  two  great 
national  parties  have  had  a  comparatively  weak  hold  on  the 
people.  The  Chinese  question  and  the  railroad  question  dwarftd 
the  regular  party  issues.  Neither  party  had  shown  itself  able 
to  deal  with  the  former  -  lK)th  parties  were  suspected  of  having 
bt;en  tampered  with  on  the  latter.  Botli  had  incurred  the  dis- 
credit which  follows  every  party  in  hard  times,  when  the  public 
are  poor,  and  see  that  their  taxes  have  been  ill-spent.  The  Sand 
Lot  party  drew  its  support  ciiieHy  from  the  r)emocrats,who  here, 
as  in  the  Ea<t,  have  the  larger  share  of  the  ral)ble  :  hence  its 
rise  was  not  unwelcome  to  the  Republicans,  because  it  promised 
to  divide  and  weaken  their  old  opponents  ;  wl.il.'  the  Democrats, 
hoping  ultimately  to  capture  it,  gave  a  feeble  resistance.  Thus 
it  grew  the  faster,  and  soon  began  to  run  a  ticket  of  its  own  at 
city  and  State  elections.     It  carried  most  of  the  city  offices,  and 

Thp  j-outift  ni.in  nap  triod.  and.  of  ctjurw-,  iu<iuittcd.  IIi  hiid  nnly  done  what 
the  cu«totnar\  I.iw  of  |>riinitivc  ppoples  requires.  It  uurvives  in  AKtania  and 
ia  acarrely  extinct  ir.  (  oreica. 


1^  I 

:d  I 

*Ml 


ifH 

**»tf^ 


436 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


^1 


li^'i 


when  the  question  was  submittetl  to  the  people  whether  a  new 
Coastitution  should  be  framed  for  California,  it  threw  its  vote 
in  favour  of  having  one,  and  prevailed. 

"The  hoodlums"'  and  other  ragamuffins  who  had  formed 
the  audience  at  the  ^rst  Sand  Lot  meetings  could  not  have 
effected  this.  But  the  W.  P.  C  now  got  a  lieavy  vote  in  San 
Francisco  from  the  better  sort  of  working  men,  clerks,  and 
small  shopkeepers.  In  the  rural  districts  they  had  still  more 
powerful  allies.  The  so-called  (Granger  movement  had  spread 
from  the  upper  Mississippi  States  into  California,  and  enlisted 
the  fanners  in  a  campaign  against  the  railroads  and  other 
"monopoUsts"  and  corporations.  1.)  compel  a  reduction  of 
charges  for  goods  and  passengers,  to  prevent  the  railroad  from 
comi)ining  with  the  Panama  Steamship  Company,  to  reduce 
public  expenditure,  to  shift  more  taxation  on  to  the  shoulders 
of  the  rich,  and  generally  to  *  cinch"  capital  —  these  were  the 
aims  of  the  Granger  party  ;  nor  will  any  one  who  knows  Cali- 
fornia think  them  wholly  unreasonable.  The  only  way  to 
effect  them  was  by  a  new  Constitution,  not  only  because  some 
could  not  have  been  attaineti  under  the  then  existing  Consti- 
tution (passed  in  1849  and  amende<l  in  several  points  subse- 
quently), but  also  because  the  people  have  more  direct  control 
over  legislation  through  a  convention  making  a  Constitution 
than  they  have  over  tlie  action  of  a  legislature.  The  delegates 
to  a  convention  go  straight  from  the  election  to  their  work, 
have  not  time  to  forget,  or  to  devise  means  of  evading,  their 
pledges,  are  less  liable  to  be  "got  at"  by  capitalists.  They 
constitute  only  one  house,  whereas  the  legislature  has  two. 
There  is  no  governor  to  stand  in  the  way  vnth  his  veto.  The 
rarity  and  importance  of  the  occasioa  fixes  public  attention. 
Thus  a  new  Constitution  became  the  object  of  the  fiopular  cry, 
and  a  himvy  vote  in  favour  of  having  it  was  cast  by  the  country 
farmers  as  well  as  by  decent  working  people  in  the  towns  just 
because  it  j)romised  a  new  departure  and  seemed  to  get  b(>hind 
the  old  parties.  As  often  happens,  the  "goo<l  citizens,"  who 
ought  to  have  seen  the  danger  of  framing  a  new  Constitution 
at  a  time  of  such  excitement,  were  apathetic  and  unorganized. 

Next  came,  in  the  summer  of  1878,  the  choice  of  delegat(>s 
to  the  convention  which  was  to  frame  the  new  Constitution. 


'  Tho  term  "hivMlhinis"  ilciiotj-s    thnw    who  nrr  nillcd  in  Aii!»tRili:i  "larri- 
kiuii,"  aud  iu  Liverpool  "  corucr-boyK,"  loufiiiK  yuutlia  of  uiisctucvouB  proclivities. 


CHAP.   XV 


KEARNTEYISM   I\  CALIFORNIA 


437 


Tlu'  Workingniaii'.s  Party  carried  many  scats  in  the  conven- 
tion, but  its  nominees  were  mostly  ignorant  men,  without 
experience  or  constructive  iileas.'  Among  the  lawyers,  who 
secured  a  large  representation,  there  were  some  closely  l)ound 
l)y  business  ti<'s  to  the  great  corporations  and  therefore  dis- 
poseil  to  protect  the  interests  of  these  corporations,  as  well  as 
tliose  of  the  legal  j)rofession.  In  justice  to  many  of  tliem  it 
must  be  add(Ml  that  their  respect  for  the  principles  of  the  com- 
mon law  and  for  sound  constitutional  doctrine  made  them  do 
their  best  to  restrain  the  wild  folly  of  their  colleagues.  How- 
ever, the  working  men's  delegates,  together  with  the  more 
numerous  and  less  corruptible  delegates  of  the  fanners,  got 
their  way  in  many  things  and  pnMluced  the  surj)rising  instru- 
ment by  which  California  was  thereafter  governed. 


I    < 


III.   The  New  CoNSTiTrTioiv 

An  able  Californian  writer  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
Constitution  of  1879  :  — 

"The  new  Constitution  adopted  in  May,  18i»7.  made  radieal  changes 
in  almost  every  department  of  the  (Jovernment.  It  completely  ehanKe<l 
the  judicial  system,  and  thereby  rendered  mn-essary  an  alteration  or  al- 
most all  the  laws  relating  ti>  civil  and  eriminul  pnH'e<lure.  It  r«'volu- 
tionized  the  working,  and  to  a  great  extent  the  sco|)e  of  the  legislative 
department,  lopping  oiT  s|)«*(-ial  and  hn-al  legislation,  and  obliging  the 
objects  heretofore  obtained  by  sueh  legislation  to  be  covered  by  general 
law.  As  a  part  of  this  revolution,  it  require<l  a  new  plan  of  county, 
township,  and  city  orgiinization.  with  the  idea  partly  of  forcing  the 
same  general  laws  u|H>n  all  Im-al  governments,  and  partly  of  investing 
such  local  governments  with  power  to  legislate  for  themselves.  Hut 
the  main  underlying  spirit  of  the  new  instrument  was  an  attack  upon 
<'apital  under  the  sihhmous  name  of  opposition  to  monopolies.  To  us«' 
an  expressive  Californian  phras<'.  capital,  and  es|K'cially  a<'cuniulated 
capital,  wherever  it  was  found,  was  to  Ik>  'cinched.'  -  With  this  obje<'t 
in  view,  cheap  labour  was  to  In*  driven  out  of  the  country,  and  coriMira- 
tions  so  restrif'ted  and  hani|H'red  in  tlicir  o|M'rations  as  to  t>e  unable  to 
make  large  profits.     The  cr>  was  that  there  were  unjust  discri  mi  tuitions 

'  .\npodotcs  wore  still  purrrtit  tlirc*-  yoars  iiftcrwurils  of  the  iKnoranop  of 
8OII10  of  the  ddcKutt's.  When  the  cIhum'  pniliiliitiiiK  iiiiy  "liivv  iinpiiiriiie  the 
<>l)liKution  of  enntriiets"  (taken  from  the  Federal  ('onstitiitioii)  wiis  under 
<iir«-(i.t.si(>ri.  a  ."<an  Fraii<-iseo  (ieieuate  ulijeeted  to  it.  .\ii  einiiiiiit  lawyer,  lemier 
of  the  Californian  bar.  who  reeognizefl  in  the  ohjeetor  a  little  uphol.itenT  who 
useti  to  do  joist  alxtut  his  house,  askiil  why.  The  upholsterer  replie<l,  that 
he  disikpprove<l  altocether  of  eontraets,  iHcaust-  he  thuiiKht  v,-ork  should  1)« 
doni'  hy  hiriuK  workmen  for  the  (l:i\ 

*  "('inching"  is  drawing  tiijht  the  nirtlis  of  a  hurse. 


I 


438 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAST  V 


on  the  part  of  the  railroads,  and  extortionate  rates  on  the  part  of  water 
and  gas  companies ;  that  vicious  prac-tii-es  were  indulged  in  by  mining 
corporations  ;  that  fair  day's  wages  for  fair  tiay's  lalmur  could  not  be 
obtained  ;  that  rich  men  rolle<l  in  luxury,  and  that  poor  men  were 
cramped  with  want.  It  may  be  admitted  that  there  were  some  grounds 
for  these  complaints.  But  it  does  not  follow  that  capital  was  any 
more  tyrannical  or  corporations  more  unconscionable  than  by  their 
very  natiu%  they  are  compelled  to  be."  ' 

Some  of  the  above  points,  and  particularly  the  changes  in 
local  government  and  in  the  judicial  system,  lie  rather  outside 
the  scope  of  the  present  narrative,  and  I  therefore  confine  my- 
self to  inquiring  how  far  the  objects  aimed  at  by  the  Sand  Lot 
party  were  attained  through  the  Constitution  whose  enactment 
it  had  secmred.  They  and  the  Grangers,  or  farmers'  party, 
which  made  common  cause  with  them,  sought  to  deal  with  four 
questions  in  which  lay  the  grievances  chiefly  complained  of  by 
discontentetl  Calif omians. 
These  were  — 

The  general  corruption  of  politicians,  and  bad  conduct  of 
State,   county,  and  city  government. 

Taxation,  alleged  to  press  too  heavily  on  the  poorer  classes. 

The  tyranny  of  corporations,  especially  railroads. 

The  Chinese. 

Let  us  see  what  remedies  the  Constitution  appUed  to  each  of 
these.  The  cry  of  the  Sand  Lot  party  had  been  :  "None  but 
honest  men  for  the  offices."  To  find  the  honest  men,  and, 
having  found  them,  to  put  them  in  offices  and  keep  them  there, 
is  the  great  problem  of  American  politics.  The  contributions 
made  to  its  .solution  by  the  Convention  of  1879  were  neither 
novel  nor  promising.  Its  main  results  may  be  summed  up 
under  the  four  heads  above-mentioned.- 

1.  It  restricts  and  limits  in  every  possible  way  the  powers 

of  the  State  legislature,  leaving  it  Uttle  authority  ex- 
cept to  carry  out  by  statutes  the  provisions  of  the  Con- 
stitution. It  makes  "lobbjing,"  i.e.  the  attempt  to 
corrupt  a  legislator,  and  the  corrupt  action  of  a  legis- 
lator, felony. 

2.  It  forbids  the  State  legislature  or  local   authorities  to 

incur  debts  beyond  a  certain  limit,  taxes  uncultivated 

'  Mr.  Theodorp  H.  Hittoll  in  the  Berkeley  Qmrtrrly  for  July.  1880. 
'  As  to  th<'  niiturt'  of  .State  coiL-ititutioiis  in  neneral,  and  the  restrictions  they 
now  impose  on  legislatures,  see  Chapters  XXXV'II  »qq.  in  Vol.  I. 


CHAP.  XC 


KEARNEYISM   IN  CALIFORNIA 


439 


land  equally  with  cultivated,  makes  suras  due  on 
mortK&K<^  taxable  in  the  district  where  the  mortgaged 
property  lies,  autliorizes  an  income  tax,  and  directs  a 
highly  inquisitorial  scrutiny  of  everybody's  property 
for  the  purposes  of  taxation. 

3.  It  for}<ids  the   "watering  of  stoiik,"   declares  that  the 

State  has  power  to  pr(!vent  corporations  from  conduct- 
ing their  business  so  as  to  "infringe  the  general  well- 
being  of  the  State"  ;  directs  the  charges  of  telegraph 
and  gas  companies,  and  of  water-supplying  bodies,  to 
be  regulated  and  limiteil  by  law ;  institutes  a  railroad 
commission  with  power  to  fix  the  transportation  rates 
on  all  railroads  and  examine  the  books  and  accounts 
of  all  transportation  companies. 

4.  It  forbids  all  corporations  to  employ  any  Chinese,  debars 

them  from  the  suffrage  (thereby  attempting  to  trans- 
gress the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion), forbids  their  emplojonent  on  any  public  works, 
annuls  all  contracts  for  "coolie  lalxjur,"  directs  the 
legislature  to  provide  for  the  punishment  of  any  com- 
pany which  shall  import  Chinese,  to  impose  conditions 
on  the  residence  of  Chinese,  and  to  cause  their  re- 
moval if  they  fail  to  ol)serve  these  conditions. 
It  also  declares  that  eight  hours  shall  constitute  a  legal  day's 
work  on  all  public  works. 

When  the  Constitution  came  to  be  sulmiitted  to  the  vote  of 
the  people,  in  May,  1871),  it  was  vehemently  opposed  by  the 
monietl  men,  who  of  course  influence,  in  respect  of  their  wealth, 
a  far  larger  number  of  votes  than  they  themselves  ca.st.  Several 
of  the  conservative  di'legates  had,  I  was  told,  abstainiKl  from 
putting  forth  their  full  efforts  to  have  the  worst  proposals 
rejected  by  the  convention  in  the  belief  that  when  the  people 
came  to  consider  them,  they  would  ensure  the  rejection  of  the 
whole  instrument.  Some  of  its  provisions  were  alleged  to  be 
opposed  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  therefore 
null.  Others  were  denounced  as  ruinous  to  commerce  and 
industry,  calculated  to  drive  capital  out  of  the  country.  The 
struggle  was  severe,  but  the  CranKcr  party  commanded  so  many 
rural  votes,  and  the  Sand  I^)t  party  so  many  in  San  Francisco 
(who.se  population  was  then  n»'arly  a  third  of  that  of  the  en- 


440 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAHT   » 


tire  State),  that  tho  Constitution  was  carriwl,  though  by  a 
siuall  majority,  only  11,000,  out  of  a  total  of  145,0(K)  citizens 
votinR.  Of  course  it  had  to  Im-  enactinl  as  a  whole,  amendment 
b«'ing  imi)ossil)le  where  a  vote  of  the  iM«opie  is  taken. 

The  next  thiiiR  was  to  clumse  a  lefiislature  to  carry  out  the 
Constitution.  Had  the  same  influences  prevailed  in  this  election 
as  prevailed  in  that  of  the  Constitutional  ( 'onvention,  the  results 
might  have  l)e<>n  serious.  But,  fortunately,  there  was  a  slight 
reaction,  now  that  the  first  and  main  step  sei'ininl  to  hav(«  l)e<'n 
taken.  The  Republicans,  Democrats,  and  Sand  Lot  party  all 
ran  "tickets,"  and  owing  to  this  tUvision  of  the  wofking  men's 
and  the  Oanger  vote  l)etW(H«n  Kearnejnte  candidates  and  the 
Democrats,  the  Republicans  secured  a  majority,  though  a  small 
one.  Now  the  Repui)licans  are  in  (California,  as  they  would 
them.selves  say,  the  moderate  and  conservative  party,  or  as  their 
opponents  said,  the  party  of  the  rich  and  the  monopolists. 
Their  predominance  made  the  legislature  of  1880  a  Ixxly  more 
cautious  than  might  have  been  expecteil.  Professing  hearty 
loyalty  to  the  new  Constitution,  the  majority  showed  this 
loyalty  by  keeping  well  within  the  letter  of  that  instrument, 
while  the  working  men  and  farmer  members  were  dispostnl  to 
follow  out  by  l)old  legislation  what  they  called  its  spirit.  Thus 
the  friends  and  the  enemies  of  the  Constitution  ehangini  places. 
Tho.se  who  had  opposed  it  in  the  Convention  posed  as  its  ad- 
mirers and  defenders ;  while  tho.se  who  had  clamourcnl  for  and 
carrie<l  it  now  began  to  ^^^sh  that  they  had  made  its  directions 
more  imperative.  The  influence  and  the  money  of  the  railroad 
and  the  other  great  coriJorations  were  of  course  brought  into 
play,  despite  the  terrors  of  a  prosecution  for  felony,  and  became 
an  additional  "conservative  force"  of  great  moment. 

Thus  a  .series  of  statutes  was  pa^scnl  which  gave  effect  to  the 
provisions  of  the  Constitution  in  a  fonr,  perhaps  as  little  harm- 
ful as  could  l)e  contrived,  and  certainly  less  hannful  than  had 
been  feared  when  the  Constitution  was  put  to  the  vote.  Many 
bad  bills,  particularly  those  aimcnl  at  the  Chinese,  were  de- 
feated, and  one  may  say  generally  that  the  expectations  of  the 
Sand  Lot  men  wer    grievously  disappointetl. 

While  all  this  was  passing,  Kearney  had  more  and  more 
declined  in  fame  and  power.  He  did  not  .sit  either  in  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention  or  in  the  legislature  of  I8«().  The  mob 
had  tired  of  his  harangues,  esi)ecially  as  little  seemed  to  come 


CHAP.   XC 


KKAUNKYIHM   IN  CALIFOHNIA 


441 


of  them,  and  as  the  camlidatcs  of  the  W.  P.  C.  had  behaved 
no  better  in  office  tiian  those  of  the  old  par'ies.  He  had  quar- 
reile<l  with  the  (Jhronidc.  He  was,  nior.  over,  unfitted  by 
knowUnlRe  or  training;  to  argue  the  legal,  eeonouiical,  and 
political  (juestions  involved  in  the  new  Constitution,  so  that  the 
prominence  of  these  (juestions  threw  him  into  the  background. 
An  anti-Chinese  agitation,  in  which  the  un(>mployed  marched 
about  San  Francisco,  culling  on  employers  to  discharge  all 
Chinese  workmen,  caused  some  alarm  in  the  winter  of  1879-80, 
but  Kearney  was  absent  at  th(^  time,  a.id  when  he  rctumeti 
his  party  was  wavering.  Kven  his  prosecution  and  imprison- 
ment on  a  rather  trivial  charge  gave  only  a  brief  revival  to 
his  popularity.  The  W.  P.  C.  was  defeated  in  a  city  election 
in  March,  1880,  by  a  combination  of  the  better  class  of  Demo- 
crats with  the  Republicans,  and  soon  after  expired. 

When  I  was  in  San  Francisco  in  the  fall  of  1881,  people 
talked  of  Kearney  as  a  spent  rocket.  Some  did  not  know 
whether  he  was  in  the  city.  Others  said  tliat  the  capitalists  had 
renderetl  him  hannless  by  the  gift  of  a  new  dray  and  team. 
Not  long  afterwards  he  went  East,  and  mounted  the  stump  on 
behalf  of  the  Lal)our  party  in  New  York.  He  proved,  how- 
ever, scarcely  ('(jual  U)  his  fame,  for  moli  (jratory  is  a  flower 
which  does  not  alwaj's  bear  transplantation.  Though  he  Uved 
till  1906,  he  was  never  again  a  leading  figure  in  Californian 
politics,  and  was,  indeed,  in  1883,  no  longer  deemed  a  force  to 
Im'  regarded.  And  now,  as  the  Icelandic  sagas  say,  he  is  out 
of  the  story. 

After  the  session  of  1880,  Californian  politics  resumed  their 
old  features.  Election  frauds  were  said  to  have  Ix'come  le.ss 
frequent  since  glass  ball(»t  1k)Xcs  were  adopted,  whereby  the 
practice  of  stuffing  a  box  with  papers  before  the  voters  ar- 
rive in  the  morning  has  been  checked.  Hut  the  game  between 
the  two  old  i)arties  went  on  as  before.  What  remained  of  the 
Sand  Ixit  group  was  reabsorbed  into  the  Democratic  party,  out 
of  which  it  had  mainly  come,  and  to  which  it  had  strong  affini- 
ties. The  city  government  of  San  Francisco  continued  to  \wt 
much  what  it  was  before  the  agitation,-  a  few  years  later,  under 
Boss  Buckley,  it  was  even  worse,  —  nor  did  the  legislature  be- 
come any  purer  or  wiser.  When  the  railroad  commission  had  to 
be  elected,  the  railroad  magnates  managed  so  to  influence  the 
•-'lection,  although  it  was  made  tlinctly  l)y  the  people,  that  two 


i 


443 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKPLBCTION8 


PART   V 


1 1«. ! 

im 


of  the  three  runiniiriHionors  choHen  wore,  or  wxm  afterwards 
came,  under  their  inHuenec,  while  the  tliird  was  a  mere  de- 
claimer.     None  of  them  pt)s»Mt«w<l  the  practical  knowledge  of 
railway  huHincnw  newUtl  Ut  enihle  theni  to  deal,  in  the  manner 
contempiat<Hl  hy  the  Constitution,  with  the  oppressionH  alleged 
to  be  practiwHl  l»y  the  railmad.i ;   and  the  eomplairits  of  those 
oppn>ti«ion.s  seemed  in  18S.{  U)  he  as  oonunon  as  formerly.     I 
enquired  in  that  year  wJiy  tlie  railroad  magnates  had  not  Ini'n 
content  to  rely  on  certain  provisions  of  the  Ft^leral  (Constitu- 
tion against  the  control  sought  to  Im*  exerted  over  their  under- 
taking.    The  an.swer  was  that  they  liad  considered  this  course, 
but  had  concluded  that  it  was  cheainr  to  capture  a  majority 
of  the  Commis.sion.     The  passiu«  of  the  Inter-State  ('ommerce 
Act  by  (\)ngress  was  expect<'d  to  l)ring  alK)ut  a  change  in  the 
situation,  i>ut  that  act   disuppointj^l  its  promoters;   and  the 
tyranny  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad  (as  it  is  now  called, 
for  it  has  ab84irlH'd  the  Central  Paeitic  line)  remained  severe. 
In  July  1894,  when  the  disput««  between  the  Pullman  Com- 
pany and  their  employi^es  in  Illinois  gave  ris«'  to  a  railway  strike 
over  large  parts  of  the  Wot,  tlw  mobs  wliich  attacked  tho 
depots  and  wreckcnl   the  trains  in   California  se«'m  to  have 
been  regardwl  by  the  mass  of  the  people  with  a  sympathy 
which  can  Im'  attributed  to  nothing  but  the  general  hostility 
felt  to  the  railroad  company  which  had  so  long  lain  like  an 
incubus  on  the  State. 

Some  of  the  legislation  framed  under  the  Constitution  of  1879 
was  soon  pronounced  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  in- 
valid, as  opposed  to  that  instrument  itself  or  to  the  Federal 
Constitution.  So  far  as  the  condition  of  the  fHxjple  at  large  was 
affected,  it  is  not  so  much  to  the  Constitution  as  to  the  general 
advance  in  prosp(  rity  that  they  owe  what  they  have  gained. 
However,  the  restrictions  imposed  on  the  legislature  (as  regards 
special  legislation)  and  on  local  authorities  (as  regards  Imr- 
rowing  and  the  undertaking  of  costly  public  works)  have  proved 
beneficial.  Congress  pa.s.s(Hl  statutes  stopping  Chinese  immi- 
gration, and  the  subsef|uent  influx  of  Japanese  lalxjurers  was 
reduced  in  1908  to  small  dimensions.  The  net  result  of  the 
whole  agitation  was  to  give  the  moniwl  cla.s.ses  in  California 
a  fright ;  to  win  for  the  State  a  bad  njune  throughout  America, 
and,  by  checking  for  a  time  the  influx  of  capital,  to  retard  her 
growth  just  when  prosperity  was  reviving  over  the  rest  of  the 


CHAP,  xv  KKAUNKVISM   IN  CALIFORNIA 


443 


country;  to  wr.rry,  witli4tut  seriously  cripijling.  the  Rreat  cor- 
puratioris,  and  to  U-avv  the  workinK  <litss<'s  and  fanners  where 
tliey  were.  No  great  liann  wa.s  cione,  and  the  Constitution, 
pruned  and  trunnMnl  l.y  tlio  et>urts,  and  fretjuently  amended, 
usually  in  a  '  radical '  s.nse,  ultiumtcly  came  to  work  tolerably. 
Since  thosj;  days,  other  States  have  enacte«t  Constitutions  no 
letJH  rasli  and  no  less  drastic  in  some  of  their  jjrovisiona. 


IV'.    OlIHKKVATIONS  0\   THK   MoVEMENT 

I  would  leave  the  reader  to  draw  a  moral  for  himself,  were 
he  not  likely  to  err,  as  I  did  myself,  till  corrected  by  my  Cali- 
fornian  friends  by  thinking  the  whole  movement  more  serious 
than  it  really  wa.s. 

It  rose  with  surprising  ea.se  and  swiftness.  The  conditions 
were  no  doubt  e-xccptionally  favourable.  No  other  population  in 
America  furnishwl  so  g«MMl  a  field  for  demagogy.  But  the  dema- 
gogue himself  was  not  fonnidable.  He  did  nut  make  the  move- 
naent,  but  merely  nnle  for  a  moment  on  the  crest  of  the  wave. 
Europeans  may  say  that  u  stronger  mati,  a  man  with  knowl- 
edge, education,  and  a  fi<'rce  tenacity  of  fibre,  might  have 
built  up  a  more  permanent  power,  and  used  it  with  more  de- 
structive effect.  Hut  Calif»jrnians  .say  that  a  strong  man 
would  not  have  l)een  sufTere<l  to  do  what  Kearney  did  with 
impunity.  Kearney  throve  so  they  allege  —  l)ecause  the 
solid  clas-ses  despised  him,  an-'  felt  that  the  best  thing  was  to 
let  him  talk  him.self  out  and  reveal  his  own  Ji«)!lownesa. 

The  movement  fell  as  quickly  as  it  rose.  This  was  partly 
due,  as  has  just  been  said,  to  the  incompetence  of  the  leader, 
who  had  really  nothing  to  propose  and  did  not  know  how  *o 
use  the  force  that  seemed  to  have  (onie  to  his  hands.  Some- 
thing, however,  must  be  set  dowii  to  the  credit  of  the  American 
party  system.  The  existing  parties  arf  so  strong,  and  are 
spread  over  so  wide  an  area,  tliat  it  is  very  difficult  'o  create 
a  new  party.  Resting  on  a  complex  local  or<;anization,  and 
supported  by  the  central  organiz.ition  for  the  purpo.ses  of  Fed- 
er.i!  politic«,  they  can  ?ur\-ive  a  tfmi;wi;iry  ofilfjM-  in  a  particu- 
lar State,  while  a  new  party  cannot  count  itself  |)ermftnent 
till  it  has  establishwl  .som<'  such  organization,  central  as  well 
as  local.  This  may  operate  badly  in  keeping  old  parties  alive, 
when  they  deserve  to  die.     But  it  operates  well  in  checking 


444 


n.LrSTrL\TI0N8  and  HKKLKt'TION'S 


fART    \ 


the  growth  or  abridging  the  life  of  misohievous  lot-al  factions. 
That  fund  of  good  wnw,  morcovjT,  which  lies  at  the  liottom 
of  nearly  every  native  American  inind.  H«K)n  produces  a  reaction 
against  extreme  measures.     VVh«'n  the  native  voters,  especially 
thos*?  who  ownetl  even  a  little  prop<'rty,  had  relieved  their 
minds  by  voting  for  the  new  Constitution,  they  felt  they  hiul 
gone  far  enough  in  the  Urection  of  changi',  and  at  the  election 
of  a  hidxluturc  vote«l  tor  moderate  men.    Su|)port  from  this 
class  having  been  withdrawn,  the  Sand  I^t  rabble  ceascnl  to  be 
<langerous ;    and  although  threats  of  violence  were  abundant 
and  sometimes  bloodthirsty,  there  was  little  stnlition  or  disorder! 
Every  stump  orator  in  the  West  .says  a  great  d<'al  more  than 
he  means,  and  is  promptly  discounteil   by  his  hearers.     The 
populace  of  San  Francisco  has  now  and  again  menacetl  the 
Chim>sc  quarter  and  the  docks  of  the  Pacific  Mail  Steamship 
Company,    which    brought    the    Chinese   over,    till   Congres.s 
checked  them.     Once  the  Chinese  armed  in  defence  of  China- 
town, and  twice  during  these  agitations  a  committee  of  public 
safety  was  formed  to  protect  the  banks  and  keep  order  in  the 
streets.     But  many  people  doubt  whether  order  was  really  en- 
dangered.    The  few  attacks  ma<le  on  Chinese  stores  were  done 
by  small  bantls  of  hoodlums,  who  disappeared  at  the  sight  of 
the  police.     The  police  and  militia  seem  to  have  liehaved  well 
all  through.     Moreover,  any  .serioi     riot  would  in  San  Fran- 
cisco be  quelled  speedily  and  severely  by  the  resfx-ctable  classes 
who  would  supersede  the  municipal  authority  if  it  seemed  to  fear' 
or  to  Ix-  secretly  leagued  with,  the  authors  of  sedition.     Even 
the   mcetmgs  of  the    various    political    parties    were   scarcely 
ever  di8turl)ed  or  "  bull-doze.i  •.'  by  their  opponents.     When  the 
Keameyites  once  or  twice  molested  Democratic  meetings  thev 
were  so  promptly  repelK-d  that  they  (losiste<l  for  the  future      * 
There  was  very  little  of  conscious  or  constructive  commu- 
nism or  socialism  in  the  movement.     Kearney  told  the  working 
men  that  the  rich  had  thriven  at  their  exFH'ns*',  and  talktnl  of 
hanging  thieves  in  office,  and  l)urninK  the  hou.ses  wf  capitalists. 
But  neither  he  nor  any  other  <lemagogue  assailed  the  institution 
of  property.     The  farmers,  who.sp  vote  carrie<!  the  new  Consti- 
tution, owned  their  farms,  and  would  have  recoiled  from  sugges- 
tions o;  agrarian  socialism.     And  in  fact  the  new  Constitution, 
although  It  contains  provisions  hostile  to  capital,  "is  anything 
but  agrarian  or  communistic,  for  it  entrenches  vested  "rights. 


CHAP.   XC 


KEARNKYI8M   IN  CALIFORNIA 


445 


I 


especially  in  land,  more  thorouRhly  than  before.  ...  It  Ih 
anything  but  a  working  man's  ( \)n»«titution ;  it  levies  a  poll 
ta.K  without  e.xeini)tion ;  (li.sfranrhiw'.s  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  floating  lalxjur  vote ;  prevents  the  op<'ning  of  public 
works  in  emergencies,  and  in  various  ways  which  working  men, 
even  in  their  presi'nt  stage  of  enlightenment,  may  o'lsily  seei 
sacrifices  the  interests  of  the  lalM)uring  classes,  as  well  as  the 
capitalists,  to  what  the  InmK  ,  ners  regard  as  their  intfri-sts."  ' 
A  solitary  Parisian  commiir 
"exerci.>«'d  no  influence, 
refusing  to  supfwrt  the 
rich  men,  and  lawyer 
among  the  candidat  -  i 
Others  of  the  same  t  i;  ~- 
their  .selfish  ends  t(> 
increase  its  strength  . 
m  general.  Theon-ti 
upon  native  Americans,  ^^  hi 
commend  it.self  to  farmers  v  I 
own  their  houses.     The  bcii, 


lIKl 


/.-, 


'Vl- 

it', 

..I 


-.'I- 


II 


1 1  van  elcited  to  the  convention 
vas  ">••  .  '  from  the  party  for 
'   i- 1  I'll  .11  There  were  some 

Ml  I'  -  reat  corporations, 
I  '  i<<  Sand  Lot  party. 
■1'  !.v  t.  lie  it  had  probal)ly 
■'  ■  ivc  i»<«en  less  willing  to 
■  •'' ''  .1  A..U  attack  on  property 
'  '  '  I'  ■•  ■':'■>'  .lot  yet  much  hold 
It'  i)'.ii!jri,  application  do<'s  not 
ii.  t'leir  III -id  and  workmen  who 
.1  ii  (Hi'vailed  in  the  Eastern 
States  that  the  movement  had  a  communi.stic  character  was 
therefore  a  mi.staken  one. 

More  mischief  would  have  been  done  but  for  the  existence 
of  the  Federal  Constitution.  It  imix).sed  a  certain  check  on 
the  (Convention,  who  felt  the  absurdity  of  trying  to  legislate 
right  in  the  teeth  of  an  overruling  instrument.  It  has  l)een  the 
means  of  upset  ting  .so  me  of  theclau.s<>s  of  the  Constitution  of  1879, 
and  .some  of  the  .statutes  pas.s(.<|  l»y  the  legislature  under  them, 
and  has  di.s"ouragod  attempts  to  pass  others. 

On  the  whole,  i»)t  much  evil  was  wrought,  at  least  n.)t  much 
compared  with  what  was  feared  in  the  State  Itsel/  -md  beli-ved 
in  the  East  to  have  resulted.  The  U'tter  .sort  </  i 'alifornians 
two  years  after  were  no  longer  alarmed,  hut  seemec.  ,.ah"  ashamjnl 
iind  half  anuised  when  they  recollected  the  sceries  I  have  de- 
scribed. They  felt  .som(>what  as  :i  man  feels  when  he  awakes 
unrefreshed  after  a  night  of  bad  dn-ams.  He  fears  at  first 
that  his  parche,!  tongue  and  thrnf>binK  head  may  iiu-an  that  iie 
has  caught  a  fever.  But  when  he  has  breakfasted  and  is  again 
mimcrsed  in  v.ork,  these  sensations  and  appreh.  nslons  disappear 
together.     After  all,  said  the  lawyers  and  bankers  of  San  Fran- 

'  Mr.  H.  CJforgo,  in  Po/.u^ur  :Scicncc  MuiUhlu  for  August,  ISSO. 


1  i 


'  I 


448 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PABT   V 


s?^t 


I 


Cisco,  we  are  going  on  as  l)efore,  property  will  take  care  of  itself 
in  this  country,  things  are  not  really  worse  so  far  as  our  business 
is  concerned. 

Neither  are  things  l)etter.  It  is  natural  to  suppose  that  a 
shock,  however  short,  must  make  a  diiTerence  to  a  community, 
and  affect  its  future  fortunes.  If  this  shock  has  so  affected 
California,  the  results  are  not  yet  apparent.  Though  the  new 
Constitution  did  not  alter  the  economic  condition  of  the  workmen 
and  farmers,  it  might  have  ix^n  thought  that  the  crisis,  which 
suddenly  startled  this  i)U8y  and  (in  San  Francisco)  luxurious 
society,  would  rouse  good  citizens  to  a  more  active  interest  in 
politics,  make  them  see  the  necessity  of  getting  honester  men  into 
the  offices  and  the  legislature,  and,  indeed,  of  purifying  public 
life  altogether.  But  these  consequences  do  not  seem  to  have 
followed.  In  the  stress  and  hurry  of  ( 'alifornian  life,  impressions 
pass  swiftly  away.  CJojd  citizens  are  dispose*!  to  stand  aside ; 
and  among  the  richer  many  look  forward  to  a  time  when,  having 
raadf^  their  fortunes,  they  will  go  Ea.st  to  spend  them.  San 
Francisco  in  particular  continued  to  be  deplorably  misgoverned, 
and  has  pa&sed  from  the  tyranny  of  one  Ring  to  that  of  another, 
with  no  change  save  in  the  persons  of  those  who  prey  upon  her, 
and  in  the  fact  that  there  is  now  a  well  organized  Labour 
party  which  in  1909  carried  its  candidate  for  Mayor.  The 
earthquake  of  19()<)  was  incidentally  the  moans  of  unveiling 
corruptioas  which  led  to  a  temporary  purification  of  city  poli- 
tics ;  but  there  was  presently  a  relajwe.  It  may  l>e  that  an- 
other social  and  political  shock  is  in  store  for  the  (tolden  State, 
a  shock  which,  now  that  socialistic  doctrines  have  made  more 
progress,  might  he  more  violent  than  that  of  1879,  yet  still  within 
legal  limits,  for  there  .seems  no  danger,  in  spite  of  such  outbreaks 
as  marked  the  great  railway  strikes  of  1894,  of  mere  mob  law 
and  anarchy.  The  forces  at  the  disposal  of  order  are  always  the 
stronger.  It  may  on  the  other  hand  be  that  as  society  settles 
down  from  the  feverish  instability  of  these  early  days,  as  the 
mass  of  the  ptK)ple  acquin*  a  more  enlightened  view  of  their 
true  interests,  as  those  moral  influences  which  count  for  so  much 
in  America  as.scrt  their  dominion  more  widely,  the  present  evils 
will  slowly  paws  away.  The  president  of  the  Vigilance  (^omiuittee 
of  1856  told  me  that  all  he  had  seen  happen  in  San  Francisco, 
since  the  <lays  when  it  wa.s  a  tiny  Spanish  mission,  made  him  con- 
fident that  everything  wouhl  come  out  .straight.     Probably  he  is 


CBAP.   XC 


KE..ii:\EYlSM   IN  CALIFORNIA 


447 


right.  American  <;xp.jrience  shows  tiiat  the  optimists  generally 
are.  But  as  resfMJcts  tlje  nmniciiKii  government  of  this  great  city 
his  prophecy  was  in  1910  still  awaiting  fulfihnent. 


Epilogue  to  this  and  the  Two  Last  Preceding 

Chapteks 

The  illustrations  given  in  these  three  chapters  of  ixTviTsions 
of  popular  government  carry  their  moral  witli  them,  and  only 
a  few  parting  conunents  are  needed. 

Neither  of  the  two  great  political  parties  has  had  in  respect  of 
the  events  narrated  a  In-tter  rtconl  than  its  rival.  If  the 
Tammany  King  slieds  Uttle  lustre  ujHjn  the  Democrats  of  New 
York,  tlie  (Jas  King  of  Phihidelphia  is  no  more  creditable  to  the 
liepuhlicans  of  Pennsylvania. 

Both  in  New  York  and  in  Philadelphia  there  was  nothing 
truly  iKjlitical  in  the  character  and  career  of  the  Rings.  Tam- 
many had  Ixtm  for  thirty  years  a  selfish  fomhinati(m  of  men 
who  had  purely  jM^rsonal  ends  to  s(>rve ;  and  Tweed  in  par- 
ticular was  a  mere  vulgar  rol)ljer.  So  the  (^las  Ring  strove 
and  throve,  and  its  succensors  liave  striven  and  thriven,  solely 
to  s(H;ure  patronage  and  gain  to  their  respective  members.  True 
indetnl  it  is  that  neither  in  New  York  nor  in  Philadelphia  could 
the  Rings  have  won  their  way  to  jM)wer  without  the  connivance 
of  chiefs  among  the  national  parties,  who  needed  the  help  of 
the  vote  the  Rings  controlh'd  ;  true  also  that  that  vote  would 
never  have  l^ecome  so  largi>  had  not  many  citizens  looked  on  the 
Rings  as  the  "regular"  organizations,  and  heirs  of  the  local 
party  traditions.  But  neither  Ring  ha<l  ever  any  distinctive 
principles  or  proposals :  neither  ever  apiH'aled  to  the  people 
on  behalf  of  a  doctrine  or  u  scheme  calculated  to  l)enefit  the 
ma.sses.  Lucre,  with  office  ius  a  means  to  lucre,  was  their  only 
aim,  the  party  for  the  sake  of  the  party  tlieir  only  watchword. 

Wliat,  then,  are  tfie  salient  features  of  these  two  ca.ses,  and 
what  the  lessons  they  enforce?  Tlicy  are  these.  The  power 
of  an  organization  in  a  multitude:  the  facility  with  which  the 
administrative  machinery  i)f  government  may  be  made  the 
instrument  of  private  gain  ;  the  disposition  of  the  average  re- 
spectable citizen  to  sul)mit  to  bud  govermnent  rather  than 
take  the  troul)le  of  overthrowing  it.  These  are  not  wholly  new 
phenomena,  but  they  are  hardiv  such  as  would  have  Innm  looked 


ii 


448 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLV^CTIONS 


PART    V 


i  t 


for  in  the  l^nitod  Stales  ;  and  not  one  (»f  tlieuj  was  feared  when 
Tocqucville  wrote. 

Very  different,  and  far  less  discreditable  to  those  concerned, 
was  the  case  of  California.  The  movement  which  gave  birth  to 
the  new  Constitution  was  a  legitimate  i)olitical  movement.  It 
waa  crude  in  lis  aims,  and  tainted  with  demagogism  in  its 
methods.  But  it  was  evoked  by  real  evils  ;  and  it  sought,  how- 
ever ignorantly,  the  public  good.  Kearnty  had  no  sordid 
personal  ends  to  serve,  and  gained  for  himself  nothing  more 
solid  than  notoriety.  His  agitation  was  es.sentially  the  same 
as  that  which  has  appeared  in  the  Western  States  under  the 
forms  of  Grangerism,  the  Farmers'  Alliance,  and  Populism, 
an  effort  to  apply  political  remedies  to  evils,  real  or  supiwsed, 
which  are  mainly  economic  rather  than  political,  and  only  a 
part  of  which  legislation  can  remove.  Similar  movements 
must  from  time  to  time  Ih>  e,\i)ected  ;  all  that  can  1k»  hoped  is 
to  keep  them  within  constitution?!!  lines,  and  prevent  them 
from  damaging  the  credit  and  retarding  the  prosperity  of  the 
States  they  affect.  Nothing  is  more  natural  than  that  those 
who  suffer  from  hard  times  and  see  that  a  few  men  grow  rich 
while  the  vast  majority  remain  p<M)r  should  confound  the  mis- 
chiefs which  arise  from  State  or  city  maladministration  and 
from  the  undue  power  which  the  laws  have  permitted  corpo- 
rations to  acquire  with  other  hardships  due  to  the  constitution  of 
human  nature  and  tlie  conditions  of  the  world  we  live  in,  a:ul 
should,  {X)s.sessing  the  whole  fMtwer  of  the  State,  strike  out  wildly 
at  all  thre(>  at  once.  In  a  country  so  little  »•-  trained  by  ancient 
traditions  or  deference  to  the  educated  cla-ss  as  is  Western  America, 
a  country  where  the  aptitude  for  politics  is  so  nmch  in  advance 
of  economic  wisciom,  it  is  less  surprising  that  these  .storms  should 
.sometimes  darken  the  sky  than  that  they  should  uproot  so  little 
in  their  course. 


1 


CHAPTER  XCI 

THE   HOME   OF  THE    NATION 

There  are  thm«  points  wherein  the  territories  whicli  consti- 
tute the  United  States  present  phenomena  new  in  the  unniils 
of  the  world.     They  contain   a  huj!;e   people   whose   hlood   is 
IxHioming  mixed  in  an  unprecedented  decree  hy  tlie  concurrent 
imrijigration  of  numerous  Eurojx'an  races.     \Ve  find  in  them, 
lM>sides  the   predominant   white   nation,   ten   n)iliions  of  men 
iM'longinR  to  a  dark  race,  thousands  «)f  years  Ix-hind  ia  its  intel- 
lectual development,   imt  legally  eciual   in   j«>litieid  and  civil 
risthts.     And  thirdly,  they  furnish  an  instance  to  whicli  no  paral- 
lel can  lx>  found  of  a  va.st  area,  includiuK  regions  very  (hssimiiar 
in  their  natural  features,  occupied  l)y  a  |K)pulation  neany  liie 
whole  of  which  sp<aks  the  same  tongue,  and  all  of  whicli  lives 
under  the  same  institutions.     Of  these   phenomena   the   first 
two,  alreatly  more  than  once  referred  to,   are  dealt  witli   in 
later  chapters.     The  third  suggests  to  us  thoughts  and  (|ues- 
tions  which  cannot  pass  unnotict>d.     X,i  one  can  travel  in  the 
Unitetl  States  without  asking   him.self  whether  this   iiiniK use 
territory  will  remain  united  or  Im-  split  up  into  a  immher  of 
independent  communities  :  whether,  even  if  it  remain  united, 
diverse  types  of  life  and  character  will  spring  up  within  \*  ; 
whether  and  how  far  climatic  and  industrial  conditions  will 
aflfect  thost>  types,  carrying  them  farther  from  the  i)rot{»typ«s 
of  Europe.     These  questions,  as  well  as  other  (((icstioHs  regard- 
ing the  future  local  distribution  of  wealth  and  |)<>pul.ition,  open 
fields  of  inquiry  and  sp<»culation  too  wide  to  he  here  (  xfilore.l. 
Yet  some  pa^^es  may  well  he  giv.ii  to  ;i  rapid  survey  of  the  geo- 
graphical conditions  of  the  I  iiited  States,  and  of  the  ie.fluence 
tho.se  conditions  have  exerted  and  may,  so  far  :is  ctn  Ik  fare- 
seen,  continue  to  exert  on  the  gro\v1l>.  of  th;'  nation,  its  politi- 
cal and  economical  developn'.cnt.     Hegiimitig  with  a  f<'w  ol.serva- 
tions  first  on  the  orography  of  the  country  and  then  upon  its 
meteorology,  we   may   consider  lio»v  mountain  ranges  an<'  cli- 
2o  441,1 


f  I 


C1 


460 


ILLU8TRATI0NH  AND  HEFLECTIONS 


rART   V 


mate  have  hitfierto  alTeftcd  the  movement  of  coluaization  and 
the  main  stream  of  (»')litical  history.  The  eliief  natural  sources 
of  wealtli  may  next  Ik*  mentioned,  ami  their  possible  effect 
indicated  uix)ii  the  develojjment  of  population  in  particular 
area**,  a«  well  as  upon  the  preservation  of  the  permanent  unity  of 
the  Republic. 

One  preliminary  remark  must  not  be  omitted.  The  relation 
of  gecturapliieal  conditions  to  national  growth  changes,  and  with 
tiie  upward  progress  of  humanity  the  ways  in  which  Nature 
mouhi.'-  the  fortunes  of  man  are  always  varying.  Man  must 
in  every  stage  1k>  for  many  j)urposes  tlefMmdt'nt  up<m  the  cir- 
cumstances of  his  physical  environment.  Yet  the  character 
of  that  <le|H'ndence  changes  with  his  advance  in  civilization. 
At  first  he  is  helpless,  and,  therefore,  passive.  With  what 
Nature  gives  in  the  way  of  food,  clothing,  and  lodging  he  must 
be  content.  She  is  .strong,  he  is  weak  :  so  she  dictates  his  whole 
mod(>  of  life.  Presently,  always  by  slow  degrees,  but  most 
quickly  in  those  countiies  where  she  neither  gives  lavishly  nor 
yet  pres.ses  on  him  with  a  discouraging  severity,  he  l)egins  to 
learn  how  to  make  her  obey  hini,  drawing  from  her  stores  materials 
which  his  skill  liundlcs  in  such  wiw  as  to  make  him  more  and 
morj'  independent  of  her.  He  delies  the  rigours  of  elimat«> ; 
he  overcoiKcs  the  obstacles  whii'h  mountains,  rivers,  and  forests 
place  in  the  way  of  communications  ;  he  discovers  the  secrets 
of  the  physical  forces  and  makes  them  his  servants  in  the  work  of 
pro«h!cti()n.  Hut  the  very  nmhii)lication  of  th<'  means  at  his 
dispo.sal  for  profiting  liy  what  Natun*  sujjphes  l)rings  him  into 
ever  closer  and  more  comi)lex  relations  with  her.  The  variety 
of  her  resources,  differing  in  different  regions,  prescrilx's  the  kind 
of  indu.svry  for  which  ea<'li  spot  is  fitted  ;  and  the  comp<'tition 
of  nations,  growing  always  keener,  forces  each  to  maintain 
itself  in  the  struggle  l»y  using  to  the  utmost  ever>'  facility  for 
pro<lu<-tion  or  for  the  traM.s|M)rtation  of  products.  Thus  certain 
physical  conditions,  whether  of  soil  or  of  climate,  of  accessibility 
or  inaccessibility,  or  perhaps  of  such  available  natural  forces  as 
wat'T-powj'r,  conditions  of  supreme  importance  in  th<'  earlier 
stages  of  uiiin's  i.rogrcss,  ure  now  of  less  relative  moment,  while 
others,  formerly  of  small  account,  have  received  their  full  signifi- 
cance by  our  swiftly  advancing  knowletlge  of  the  .sec^rets  of  Nature 
and  mastery  of  her  forces.  It  is  this  which  makes  the  examina- 
tion of  tlie  intiuencL  of  physical  environment  on  the  progress  of 


CHAP.  XCI 


THE  HOME  OF  THE  NATION 


451 


nations  so  intricate  a  matter;  for  while  tiic  envirumnent  reniaimi. 
as  a  whole,  constant,  its  several  parts  vary  in  tlieir  inifiurtanee 
from  one  age  to  anotlier.'  A  e<  i  tain  .severity  of  climate,  ior  in- 
stance, which  retarded  the  pro^^ress  of  savage  man,  ha*  Imen 
found  helpful  to  8emi-<;ivilized  man,  in  stimulatinR  him  t<»  exer- 
tion, and  in  nmintaining  a  rucial  vigour  greater  than  that  of  tiie 
inhabitants  of  those  hotter  regions  where  civilization  first  aros<-. 
And  thus  in  considering  how  man's  lot  and  fate  in  the  Western 
(Continent  hav«'  l)een  affected  l»y  the  circumstances  of  that  con- 
tinent, we  must  have  regard  not  only  to  what  he  found  on  his 
arrival  there,  Imt  to  the  resources  whicii  have  JM-en  subsetjuently 
disclosed.  Nor  can  this  latter  head  Ik-  exhausted,  iMcause  it  is 
impossible  to  conjecture  what  still  lat«'nt  forces  or  capacities 
may  Iw  reveale<l  in  the  onward  march  of  science.  an«l  how  such 
a  revelation  may  affect  the  value  of  the  resources  now  known  to 
exist  or  hereafter  to  Ix'  explore<l. 

It  is  only  on  a  very  few  salient  points  of  this  large  and  com- 
plex subject  that  I  shall  touch  in  sketching  the  outlines  of  North 
American  geography  and  noting  some  of  the  effects  on  the  growth 
of  the  nation  attributable  to  them. 

The  territory  of  the  I'nited  States  extends  nearly  iiOOO  miles 
east  and  west  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  the  mouth  of  the  Colum- 
bia River,  and  1 4(X)  miles  north  and  south  from  the  Lake  of  the 
Woo<ls  to  tlie  (Julf  of  Mexico  at  (Jalveston.  Comp'ired  with 
Europe,  the  physical  structure  i){  this  anu  of  ;j,()2r),l)tX) s(|uare 
miles"  (excluding  .\laxku)  is  not  only  hirgi-r  in  scale,  but  far 
simpler.  Instead  of  tli-'  numerous  [M-ninsulas  and  islands  of 
Europ<'.  with  the  lM)ld  an<l  lofty  chains  dividing  its  peo])les  from 
one  another,  we  find  no  isles  (except  b>ng  Island)  of  any  size 
on  th»'  two  coa.sts  of  the  I'niled  S*  '  ■•*,  only  <tne  large  |><>niusula 
(that  of  Florida),  and  only  two  mountain  systenis.     Not  only 


I 


'  N'avinahlp  Hvitm,  for  iiintuin'i'.  wrr<'  .'it  nuf  tiriii'  tin-  main  <'tiarini>l:*  of  coni- 
mcrrc.  so  that  town.'-  wire  fouiidtil  aii<l  ino-iMn'il  in  ii>|m  >  t  of  llir  ailvaiilaK<'x 
they  Kavi'.  The  i'Xtiii-.i(iii  of  ruilwav.--  ilimini-lK  ■!  their  iiiiiMirtam  r.  and  many 
urcnt  ritii'H  now  owi'  their  Krowth  to  thiir  h:i\ini!  Imm-oiih-  crtitri^  wlicre  trunk 
liiwfi  mcn't.  The  lii.seovcry  of  niiaii.'*  of  clieii|il\  transiniltinif  cleelrir  (Miwer 
has  jfiven  to  Howiuu  wati'r  a  m  w  eoiniiieri  i.il  vahie.  whieh  howeviT  is  KreutcHt 
where  the  streams  are  t<Mi  rapid  for  ii:n  ivMliim. 

'The  areH  of  <'hina.  the  eountrx  witti  whieti  llie  I'nilM!  Stati's  is  nioM  fit 
to  Ik-  eoni[mri-d,  since  India  and  the  Un^-iaii  llmpire  are  inhaliiti-d  liy  many  di- 
V(  rw  ruees.  s[M'akin»j  wliolly  ih\er-i  Iohl'iii-.  !■-  e>tini;ited  at  1  ,:i:{(i.(K(0  sipiare 
niihs  ;  and  the  |>opidati'iti.  Ih-  r~timalr~  of  wlii^h  ratiu"'  from  JSO  (XKI.(MH>  to 
3r>0.()nn,0()0,  tmiy  (Missihly  !«■,  in  \.ii.  :.'(KK).  eiiualhd  by  that  of  ttie  I'nited  Statos. 


I  i 


452 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


i\\v  lakes  and  rivprn,  but  the  plains  also,  and  the  mountain 
ruiiRi's,  an«  of  enormous  dimensions.  The  coast  presents  a  smooth 
outline.  No  great  inlets,  such  as  the  Mediterranean  and  the 
Haltic,  pierce  the  land  and  cut  off  one  district  from  another,  fur- 
nishiuR  natural  Iwundaries  l)ehind  which  distinct  nations  may 

prow  up.  , 

This  vast  area  may  l)e  divided  into  four  regions  —  two  of 
level  country,  two,  speaking  roughly,  of  mountain.     Beginning 
from  the  Atlantic,  we  find  a  strip  which  on  the  coast  is  nearly 
level,  and  then  rises  gra<lually  westwards  into  an  undulating 
country.     It  varies  in  l)readth  from  thirty  or  forty  miles  in  the 
north  to  two  hundre<l  and  fifty  in  the  south,  and  has  lieen  called 
by  geographers  the  Atlantic  Plain  and  Slope.     Behind  this  strip 
eoines  a  range,  or  rather  a  mass  of  gen<<rally  parallel  rangJ's, 
of  mountains.     These  are  the  Alleghani«'s,  or  so-calknl  "Appa- 
lac!     11  system."  in  Itreadth  from  one  hundred  to  two  hundred 
and  with  an  average  elevation  of  from  two  to  four  thou- 
f(>et ,  some  few  sununits  reaching  six  thousand.     B<'yond 
-till  further  to  the  west,  lies  the  vast  basin  of  the  Mi.ssis- 
and  its  tributaries,  IKK)  miles  wide  and  1200  miles  long. 
t\tral  part  is  an  almost  unbroken  plain  for  hundreilsof  miles 
uh  side  the  river,  l)ut  this  plain  rises  slowly  westward  in 
■r  undnlMtions  into  a  sort  of  plateau,  which,  at  the  foot  of  the 
Mui    >t:iins.  has  attained  the  height  of  5(KX)  feet  alnive  the 
The       ii-th  .fgion  consists  of  the  thousand  miles  that  lie 
■K  '        Mississippi    basin    and    the  Pacific.     It  includes 
!    inly  disconnected  mountain  ranges,  the  Rockies, 
Nevada  (continued  northwards  in  the  Cascade  Range), 
til       luch  lower  Coast  Range  («)r  rather  s(>ries  of  roughly 
l»ar!ill.    ranges),  which  runs  along  the  shore  of  the  ocean.     This 
njiioii   is  generally   mountainous,  though   within  it  there  are 
some  fxteiisive   i)i:i1c!iux  aixl  some  wide  valleys.     .Most  of  it 
is  from  »(MM»  to  S(MK»  feet  :il>ove  the  sea,  with  many  summits  ex- 
ceeding  II,(MH».   Ilioujih   none   reaches    lo.lHH).     A  onsiderable 
part  of  it.  iM.lii«rm}i  the  des.rt  of  Nevada,  does  not  drain  into 
the  ocean,  but  se<s  its  fee  I  )lc  streams  re«-eived  by  lakes  or  swal- 
lowed up  in  tlic  ground. 

Before  we  ((.iisider  how  these  natural  divisions  have  influ- 
enced, and  must  continue'  to  influence.  American  history,  it 
is  well  lo  observe  how  mat.  riallv  they  hav<>  affected  the  elimate 
of  the  continent,  which  is  itself  a  factor  of  prime  historical  ini- 


mil 

S!l 


it 

on 

n>l' 

R 

se. 

be 

ih. 
th. 
and 


CHAP,  xri 


THE  HOMK  OF  THK  NATION 


453 


IKirtuiu'c.     Two  points  (Lwrvo  spi'ciul  notice.     On*'  is  t\\v  Kreut 
extent  of  tem|K'rate  an-ii  which  the  continent  presents.     As 
North  America  is  erossinl  hy  no  mountain  chains  running  east 
ami  west,  corn'spomlinR  to  th(>  Alfis  ami  Pyremn^s  in  KuroiM-, 
or  to  the  Caucasus,  Himahiya  ami  Altai  in  Asia,  tin-  cold  winds 
of  the  m)rth  sweep  down  um-hecked  ov(>r  the  vast  Mississippi 
plain,  and  give  its  centnil  and  southern  parts,  down  to  the  Culf 
of  Mexico,  winters  c«M)ler  than  the  latitude  seems  to  promise, 
or  than  (me  finds  in  the  same  latitudes  in  Kuro|M  ■     Nor  ought  the 
inHuem-e  of  the  neighlMmring  se;i.<  to  pass  unregarded.     Kur(>|>e 
has,  s<mth  of  the  narrow  Mediterranean,  a  va.sl  nservoir  of  heat 
in  the  Sahara  :  North  America  has  the  wi.le  stn-tch  of  tlie  Oulf 
of  Mexico  and  the  Cariblwan  Sea,  witli  no  region  l.oth  hot  and 
arid  lM>yond.     Thus  Tennessee  and  Arkansas,  in  the  latitude  (.f 
AiKlalusia  and  Damascus  have  a  winter  like  that  of  Kdiid'urgh 
twenty  (h'gnn's  further  to  the  north  ;  and  while  th(>  summer  of 
Minnesota,  in  latitu.le  4.')°,  is  as  hot  as  that  of  Bordeaux  or  Nenice 
in  the  same  latitude,  the  winter  is  far  more  s«'vere.     Only  the 
low  lands  along  the  Atlantic  coast  as  far  north  as  ('a|)e  Hatteras 
have  a  high  winter  as  well  as  sununer  tein|M'rature,  for  they  are 
warmed  l)y  the  hot  water  of  the  ( Julf  Stream,  just  as  the  extreme 
north-eastern  coast  is  chilled  hy  the  Polar  current  which  washes 
it.     The  hilly  c(mntry  In-hind  these  southern  Atlantic  lowlands  -  - 
tlie  w»'stern  parts  of  the  two  ("arolinas,  northern  (leorgia  and 
Alabama  —  l>eiongs  to  the  Appalachian  system,   ami   is   high 
enough  to  have  co«tl  and  in  parts  even  severe  \vinters. 

Thi'  other  point  relates  to  tin-  amount  of  moistun-.     The  lirt^t 
two  of  our  four  regions  enjoy  an  ample  rainfall.     So  do  the  eastern 
ami  the  cntral  parts  of  the  Mississippi  l.asin.     When,  lu.wever, 
we  n'ach  the  centre  of  the  contiiK-nt,  scmie  four  humlred  miles 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  the  air  grow^  dry,  and  the  scanty  showers 
are  barelv  sufficient  for  the  needs  of  agriculture.     It  is  only  l>y 
the  help  of  irrigati«m  that  cn.ps  can  Ix-  rais«'d  all  along  the  va.< 
foot  of  the  R(M-kv  Mountains  aii<l  in  the  valley-'  of  the  fourth 
region,  until  we  cross  the  Sierra  Nev.-ula  and  come  witiiin  two 
humlred  mit's  of  the  P.acifi.-.     In  much  of  this  Rocky  Mounti-m 
regicm,  therefore.  st<.ck   rearing,  or  "  ranching,"  as   it  is  called 
tak.«s    the    plac'    ..f    tillage,    though     the     recently     mvent.'d 
methods  of  ■'dr\    farming"   have  enlarg.-d  the  cultivable  area. 
In  some  .listricTs  there   is   not    enough  moisture  ev.-n  to  suj)- 
IM.rt  grass.     Hetw*n-n   tlie    Rocky    Mountains  and  the    Surra 


:i 


4r>4 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RBFLKCTIONS 


PA«T  t 


!     I 


N(>vmla  tluTc  lit'  vast  jlcmTts,  the  largest  that  which  stretch** 
westward  from  theCJreat  Suit  Lake,'  a  desert  of  cUy  and  stones 
rather  than  of  saml,  U'arinK  only  alkaline  plants  with  low,  prickly 
shruliH,  and,  appan'utly,  destined  to  n>niain,  save  in  some  few 
8|X)ts  where  brooks  descend  from  the  mountains,*  eternally 
sterile  and  solitary.  liofty  as  thes*'  environinK  mountains  are, 
they  iH'ar  scarce  any  |)«>rpetual  snow,  and  no  Klaciers  at  all  south 
of  the  fortieth  parallel  of  north  latitude.'  The  great  peaks 
of  Colorado  lie  little  further  south  than  the  Pennine  Alps,  which 
they  almost  ecjuul  in  height,  but  it  is  only  in  nooks  and  hollows 
turned  away  from  the  sun  that  snow  lasts  through  the  summer, 
so  scanty  is  the  winter  snow-fall  an<l  so  rapi<lly  diK's  evaporation 
proceed  in  tin-  dry  air.  That  same  g«'neral  north  and  south  direc- 
tion of  the  American  mountain  ranges,  which  gives  cool  winters 
to  th<'  Southern  States,  cuts  otT  tiie  west-iH>rne  rain-<>louds  from 
the  Pacific,  and  condemns  one-iialf  or  more  of  our  fourth  region 
to  aridity.  On  the  other  hand,  North-western  California,  with 
the  western  parts  of  On-gon  and  Washington,  washed  by  the 
Japan  current,  enjoy  Inith  a  moderate  and  a  humid  —  in  some 
places  very  humid  climate,  which,  along  the  Pacific  coast 
nortli  of  latitude  4:5°,  resembles  that  of  South-western  England. 

UesjTving  for  the  moment  a  consideration  of  the  wealth-pro- 
ducing cajmcitics  of  the  regions  at  whose  j)hysical  structure  and 
climate  we  have  ghiiiced,  let  us  note  how  that  structure  and  cli-. 
mate  have  afTcctcd  the  fortunes  of  the  ptiople. 

Whoever  examines  the  general  lines  of  a  nation's  growth  will 
observe  that  its  development  lias  Ufn  guide<l  and  governed  by 
three  nuiiii  factors.  The  first  is  the  pre-<'xisting  character  and 
liabits  of  the  Race  out  of  which  the  Nation  grows.  The  second 
is  the  physical  asjM'ct  of  the  land  the  Nation  is  placed  in,  and  the 
third  embraces  tlie  international  concomitants  of  its  formation, 
—  that  is  to  say,  tlie  pressure  of  ot  her  nations  upon  it,  an«lthe 
external  political  circumstances  which  have  controlled  its  mov(>- 
ment,  checking  it  in  one  direction  or  making  it  spread  in  another. 


'  .Similar  Imt  kmi:i!'m  r  c|cs<  rl>  nc-iMir  in  Idiilio  ami  Houth-fUHtorn  ()rp)P>n,  and 
iklsii  in  thf  rxtrciiii'  s.nitli-wi  st.  I'lirt  nf  tin-  dcsirt  of  Soutli'Tn  ('iilifiirnin  is, 
liki'  part  of  thi'  Saliara  and  the  vallrv  nf  the  Jordan  and  tin-  Dead  Soa,  Ix-ncath 
the  |i?vcl  of  thr  fwraii. 

Mn  (Vntral  Colorado,  whin  sii.  ^  falls,  it  doitt  not  nii'lt  liut  diitappeurK  by 
ovaiMiration.  utt  drv  i-  tin'  air.  mi  I.  I).  Hooker  has  (in  his  Himalayan  Jour- 
ntil-i)  !iotcd  thf"  Katnc  plHMiotiii'lion  ii,  Titx't. 

'  Thcri'  in  a  dniall  Klaiicr  on  Mount  .Shasta. 


cHAr.  xci 


THK   HOMK  OF  THE  NATION 


455 


\l 

A 
■ 


)pk 


The  first  of  tlutM'  factors  may,  in  tin-  ctw  of  tlie  Aiuericiui  people, 
be  aHMumed  jw  known,  for  tlu-ir  clmrufti  i    md  habitrt  were 
8ul)8tantiaUy  EnRlish.'     To  the  hito.i.I  1  v.  ill  return  presently. 
The  thinl  factor  lias  »MH>n  in  the  Unitetl  States  so  unusually 
simple  that  one  may  dismiss  it  in  a  few  s.'ntenc»s.     In  examining 
the  oriKin  of  such  nations  as  the  (u-rnian  or  French  of  Russian 
or  Swiss  or  Spanish,  one  must  .onstan;  ly  have-  renard  to  ♦  he  hostile 
or  friendly  races  or  iH)wers  which  acte«l  on  them  ;  and  these  mat- 
terH  an-,  for  the  earlier  iM-riods  ..f  KuroiMim  history,  often  oh- 
Hcure.     AlKJUt  America  we  know  rverythinn.  and  what  we  know 
may  In-  concisely  statetl.     The  territory  now  covered  hy  the 
Unitetl  States  was,  from  a  |K)liti«al  point  of  view,  practically 
vacant  when  discovered  in  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century; 
for  the  almrinines,  thounh  their  resistance  was  ol.stinate  in  places, 
and  thouRh  that  resistance  tlid  much  to  form  the  character  of  the 
VVestJ-rn  piomn-rs,  may  ix-  left  out  of  account  :us  a  historical 
force      This  territory  was  setth'd  from  three  si.les,  east,  south, 
and  west,  ami  by  three  Kuro|M'an  ix'oples.     The  S|)aniards  and 
French  occupied  |H»ints  (m  the  c-oast  of  the  (iulf.     The  Span- 
iards t(K)k  the  shores  of  th«'  Pacific.     The  KnuUsh  (reckonmg 
amonj?  the  English  the  c(.pnate  Dutchmen  and  Swe<les)  planted 
a  series  of  comnmnities  alonn  the  Atlantic  coast.     Of  these 
three  independent  colcmi/ations,  that  on  the  (Julf  was  feeble 
and  pa8se<l  by  purchase  to  the  Aiinlo-Am.Ticans  in  1803  and 
1819.     That  on   the    Pacific    was  still   more  fe<'ble,   and   also 
pasHed,   but   by   conquest,   to  the   Aiinlo-Americans   in    1848. 
Thus  the  (M-cupation  of  the  c<.untry  has  In-en  from  its  eastern 
side  ahme  (save  that  California  received  her  immiRrants  by 
sea  between   1847  and   1H()7).  and  tl»>  march  of  tlie  iK'ople 
has  l)een  .st<'adilv  westward  and  south-westwanl.     They  have 
spread  where  thev  wouhl.     Other  powcTs  have  scarcely  affected 
them.     Canada,  imleed,  bounds  them  on   the  north,    >ut  not 
till  about  1890  (li<l  thev  In-jjin  to  settle  in  the  rich  wheat  huids  of 
her  North-West,  while  fn)m  18()()  nnwanls  there  has  been  a  con- 
siderable immiRration  from  Eastern  Cunada  into  the  lH)rdennK 

«  There  wen-  doiihtlo*.  other  itinumo.  .■,,  osixciully  Dutch  ;  and  the  S.oto- 
In-h  Zu-nt  differ..!  ^.n.ewhut  fn.„.  .h-  I.n^lish.  l|u,  tH--  -..:.(..  a  1 
relatively  «n.all.  uut  te,.  .kt  rent,  s„  t..  sjHak.  nf  the  M.      !•.  "I 

tant  than  the  diven«-  elen.entH  of   M 1   uvr.'  tl nd.t...,,.  ..f  . .  1   ...a      a   d 

,«peeiaUy  of  frontier,  life  whieh  n.ould.d  -he  yo„n.  -;':-';•-';'•'  f'^,.';^ 
p,.ri.,d  iK-tw..-.,  17s()  ami  IS-'O  nu.My  ..f  th.  ,.h.„,.n.en:i  wh,.h  hMd  ... .  M,„i,an.ed 
the  hnjt  settlenii-iits  of  the  wv.ut.Miiih  reutury. 


4rjO 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAIIT  t 


parts  of  the  Tnitod  Stati-s.  Ijko  the  SpanianlK  in  South  Atncr- 
ica,  like  the  British  in  Australia,  like  the  RuHsiuiis  in  Hiberia, 
the  AnKlo-Ainericans  have  hud  a  fnH>  field  ;  and  we  nmy  pam 
from  the  purely  jiolitical  or  international  factor  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  nation  to  eonsider  how  itx  history  has  lM-<>n  affected 
l>y  those  physical  eondit inns  which  have  In-en  pn'viously  noteil. 

Th«'  KnKlish  in  Anu'riia  were,  when  they  In'Kan  their  march, 
one  |M>ople,  th«tiiKh  divided  int<t  a  numlHT  <»f  autonomous  com- 
munities ;  and,  to  a  (M'ople  already  advanced  in  civilizati(m, 
the  country  wits  one  country,  as  if  <lestine<l  hy  nature  to  r(>tain 
one  and  undivided  whatever  nation  minht  (M'cupy  it. 

The  first  .settlements  were  in  the  region  descriln'il  alnive  a8 
the  Atlantic  Plain  and  Slop<«.  No  natural  lM)undary,  whether 
of  water  or  mountain  or  forest,  divi<le<l  the  various  communi- 
ties. The  frontier  lin*-  which  iMmndinl  each  colony  wa«  an 
artificial  line, — a  mere  historical  accident.  So  long  as  they 
remained  near  the  coast,  natun'  op|h>s<m1  no  olwtacle  to  their 
co-oiH'ration  in  war,  nor  to  their  fr'c  social  and  commercial  inter- 
course in  iM-ace.  When,  however,  thj'y  ha<l  advanceil  westwards 
as  far  as  the  AHefjhanies,  these  mountaiits  barred  their  prog- 
ress, not  so  nmcli  in  the  North,  where  the  valley  of  the  Hudson 
and  Mohawk  gave  an  «'a.sy  path  inland,  as  in  Pennsylvania, 
VirRinia,  and  Carolina.  The  dense,  tangled,  and  oft<'n  thorny 
underwooil,  even  more  than  the  high  steep  ridges,  checked  the 
westward  movement  of  |N)pulation,  |)revent«'d  the  settlers  from 
spreading  out  widely,  as  the  Spaniards  <lis|)ers«Hl  themselves 
t)ver  Central  and  .South  .America,  and  heliM'd,  l»y  inducing  a 
comparatively  dense  |M>pidation,  to  huild  up  compact  commim- 
weahhs  on  the  .\tlantic  coast.  So.  t«H),  the  exi.stence  of  this 
rough  and,  for  a  long  time,  almost  impa.ssal.le  Juountain  l«'lt, 
tendi>(lto  cut  off  those  who  ha<l  crosse<l  it  into  the  western 
wilderness  from  their  more  jxilished  parent  st«ck,  to  throw 
tliem  on  tlieir  «)wn  resources  in  the  struggle  with  the  fierce  alM>- 
rigiiies  of  K('ntu<k  ,•  and  Oliio.  and  to  give  tlieni  that  distinctive 
character  of  frontiersmen  whicl>  was  so  mnrki'd  a  feature  of 
American  history  iluring  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, and  has  left  deep  traces  on  the  Western  men  of  to-day. 

When  i)()puiation  Ix'gan  to  fill  the  Mississippi  !>asin  the 
es.sential  physical  unity  of  the  country  l)ecaine  more  signifi- 
cant. Ii  suggested  to  .lefTerson,  and  it  led  Congress  to  approve, 
the  purchase  of  L<.iiisiana  from  Napoleon,  for  those  who  had 


cUAf.  xri 


THK  HOMK  OF  THK  NATIOM 


457 


lM>guii  to  occupy  the  vjillcvrt  of  tln'  Ohio  liml  T<'nnc»W4'«'  rivers 
felt  that  they  could  n«)t  utTord  to  Im'  cut  off  from  the  sea  to 
which  these  highways  of  coiiunerce  led.  Once  the  st ream  of 
miRration  acnws,  and  around  the  southern  ext  remity  of,  tlie  Alh"- 
ghanies  had  In-gun  t«)fl«)w  steadily,  the  si-t tiers  spread  out  in  all 
tUreetions  over  the  vast  plain,  like  watir  over  a  marble  fltM)r. 
The  men  of  the  ( 'arolinasand  <  ieor^ia  tilled  Alaituma.  Mississippi, 
ami  Arkansas  ;  the  men  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky  filled  Southern 
Indiana,  Southern  Illinois,  and  Missouri  ;  the  nteu  of  New 
England,  New  York,  and  Ohio  filled  Mieliigan.  Nortlierti  Illinois, 
Wisconsin,  Iowa,  and  Minnesota.  From  the  source  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi  there  was  nothing  to  l>reiik  them  up 
or  k«H'p  them  apart.  Kv«'ry  Western  State,  except  where  it  takes 
a  river  as  a  convenient  lMnmdary,  is  lioiiiided  l»y  straight  lines, 
iHH-ausi-  "Very  Stat«>  is  an  artificial  cn-ation.  The  fx-ople  were 
one,  and  the  wide  featureless  plain  was  also  one.  It  has  lKM>n 
cut  into  thos<>  huge  plots  we  call  States,  not  In-cause  there  were 
phy.sical  or  ra«"ial  ditTerences  reciuiring  divisions,  luit  nu-rely 
1  lu'cause  political  reasons  made  a  Federal  s«'em  preferable  to  a 

i  unitary  sy.stem.     As  the  siz<'  of  the  plain  showed  that  the  nation 

would  Im"  larg«',  so  di<l  the  eharacter  of  the  plain  firomise  that  it 
would  remain  united.  When  presently  steamers  canu-  to  ply 
upon  the  rivers,  each  i)art  of  the  vast  level  was  linked  more 
ch)s<'ly  to  the  others  ;  and  when  \hv  network  of  railways  spn'ad 
itsM'lf  out  from  the  Fast  to  the  Mississippi,  the  .MIeghanies  prac- 
tically (Usapi)eanHl.  They  were  no  longer  a  harrier  to  conununi- 
cation.  Towns  sprang  up  in  their  valleys;  and  now  the  tlire*- 
regions,  which  have  Iwen  descrihed  as  iiaturally  distinct,  the 
.\tlantic  SlofM',  the  .MIeghanies,  anil  the  Mississip|)i  Masin,  have 
Ix'come,  ec«momically  and  s<M'ially  as  well  as  politically,  one 
coimtry,  though  the  dwellers  in  the  wilder  i)arts  of  the  broad 
mountain  belt  still  lag  far  behiiul  their  iieighl>ours  of  the  east- 
ern and  west<'rn  lowlands. 

When,  however,  the  swelling  tide  of  emigniticn  reachiHl  the 
arid  lands  at  the  ea.stern  bas(>  of  the  HiM-ky  .Mountains,  its 
cours<«  was  for  a  time  staytnl.  This  fourth  region  of  mountain 
and  desert,  lying  between  the  prairies  of  the  .Mississipj)!  aflhients 
and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  was,  except  its  coast  line,  a  practically 
unknown  land  till  its  cession  l»y  Mexico  in  184»>.  and  the  inner 
and  higher  parts  of  it  remained  Mn(>xplored  for  some  twenty  years 
longer.    .\s  it  was  mostly  dry  and  niggi'd,  tlure  was  littletotempt 


MICROCOPY   RESOIUTION   TEST  CHART 

(ANSI  ond  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


1.0    If 


I.I 


■  3.2 


Its  , 
la  I 
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13^ 
■  4.0 


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lb 

12.0 
1.8 


^  >^PPLIED  IIVHGE     Inc 

SI  1653  Eo5t   Mam   Street 

rjS  Rochester.   Ne»   York        14609       USA 

^S  (716)   482  -  0300  -  Phone 

^B  (716)   288  -  5989  -  Fo« 


458 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   T 


"•} 


settlers,  for  vast  tracts  of  good  land  remained  untouched  in  the 
central  Mississippi  plain.  jNIany  years  might  have  passed  be- 
fore it  began  to  fill  up,  but  for  the  unexpected  finding  of  gold 
in  California.  This  event  at  once  drew  in  thousands  of  settlers  ; 
and  fresh  swarms  followed  as  other  mines,  principally  of  silver, 
began  to  be  discovered  in  the  inland  mountain  ranges ;  till  at 
last  for  the  difficult  and  dangerous  wagon  track  there  was  sub- 
stituted a  railway,  completed  in  1869,  over  mountains  and 
through  deserts  from  the  Missouri  to  the  Pacific.  Had  the 
Americans  of  1850  possessed  no  more  scientific  resources  than 
their  grandfathers  in  1790,  the  valleys  of  the  Pacific  coast, 
accessible  only  by  sea  round  Cape  Horn,  or  across  the  Isthmus  of 
Panama,  would  have  remained  isolated  from  the  rest  of  the  coun- 
try, with  a  tendency  to  fonn  a  character  and  habits  of  their  own, 
and  possibly  disposed  to  aim  at  political  independence.  This, 
however,  the  telegraph  and  the  railways  have  prevented.  Yet 
the  Rocky  Mountains  have  not,  like  the  Alleghanies,  disap- 
peared. The  populou;s  parts  of  ('alifornia,  Oregon,  and  Wash- 
ington still  find  that  range  and  the  deserts  a  far  more  effective 
barrier  than  are  the  lower  and  narrower  ridges  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  continent.  The  fourth  region  remains  a  distinct 
section  of  the  United  States,  both  geographically  and  to  some 
extent  in  its  social  and  industrial  aspects.  All  this  was  to  be 
expected.  What  need  not  have  happene<l,  and  might  even  have 
been  thought  unlikely,  was  the  easy  acquisition  by  the  Anglo- 
Americans  of  California,  Oregon,  and  Washington,  regions  far 
removed  from  the  dominions  which  the  Republic  already 
possessed.  Had  the  competition  for  unappropriated  temperate 
regions  been  half  as  keen  in  1840  as  it  was  fifty  years  later  for 
tropical  Africa  (a  less  attractive  possession)  between  Germany, 
France,  and  Britain,  some  European  power  might  have  pounced 
upon  these  territories.  They  might  then  have  become  and 
remained  a  foreign  country  to  the  United  States,  and  have 
had  few  and  comparatively  slight  relations  with  the  Missis- 
sippi Basin.  It  is  not  nature,  but  the  historical  accident  which 
left  them  in  the  hands  of  a  feeble  power  like  Mexico,  that  has 
made  them  now,  and,  so  far  as  can  be  foreseen,  for  a  long  future, 
members  of  the  great  F(>dcralion. 

In  the  south-east  as  well  as  in  the  west  of  the  North  Ameri- 
can Continent,  climate  has  been  a  prime  factor  in  determining 
the  industrial  and  political  history  of  the  nation     South  of 


CHAP.   XCI 


THE  HOME  OP  THE  NATION 


459 


tho  thirty-fifth  parallel  of  latitude,  although  the  winters  are 
cool  enough  to  be  reinvigorative,  and  to  enable  a  race  drawn 
from  Northern  Europe  to  thrive  and  multiply/  the  summers, 
are,  in  the  lowest  grounds,  too  hot  for  such  a  race  to  sustain 
hard  open-air  work,  or  to  resist  the  malaria  of  the  marshy 
coast  lands.  Thus  when  very  soon  after  the  settlement  of 
Virginia,  and  for  nearly  two  centuries  afterwards,  natives  of 
the  tropics  were  inip(jrted  from  Africa  and  set  to  till  the  fields, 
this  practice  was  defended  on  the  ground  of  necessity,  though 
the  districts  in  which  white  people  cannot  work  have  now  been 
shown  to  be  very  few  indeed.  By  this  African  labour  large 
crops  of  tobacco,  cotton,  rice,  and  sugar  were  raised,  and  large 
profits  made  ;  so  that,  while  in  the  North-eastern  States  slavery 
presently  died  out,  and  the  negroes  themselves  declined  in  num- 
bers, all  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  the  South  came  to  depend 
upon  slave  labour,  and  slavery  became  intertwined  with  the 
pecuniary  interests  as  well  as  the  social  habits  of  the  ruling  class. 
Thus  a  peculiar  form  of  civilization  grew  up,  so  dissimilar  from 
that  of  the  northern  half  of  the  country,  that  not  even  the  large 
measure  of  State  independence  secured  under  the  Federal  Con- 
stitution could  enable  the  two  se(;tions  to  live  together  under  the 
same  government.  Civil  war  followed,  and  for  a  time  it  seemed 
as  if  the  nation  were  to  l)e  permanently  rent  in  twain.  Physical 
differences  —  tUfferences  of  climate,  and  of  all  those  industrial 
and  social  conditions  that  were  due  to  climate  —  were  at  the 
bottom  of  the  strife.  Yet  Nature  herself  fought  for  imperilled 
unity.  Had  the  seceding  States  been  divided  from  the  North- 
ern States  by  any  natural  l)arrier,  such  as  a  mountain  range 
running  from  east  to  west  across  the  continent,  the  operations 
of  the  invading  armies  would  have  been  incomparably  more 
difficult.  As  it  was,  the  path  into  the  South  lay  open,  and  the 
great  south-flowing  rivers  of  the  West  helped  the  invailer.  Had 
there  not  existed,  in  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  a  broad  belt  of 
elevated  land,  thrusting  itvto  tlie  revolted  territory  a  wedge  of 
white  population  which,  as  it  did  not  o\ni  slaves  (for  in  the 
mountains  there  were  scarce  any),  did  not  sj-mpathize  with 
Seces.sion,  and  f(ir  the  most  part  actively  opposed  it,  the  chances 
of  the  Southern  Confederates  would  have  been  far  greater. 
The  Alleghanies  interrupted  the  co-operation  of  their  Eastern 

'  New  Orleans  is  in  the  same  l.Ttitud<>  u.h  Delhi,  whence  the  rhildren  of  Euro- 
pcaDB  have  to  Ije  sent  home  in  order  that  they  may  grow  up  in  health. 


460 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


t* 


and  Western  tinuies,  and  furnished  reeruits  as  well  as  adherents 
to  the  North  ;  and  it  need  hardly  he  added  that  the  climatic 
conditions  of  the  South  made  its  white  population  so  much 
smaller,  and  on  the  whole  so  much  poorer,  than  that  of  the 
North,  that  exhaustion  cuTue  far  sooner.  He  who  sees  the 
South  even  to-day,  when  it  has  in  many  places  gainefl  vastly 
since  the  war,  is  surj)rised  not  that  it  succumlxHl,  hut  that  it 
was  able  so  long  to  resist. 

With  the  extinction  of  slavery,  the  political  unity  of  the 
country  was  secured,  and  tJie  j)urpose  of  nature  to  make  it  the 
domain  of  a  single  people  might  seem  to  have  been  fulfilled. 
Before  we  inquire  whether  this  result  will  be  a  permanent  one, 
so  far  as  i)hysical  causes  are  concerned,  anotlier  set  of  physical 
conditions  deserves  to  be  considered,  those  conditions,  namely, 
of  earth  and  sky,  which  iletermine  the  abundance  of  useful 
products,  that  is  to  say,  of  wealtli,  and  therethrough,  of  popu- 
lation also. 

The  chief  natural  sources  of  wealth  arc  fertile  soils,  mineral 
deposits,  and  standing  timber.'  Of  these  three  the  last  is  now 
practically  confined  to  three  districts,  —the  hills  of  Maine,  the 
Alleghanies,  and  the  ranges  of  the  Pacific  coast,  especially  in 
Washington,  with  a  few  spots  in  the  Rockies,  and  the  Sierra 
Nevada.  Elsewhere,  though  there  is  a  great  deal  of  wooded 
country,  the  cutting  and  exporting  of  timber,  or,  as  it  is  called 
beyond  the  Atlantic,  "lumber,"  is  not  (except  perhaps  in 
Michigan)  an  important  industry  which  employs  or  enriches 
many  persons.  It  is,  moreover,  one  which  constantly  declines, 
for  the  forests  perish  daily  before  fires  and  the  axe  far  more 
s^\^ftly  than  nature  can  renew  them. 

As  no  nation  i)ossesses  so  large  an  area  of  land  available  for 
the  sustenance  of  »nan,  so  also  none  of  the  greatest  nations 
can  boast  that  out  of  its  wliole  domain,  so  large  a  proportion 
of  land  is  fit  for  tillage  or  for  stock-rearing.  If  we  except 
the  stony  parts  of  New  England  and  Eastern  New  York,  where 
the  soil  is  tlii!)lv  spread  over  crystalline  rocks,  and  the  sandy 
districts  which  cover  a  considerable  area  in  Virginia  and  North 
Carolina,  nearly  the  whole  of  the  more  level  tracts  between 

'  I  omit  thf  fishtrirs,  ticcau.sc  th(  ir  ronimrrriiil  iniportaiiie  is  coiifiiuH]  to 
three  districts,  the  coasts  of  Maine  and  Massachusetts,  the  rivers  of  Wash- 
ington and  parts  of  .Maska,  and  the  seal-l)earin(;  Pribyloff  Isles.  The  sea 
hsheries  of  the  Pacific  coast  (W'ashington,  Oregon,  and  California)  are  still 
not  fully  developed. 


J 


CHAP,  xn 


THE   HOME  OP  THE  NATION 


461 


t| 


the  Atlantic  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  is  good  agricuitura' 
land,  while  in  some  districts,  especially  on  the  upper  Missis- 
sippi, this  land  has  proved  remarkably  rich.  Which  soils 
will  in  the  long  run  turn  out  most  fertile,  cannot  yet  be  pre- 
dicted. The  prairie  lands  of  the  North-west  have  needed 
least  labour  and  have  given  the  largest  returns  to  their  first 
cultivators ;  but  it  is  doubtful  whether  this  superiority  will 
be  maintained  when  protracted  tillage  has  made  artificial 
aids  necessary,  as  has  already  happeiied  in  not  a  few  places. 
Some  of  the  soils  in  the  Eastern  and  Southern  States  are  said 
to  improve  with  cultivation,  being  rich  in  mineral  constituents. 
Not  less  rich  than  the  Mississippi  prairies,  but  far  smaller 
in  area,  are  the  arable  tracts  of  the  Pacific  slope,  where,  in 
Washington  especially,  the  loam  formed  by  the  decomposition 
of  the  trappean  rocks  is  eminently  productive-  In  the  inner 
parts  of  the  Rocky  Mountain  region  and  between  the  Rockies 
and  the  Pacific  coast,  lie  many  plains  and  valleys  of  great 
natural  fertility,  but  dependent,  so  deficient  is  the  rainfall, 
upon  an  artificial  supply  of  water.  The  construction  of  irri- 
gation works,  and  the  sinking  of  artesian  wells  has,  since  1890, 
brought  large  areas  under  cultivation,  the  discovery  of  dry 
farming  methods  promises  to  make  available  others  where 
irrigation  cannot  be  employed,  and  it  is  probable  that  much 
more  may  still  be  done  to  reclaim  tracts  which  were  not  long 
ago  deemed  hopelessly  sterile.  The  Mormon  settlements  on 
the  east  and  to  the  south  of  Great  Salt  Lake  were  the  first 
considerable  districts  to  be  thus  reclaimed  by  patient  industry. 
In  estimating  mineral  resources,  it  is  well  to  distinguish 
between  mines  of  gold,  silver,  copper,  and  lead  on  the  one 
hand,  and  those  of  coal  and  iron  on  the  other.  The  former 
are  numerous,  and  have  given  vast  wealth  to  a  few  lucky  specu- 
lators. In  some  parts  of  the  Rockies  and  the  ranges  link- 
ing them  to  the  Sierra  Nevada  the  travell(>r  saw,  even  as  early 
as  1881,  silver  mining  claims  staked  out  on  every  hill.  But 
these  mines  are  uncertain  in  their  yield  ;  and  the  value  of 
silver  is  subject  to  great  flucti  ations.  The  growth  of  elec- 
trical industries  has  of  late  years  enhanced  the  importance  of 
copper,  also  a  metal  the  price  of  which  oscillates  violently. 
Coal  and  iron  present  a  surer,  if  less  glittering  gain,  and  they 
are  needed  for  the  support  of  many  gigantic  undertakings. 
Now,  while  gold,  silver,  and  lead  are  chiefly  found  in  the  Rocky 


t    si 

t' 


462 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLKCTIONS 


PART  V 


Mountain  and  Sierra  Nevada  system,  eoi)per  mainly  in  the  West 
and  on  Lake  Superior,  the  streatest  coal  and  iron  districts'  are 
in  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  and  along  the  line  of  the  AUeghanies 
southwards  into  Alabama.  It  is  chiefiy  in  the  neiKhlM)urhocHl 
of  coal  deposits  that  manufactures  develop,  yet  nctt  exclusively, 
for  the  water-power  available  along  the  foot  of  the  New  Eng- 
land hills  led  to  he  estal)Ushment  of  many  factories  there,  which 
still  remain  and  flourish  under  changed  conditions,  receiving 
their  coal,  however,  largely  by  sea  from  Nova  Scotia.  Mineral 
oils,  first  largely  exploited  in  Pennsylvania,  and  then  in  Ohio, 
have  been  discovered  in  many  other  region»,  and  most  recently 
in  Texas,  Oklahoma,  and  California. 

What  has  l>een  the  result  of  these  conditions,  and  what  do 
they  promise  ? 

First :  An  agricultural  population  in  the  Mississippi  Basin 
already  great,  and  capable  of  reaching  dimensions  from  which 
imagination  recoils,  for  though  the  number  of  persons  to  the 
square  mile  will  be  less  than  in  Bengal  or  Egypt,  where  the 
peasants'  standard  of  comfort  is  incomparably  lower  than  that 
of  the  American  farmer,  it  may  be  as  dense  as  in  the  most 
prosperous  agricultural  districts  of  Europe. 

Secondly :  An  industrial  population  now  almost  equalHng 
the  agricultural,^  concentrated  chiefly  in  the  North-eastern 
States  and  along  the  skirts  of  the  Alleghanies,  and  in  large 
cities  springing  up  here  and  there  where  (as  at  Chicago,  Cleve- 
land, Minneapolis,  and  St.  Louis)  commerce  plants  its  centres 
of  exchange  and  distribution.  This  industrial  population  grows 
far  more  swiftly  than  the  agricultural,  and  the  aggregate  value 
of  manufactured  products  increases  faster  from  census  to  census 
than  does  that  of  the  products  of  the  soil. 

Thirdly  :  A  similar  but  \'ery  much  smaller  agricultural  and 
industrial  population  along  the  Pacific,  five-sixths  of  it  within 
eighty  miles  of  the  coast. 

Fourthly :  Between  the  Mississippi  Basin  and  this  well- 
peopled  Pacific  shore  a  wide  and  very  thinly  inhabited  tract, 
sometimes  quite  arid,  and  therefore  a  wilderness,  sometimes 

'  There  aro  other  smaller  coal  <listrirts.  inrludiii);  one  in  WashinRton,  on 
the  shores  of  Punet  Sound. 

'  The  population  inhabiting  cities  of  SOOO  people  and  upwards  was  in  1910 
still  only  38.74  per  <'ent  of  the  total  population  (though  in  the  Norfti  Atlantic 
division  it  reached  (>K. .'}."»  per  cent),  fiut  a  large  i)art  of  those  enKa)?ed  in  mining 
or  manufactures  may  be  found  in  places  below  that  limit  of  population. 


CHAP.    XCI 


THE   HOME  OP  THE  NATION 


463 


showing  urass-hniriiiK  hills  with  .sheep  or  cattle,  and  a  few 
ranrhnien  U]Hm  the  hill-slopes,  more  rarely  valleys  which  irri- 
gation has  taught  to  wave  with  crops.  And  here  and  there 
through  this  tract,  redeeming  it  from  solitude,  there  will  lie 
s(;attere(l  mining  towns,  many  of  them  quick  to  rise  and  almost 
as  (juick  to  vanisji,  hut  others  destined,  if  placed  in  the  cen- 
tre of  a  mining  di.strict,  to  maintain  a  more  permanent  impor- 
tanc(\ 

Thus  tlie  enormous  preponderance  of  population  will  be  on 
the  eastern  side  of  the  continental  watershed.  It  was  so  in 
1910  —  5,00(),()(K)  on  the  Pacific  side  out  of  a  total  continental 
jjopulation  of  nearly  92,000,(X)0  —  it  is  hkely  to  remain  so. 
The  face  of  the  nation  will  be  turned  eastward  ;  and,  to  borrow 
a  i)hrase  of  LkjwcH's,  the  front  door  of  their  house  will  open 
upon  the  Atlantic,  the  back  door  upon  the  Pacific.  Faint  and 
few,  so  far  as  wc;  can  now  predict,  though  far  greater  than  at 
this  moment,  and  likely  to  increase  rapidly  after  the  opening 
of  the  Panama  (-anal,  will  be  the  relations  maintained  with 
Eastern  Asia  .ind  Australia  across  the  vast  expanse  of  that 
ocean  compared  with  those  that  must  exist  with  Europe,  to 
which  not  onl}'  literature  and  social  interests,  but  commerce 
also,  will  bind  America  by  ties  growing  always  closer  and  more 
numerous. 

That  the  inhal)itants  of  this  territory  will  remain  one  nation 
is  the  conclusion  to  which,  as  already  observed,  the  geography 
of  the  continent  points.  Considerations  of  an  industrial  and 
commercial  kind  enforce  this  forecast.  The  United  States, 
with  nearly  all  the  vegetable  staples  of  the  temperate  zone, 
and  many  that  may  be  called  subtropical,  has  within  its  borders 
a  greater  variety  of  products,  mineral  a.s  well  as  vegetable, 
than  any  other  country,  and  therefore  a  wider  basis  for  inter- 
nal interchange  of  commodities.  P>ee  Trade  with  other  coun- 
tries, desirable  as  it  may  be,  is  of  less  consequence  where  a 
vast  home  trade,  stretching  across  a  whole  continent,  has 
its  freedom  secured  by  the  Constitution.  The  advantages 
of  such  freedom  to  the  wheat  and  maize  growers  of  the  West, 
to  the  cotton  and  rice  and  sugar  planters  of  the  Gulf  States,  to 
the  orange  growers  of  Florida  and  the  vine  and  fruit  growers 
of  California,  to  the  cattle  men  of  the  West  and  the  horse 
breeders  of  Kentucky  and  Idaho,  to  the  lumbermen  of  Maine 
and  Washington,  to  the  coal  and  iron  men  of  Pennsylvania 
2& 


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i 
1 

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8 

-  £ 


m 


AM 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND   HKFLK(^TIONS 


PART   V 


15*3 


t  I 
1  .. 


and  the  Alleghany  States,  to  tlie  factories  of  New  England, 
botli  employers  and  workmen,  as  well  as  to  the  consuming 
populations  of  the  great  cities,  are  so  obvious  as  to  constitute 
an  immense  security  against  separatist  tendencies.  Such  ad- 
vantages, coupled  with  the  social  and  political  forces  discussed 
in  other  chapters,  are  now  amply  sufficient  to  hold  the  Pacific 
States  to  the  I'nion,  despite  the  ol)stacles  which  nature  has 
interposed.  In  earlier  stages  of  society  these  obstacles  might 
well  have  proved  insurmountable.  Had  communication  been 
as  difficult  in  the  midille  of  the  nineteenth  century  as  it  was 
in  the  sixteenth,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Pacific  coast  might 
have  formeil  a  ilistinct  nationality  and  grown  into  independent 
States ;  while  in  the  inner  recesses  of  the  wide  mountain  land 
other  and  proiiably  smaller  communities  would  have  sprung 
up,  less  atlvanced  in  culture,  and  each  developing  a  type  of 
its  own.  But  the  age  we  live  in  favours  aggregation.  The 
assimilative  power  of  language,  institutions,  and  ideas,  as  well 
as  of  economic  and  industrial  forces,  is  enormous,  especially 
when  this  influence  proceeds  from  so  vast  a  body  as  that 
of  the  American  people  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  com- 
pareil  to  which  the  dwellers  on  the  western  slope  are  still  but 
few.  The  failure  of  the  Mormon  attempt  to  found  a  State 
is  an  instance  to  show  how  vain  is  the  effort  to  escape  from 
these  influences ;  for  even  without  an  exertion  of  the  military 
power  of  the  United  States,  they  must  soon,  by  the  natural 
process  of  colonization,  have  been  absorbed  into  its  mass. 
There  is,  accordingly,  no  such  reason  to  expect  detachment 
now  as  there  might  have  be(>n  had  neither  railroads  nor  tele- 
graphs existed,  and  California  been  accessible  only  round 
Cape  Horn  or  across  the  Isthmus.  Now  seven  great  trunk  lines 
cross  the  continent ;  and  though  much  of  the  territory  which 
lies  between  the  populous  margin  of  the  Pacific  and  the  cities 
of  Coloraflo,  Nebraska,  and  Dakota  is  and  must  remain  wild 
and  barren,  many  settlements,  mining,  pastoral,  and  even  agri- 
cultural, have  begun  to  spring  up  in  this  intervening  space, 
and  the  unpeopled  gaps  are  narrowing  day  by  day.  Especially 
along  the  line  of  the  more  northerly  railroads,  population, 
though  it  must  always  be  sparse,  may  become  practically  con- 
tinuous. A  close  observer  can.  however,  detect  some  differ- 
ences in  character  between  Californians  and  the  Americans  of 
the  Eastern  and  Mississippi  States ;   and  it  is  possible,  though 


CHAI'.    X(  I 


THK    nOMK  OF  THK   NATION' 


40.-. 


pcrliiips  Jiunllv  prolmhlf,  tliut  when  iniiuinrution  Iwis  cciisfd, 
and  the  I'ucitir  cojisls  luid  valleys  art-  peopled  hy  the  ^reat 
Kraiidcliildreu  of  Califoniiaiis  and  OicKonians,  this  dilTereiict* 
may  hecome  more  niarked,  and  a  Pacific  variety  of  the  Ameri- 
can species  lie  discemiMe. 

We  have  so  far  been  proceeding  on  the  assumption  thai  the 
inhal)itants  of  the  I'liited  States  will  he  in  the  future  what 
they  have  heen  dtninn  the  last  three  }><'"erations.  It  naist, 
however,  he  admitted  that  two  aj'ents  are  at  work  which  may 
create  differences  hetween  tluise  who  occupy  ditTerent  j)arts  of 
the  country  {greater  than  any  which  now  exist.  One  of  these 
is  immigration  from  Europe,  whereof  I  will  only  say  that 
r(>asous  have  been  given  in  a  later  chapter  for  doui)tiiin 
whether  it  will  substantially  alter  the  |)eoi)le  in  any  section 
of  the  country,  so  strong  is  the  assimilative  power  which  the 
existing  po|)ulation  exerts  on  th(>  newcomers.'  Large  as  it 
has  been,  it  has  nowhere  yet  affected  the  English  sj)oken ; 
and  one  may  indeed  note  that  though  there  are  marked 
differences  of  proiumciation  there  are,  as  respects  the  words, 
hardly  any  dialectic  variations  over  the  vast  area  of  the 
Unicm.  The  other  is  climate.  Now  climatic  influences  seem 
to  work  but  slowly  on  a  national  type  alread\'  mouhh'd  and,  so 
to  speak,  hammered  into  a  (h'finite  shape  by  many  centuries. 
Th(i  English  race  is,  after  all.  a  very  rec<>nt  arrival  in  Amer- 
ica. Few,  indeed,  of  the  progenitors  of  the  presetit  dwellers  in 
the  South  have  been  settled  there  for  two  centuries;  that  is 
to  say,  the  present  generation  is  at  most  only  the  sixth  on 
whidi  the  cliniate  has  had  time  to  tell.  It  is  therefore  quite 
j)ossil)le  that,  when  five  or  six'  more  centuries  have  ))assed, 
the  lowlanders  of  the  (iulf  States  may,  under  the  ener- 
vating heat  of  their  sununers,  together  with  the  de.sistance 
from  physical  exertion  which  that  heat  comi)els,  have  l)ecome 
different  from  what  they  now  are  ;  though  the  comfxirative 
coolness  and  consequent  reinvigorative  powers  of  the  winters, 
and  the  infiltration  into  their  population  of  newcomers  from 
the  liardier  North,  will  be  influences  working  in  the  contrary 
I      .'tion.-     Tlu>  moral  and  social  sentiments  predominant  in 

'  Soo  Chiiptir   .\(   11. 

•  Tho  jiialiiriMl  fcvi'is  iiiitrlit  tell  in  the  .laiiio  (lircctiDii.  l)iit  Sfii'iico  lias  done 
BO  much  to  (liniiiiisli  their  iiri'vah'iicr  that  this  (Iclctcrioiis  influence  counts  for 
less  to-<lay  tliaii   it   diil  tliroimh  la:^t  ci  iituiy.     Of  the  netiroes,  the  race  nioro 
naturally  fitted  for  tliese  (Julf  lowland.s,  I  .shall  .si)eak  in  a  later  cliupter. 
2  II 


1    {w         ^ 

•  'til 


466 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  HKFLKCTIONS 


PAKT    V 


a  nation,  and  the  atmosphere  of  ideas  it  Wreutiies,  tend,  a« 
education  is  more  and  more  difTused,  and  the  movements  of 
travel  to  aiul  fro  heeome  constantly  brisker,  to  Ix'  more  ami 
more  powerful  forces  in  producing  similarity  of  chara(;ter,  and 
similarity  of  character  tells  on  the  man's  whole  hfe  and  con- 
stitution. 

A  like  question  has  been  raisinl  reRarding  the  whole  people 
of  the  United  States  as  compared  with  the  Kuropean  stocks 
whence  they  sprimR.     The  cliniate  of  their  new  country  is  one 
of  greater  extremes  of  heat  and  cold,  and  its  air  more  generally 
stimulative,  than  are  the  climate  and  air  of  the  British  Isles, 
or   even   of   CJermany    and   Sciinilinavia.     That   this   climate 
sliould,  given  stitticient  time,  modify  the  physical  tyi)C  of  a 
race,   and   therewith   even   its   intellectual   type,    seems   only 
natural.     Arctic  winters  and  scanty  nutriment  have,  in  nine 
centuries,  marketlly   re«luced   the  stature  of  the  Norwegians 
who  inhabit  Iceland,  a  country  which  has  received  practically 
no  admixture  of  foreign  blood,  while  the  stern  conditions  of 
their  lonely  life  have  given  them  mental  and  moral  habits 
dii'iinguishable  from  those  of  the  natives  of  modern  Norway. 
B  .t  the  problem  is  an  obscure  one,  for  many  elements  be- 
sides climate  enter  into  it ;    and  history  supplies  so  few  eases 
i  \  point,  that  the  length  of  time  required  to  modify  a  physi- 
cal type  alreatly  settled  for  centuries  is  matter  for  mere  con- 
jecture.   There  have  been  many  instances  of  races  from  cold 
or  damp  countries  settling  in  warmer  or  dryer  ones ;    but  in 
all  of  these  there  has  been  also  a  mixture  of  blood,  which  makes 
it  hard  to  say  how  much  is  to  be  attributed  to  climatic  influ- 
ences alone.     What  can  be  stated  positively  is,  that  the  Eng- 
lish race  has  not  hitherto  degenerated   physically  in  its  new 
home ;   in  some  districts  it  may  even  seem  to  have  improved. 
The  tables  of  life-insurance  companies  show  that  the  average 
of  Ufe  is  as  long  as  in  Western  Europe.     People  walk  less  anil 
climb  mountains  less  than  they  do  in  England,  but  quite  as 
much  physical  strength  and  agihty  are  put  forth  in  games, 
and  these  are  pursued  with  as  much  ardour.     It  was  noted  in 
the  War  of  Secession  that  the  percentage  of  recoveries  from 
wounds  was  larger  than  in  iMU'Dpean  wars,  and  the  soldiers  in 
both  armies  stood  well  the  test  of  the  long  marches  through 
rough  and  sometimes  unhealthy  regions  to  which  they  were 
exposed,  those,  perhaps,  faring  best  who  were-  of  the  purest 


CHAP,   xri 


THK   HOME  OP  THK  NATION 


467 


American  stock,  i.e.  who  cunic  from  tlie  districts  least  affected 
by  recent  ininuKration.'  It  lias,  however,  already  been  remarked 
tliat  the  tinu;  during  which  physical  conditions' have  been  able 
to  work  on  the  AnKlo-American  ra(!e  is  much  too  short  to  enable 
any  but  provisional  conclusions  to  be  fonned  ;  and  for  the  same 
reason  it  is  premature  to  speculate  u|)on  the  chanRcs  in  char- 
acter and  intellectual  tastes  which  either  the  natural  scenery 
of  the  American  Continent,  and  in  particular  its  vast  central 
plain,  or  the  occupations  and  economic  environment  of  the 
people,  with  their  increasiiiR  tentlency  to  prefer  urban  to  rural 
life,  may  in  the  course  of  ages  produce.  The  science  of  ethno- 
Kraphic  sociology  is  still  oidy  in  its  infancy,  and  the  working 
of  the  causes  it  examines  is  so  subtle  that  centuries  of  experi- 
ence may  be  nee<led  before  it  becomes  possible  to  determine 
definite  laws  of  national  Rr-mth. 

Let  us  sum  up  the  points  in  which  physical  conditions  seem 
to  have  influencetl  the  development  of  the  American  people, 
by  trying  to  give  a  short  answer  to  the  question.  What  kind  of 
a  home  has  Nature  given  to  the  nation? 

She  has  furnished  it  with  resources  for  production,  that  is, 
with  potential  wealth,  ampler  and  more  varied  than  can  be 
found  in  any  other  country,  —  an  immense  area  of  fertile  soil, 
sunshine  and  moisture  fit  for  all  the  growths  of  the  temperate, 
and  even  a  few  of  the  torrid,  zone,  a  store  of  minerals  so  large 
as  to  seem  inexhaustible. 

She  has  given  it  a  climate  in  which  the  foremost  races  of 
mankind  can  thrive  and  (save  in  a  very  few  districts)  labour, 
an  air  in  most  regions  not  only  salubrious,  but  more  stimulating 
than  that  of  their  ancient  European  seats. 

She  has  made  communication  easy  by  huge  natural  water- 
courses, and  by  the  general  openness  and  smoothness  of  so 
much  of  the  continent  as  lies  east  of  the  Rocky  Mcjuntains. 

In  laying  out  a  vast  central  and  almost  unbroken  plain,  she 
has  destined  the  largest  and  richest  region  of  the  country 
to  be  the  home  of  one  nation,  and  one  only.  That  the  lands 
which  lie  east  of  this  region  between  the  Alleghanies  and  the 
Atlantic,  and  those  wliich  lie  west  of  it  between  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  the  Pacific,  are  also  occupied  l)y  that  one  nation 

'  Somo  vahirtblo  rcniiirks  on  tliis  sulijict  will  he  fouiKl  in  Professor  \.  S. 
Shalcr's  intcrcstins  hook,  Xnliirr  mul  Mmi  in  Amitiiii.  fnjin  which  I  take 
these  facts  regarding  life  insurance  and  the  experience  of  the  Civil  War. 


iS- 


4(i8 


ILHSTUATIONS  AND  KKKI.KC'TIONS 


•ART    \ 


is  (lup  to  the  fju't  that  before  the  colotiizution  of  the  eentral 
renion  had  k<""'  J^'"",  ineans  of  eommunieation  were  inv<'nte<l 
whieh  made  the  AlleKhatues  cease  to  he  a  barrier,  and  tliat 
before  the  Pacific  coast  had  l)een  thickly  settled,  the  rest  of 
the  country  was  already  so  great  in  population,  wealth,  and 
power  that  its  attraction  was  as  irresistible  as  the  Moon  finds 
the  attraction  of  the  hearth  to  be. 

SeverinR  its  lionie  by  a  wide  ocean  from  the  old  world  of 
Kurope  on  the  east,  and  l>y  a  still  wider  one  from  the  half  u..!, 
lialf  new,  worl<l  of  Asia  and  Australasia  i»n  the  west,  slie  has 
maile  the  nation  sovereiKii  of  its  own  forlmies.  It  need  fear 
no  attacks  nor  even  any  pressun>  from  the  military  and  naval 
powers  of  the  eastern  hemisphere,  and  it  has  little  temptation 
to  dissipate  its  strensth  in  contests  with  them.  It  has  no  doubt 
a  strotiR  neip;hbour  on  the  Xorth,  but  a  friendly  one,  linked  by 
many  ties  of  intenst  as  well  as  kinship,  and  not  likely  ever 
to  become  thn>ateninK.  It  had  on  the  South  neighbours  who 
might  have  been  daiiKerous,  but  fortune  favoured  it  by  making 
one  of  them  hop«'lessly  weak,  and  oljliging  the  other,  strong  as 
she  was,  to  (piit  jiossession  tit  a  critical  moment.  Thus  is  it 
left  to  itself  as  no  great  State  has  ever  yet  been  in  the  world  ; 
thus  its  citizens  enjoy  an  opportunity  never  l)efore  granted  to  a 
nation,  of  making  their  coimtry  what  they  will  to  have  it. 

These  are  unetjualhnl  advantages.  They  contain  the  elements 
of  immense  defensive  strength,  of  immense  material  prosperity. 
They  disclose  an  unrivalletl  field  for  the  development  of  an 
imlustrial  civilizati  i.  Nevertheless,  suidcnts  of  history,  know- 
ing how  unpredictable  is  the  action  of  what  we  call  moral 
causes,  that  is  to  say,  of  emotional  and  intellectual  inHuetices 
as  contrasted  with  thos(>  rooted  in  physical  and  economic  facts, 
will  not  venture  to  base  upon  tlie  most  careful  survey  of  the 
physical  conditions  )f  .\merica  any  bolder  prophecy  than  this, 
that  n(»t  only  will  the  State  be  powerful  and  the  wealth  of  its 
citizens  jirodigious,  but  that  the  Nation  will  probably  remain 
one  in  its  government,  and  still  more  probably  one  in  speech; 
in  character,  and  in  ideas. 


CHAPTKR    \i'U 


THK    LATKST    I'll  ASK   OK    IM  MKIUATION 


SiNCK  the  fifth,  sixth,  ntid  scvnith  rr  ntiirits  of  the  f'hristiun 
Km,  when  v;ist  (hspiiu'iiin  nts  of  jjopulation  took  place  in 
Kut(,p<'  and  Western  Asia,  carrying  many  Teutonic  an<l  Shivonic 
tribes  out  of  tlieir  ancient  seats  into  the  territt)ries  of  the  Konitin 
Knipire,  no  ap-  has  seen  minrations  of  the  races  of  men  com- 
paral)h'  in  ma>?nitu<le  to  tliose  which  have  since  IH-i't  ])oure(l 
like  ,1  fhxMl  into  the  I'nited  States.'  These  new  settlers  have 
coiic  fn»m  all  i)arts  of  Kurope  exce|)t  France,  which  few  leave, 
and  Spain,  whose  eminnmts  n<>  <•>  the  S|)anish-speakinj<  parts 
of  the  New  World.  Latterly  some  have  come  from  the  Levant 
also. 

The  immigration  falls  into  three  periods,  or  rather  consists  of 
three  successive  streams,  eacli  of  which  hrouKht  on  the  scene  a 
new  race  or  group  of  races,  while  the  former  streams  still  con- 
tinued to  flow,  thouRh  with  a  diminished  volume. 

Ever  since  the  hesinnins  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  had 
been  a  steady  but  slender  influx  of  settlers,  which  did  not  ex- 
ceed 20,()(K)  per  annum  until  1S2()  a.d.  From  tliat  number  it 
rose  slowly  with  tlie  prosperity  of  the  country,  and  latterly  with 
the  cheaper  and  more  rapi<l  transjjortation  by  steam  vessels, 
till  1842,  when  100,000  entered.  With  the  years  184r)-184«i, 
the  time  of  the  terril)le  famine  in  Ireland,  begins  the  first  or  Irisli 
period  of  the  full  rush  of  immigration.'-  In  the  ten  years  184")- 
1855,  more  than  1,250,000  peoi)le  came  from  Ireland  to  the 
United  States.  The  largest  immber  was  in  1851,  when  221,253 
landed.     Thenceforward  ^he  flow  was  generally  large,  varying 

'  rpoii  the  s\il)jrct  of  tli<>  now  imniiiiniiitrt  tlio  rciuliT  may  Ix-  referred  to  Mr. 
.1.  U.  CommoiiM'  IhhiIv,  H(inx(iii<l  Iiiiiiiinraiiln  in  Aiinricii,  to  Professor  Steiner's 
Ixioks.  O.'!  Ihi  Trail  uf  th:  ! omiinriint  :i!!i!  77-  hn.^iinrnnt  Ti'!'.  ;in<l  t..  the  n't'ort* 
of  the  Bureau  of  Ininiicration.  Some  interestiiiK  faets  and  suptrestivc  view.-i 
may  also  he  found  in  I'rofe.ssor  W.  Z.  Kipley's  leeture  entitled  "  The  Kuropean 
PoiHilation  of  the  riiiti<l  .^tates." 

-The  Bureau  of  Imriiicratiou  (Report  for  1000)  estimates  th^t  from  1770 
to  XSL'O  only  L'a<),0(XJ  immi};rauts  iirriv.d.  and  from  1S20  to  1909.  1'0.852,723. 

4()9 


^ 

^1 


i 


K 

A 

i- 


H 


470 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


I;! 


1^ 


greatly,  but  seldom  below  30,000  and  sometimes  as  high  as 
80,000.  Of  late  years  it  has  tended  to  deerease,  and  in  1913 
was  only  27,876 ;  the  total  from  1820  to  1909,  inclusive,  being 
4,218,107,  a  number  equal  to  the  whole  population  of  Ireland 
in  1909.  Upon  the  top  of  this  Celtic  immigration  there  soon 
after  came  a  second  great  wave,  and  this  time  from  the  Teu- 
tonic parts  of  Europe.  The  arrivals  from  Germany  rose  sud- 
denly in  1852  from  72,000  to  145,000,  and  in  1854  reached 
215,000,  a  number  only  once  thereafter  exceeded,  viz.,  in  1882, 
when  the  total  was  250,000.  Since  1894  there  has  been  a  de- 
cline, and  in  1913  only  34,329  immigrants  came  from  Germany. 
The  total  number  from  1820  till  1909  was  5,320,312. 

Somewhat  later  began  the  inrush  from  the  three  Scandinavian 
countries.  Insignificant  till  1849,  the  number  suddenly  rose 
in  1866  to  13,000,  and  thereafter  reached  from  30,000  to  50,000 
during  many  years,  the  highest  tide-mark  being  105,000  in 
1882.  In  1913  the  number  was  32,207,  and  the  total  from 
1820  to  1909  is  given  as  1,896,139. 

All  this  time  the  immigration  from  the  rest  of  Europe  had 
been  trifling,  except  of  course  that  from  Great  Britain,  whence 
there  came  a  steady  though  never  copious  stream.  But  in  1880 
the  theretofore  small  flow  from  the  Austro-Hungarian  mon- 
archy rose  swiftly,  and  in  1882  there  was  also  an  increase  from 
Italy  and  Russia.  The  great  prosperity  then  reigning  in  the 
United  States  was  causing  a  strong  indraught,  and  the  immigra- 
tion from  all  quarters  reached  a  volume  not  equalled  thereafter 
till  1907.  From  1882  onwards  other  parts  also  of  Europe  have 
been  affected ;  and  after  1890,  as  the  arrivals  from  Ireland  and 
Germany  began  slowly  to  decline,  Central  and  Southern  Europe 
became  the  main  source  of  the  gigantic  Hood  of  new  immigrants, 
whose  total  numbered  in  1882,  789,000  and  in  1913,  1,197,892. 
Czechs,  Poles,  Slovaks,  Croats,  Serbs,  Magyars,  Finns,  Russians, 
—  these  last  nearly  all  Jews,  —  Slovenes,  Roumans  (mostly 
from  Transylvania),  and  Greeks,  with  a  smaller  number  of 
Armenians,  Syrians,  and  Bulgarians,  have  (taken  together) 
latterly  far  outnumbered  the  entering  Teutons,  as  the  Italians 
have  far  outnumbered  the  Irish.  It  is  computed  that  over 
eight  millions  in  all  entered  between  1900  and  the  end  of  1909. 
and  that  over  thirty  millions  have  entered  in  the  seventy  years 
between  1840  and  1913,  twice  what  the  total  white  population 
of  the  United  States  was  in  tlie  former  year. 


I     1 


CHAP.  XCII 


L.\TEST  PHASE  OF  IMMIGRATION 


471 


The  population  of  the  United  States  was  in  1840  ahnost 
whoDy  —  perliaps  as  to  seven-eighths  —  of  British  origin,  i.e. 
roughly  two-thirds  Teutonic  and  one-third  Celtic.  Now  it  is  9 
remarkable  fact  that  in  the  immigration  of  the  next  fifty  years, 
1840-1890,  the  Teutonic  and  Celtic  elements  which  entered 
corresponded  pretty  nearly  to  the  proportions  which  those  two 
elements  bore  to  one  another  in  the  population  of  1840,  Teutons, 
including  Germans,  Scandinavians,  and  English  from  the  Teu- 
tonic parts  of  Britain,  constituting  about  two-thirds,  Irish  about 
one-third,  of  the  whole.  Thus  the  racial  composition  of  the 
American  people  as  a  whole  was  not  markedly  altered  during 
that  half-century,  the  proportion  of  Teutons  to  Celts  remaining 
al)out  the  same.  Neither  was  the  proportion  of  religious  per- 
suasions much  altered,  for  though  nearly  all  the  Irish  and  many 
Germans  were  Roman  CathoUcs,  all  the  Scandinavians,  nearly 
all  the  English,  and  a  majority  of  the  Germans  were  Protestants. 

Far  otherwise  is  it  with  the  third  influx.  New  elements, 
hitherto  unrepres(>nted  in  the  American  people,  and  unlike  either 
the  Teuton  or  the  Celt,  have  now  been  added.  The  American 
people  of  the  future  will  be  an  amalgam  from  a  much  greater 
number  of  component  elements  than  had  entered  into  it  thereto- 
fore. Moreover,  these  new  accretions,  except  the  Jews,  Greeks, 
some  of  the  Roumans,  the  Finns,  and  the  Armenians,  belong 
almost  wholly  to  the  Roman  Church,  so  that  if  the  children  of 
the  immigrant?  remain  connected  with  that  church,  its  share 
of  the  population  will  be  relatively  larger. 

The  chief  causes  of  great  migrations  have  in  time  past  been 
four :  (1)  war ;  (2)  political  or  religious  oppression ,  (3)  the 
desire  of  a  growing  population  to  find  fresh  land  to  cultivate ; 
(4)  the  movement  of  labour  from  regions  where  it  is  abundant 
and  cheap  to  regions  where  it  is  scarce  and  dear.  Of  these 
four,  the  first  has  not  \wvn  operative  in  the  present  case,  and 
the  second  only  as  respects  Jews  and  Armenians.  It  is  the 
third,  and  latterly  even  more  markedly  the  fourth  cause,  that 
have  brought  about  this  vast  outflow  from  the  Old  World  to  the 
New.  The  stirring  of  men's  minds  out  of  their  fixed  and  ancient 
ways  has  reached  even  the  illiterate  peasantry  of  backward 
regions,  and  made  them  desire  to  better  their  condition.  But 
the  outflow  has  been  accelerated  and  increased  by  two  facts 
without  precedent  in  earlier  times.  One  is  the  extraordinary 
cheapness  and  swiftness  of  transportation  by  sea,  the  other  the 


It 
'  11 


[f  -  i 


472 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND   IlKFLK(^TIONS 


PAUT  T 


I      t 


hhn 


facilities  which  modern  methods  of  advertisinp;  have  enabled 
steamship  companies  to  use,  and  which  they  have  strenuously 
used,  to  induce  the  peasants  of  the  most  secluded  corners  of 
Europe  to  seek  new  iiomes  heyoiul  the  ocean.'  Som(>  ind(>ed 
com(>,  not  to  settles  hut  to  (>arn  money  and  return.  Yet  these 
also  hel])  th(>  movement,  for  tliose  immigrants,  especially  Italians 
and  .\ustro-Hunf!;ariati  Slavs,  who  return  home  with  their  earn- 
ings after  working  for  so^ie  inonths  or  a  year  in  AmcTica,  scattcT 
abroad  tales  of  the  higli  wages  they  have  gained,  and  thus  excit(^ 
the  curiosity  and  eagerness  of  their  neighl)ours.  So  the  impuls(^ 
spreads,  and  more  and  more  are  drawn  from  their  humbh; 
homes  to  the  Western  Land  of  Promise. 

The  qui'.lity  of  the  earlier  immigrants,  Irish  and  Teutonic,  is 
too  well  known  to  need  description.  Many  were  uneducatetl, 
the  Scandinavians  probably  least  so,  but  they  w(>re  intelligent 
peasants,  of  strong  stocks,  industrious,  energetic,  and  capable; 
of  quickly  acconunodating  th(>mselves  to  the  conditions  of 
their  new  land  and  l)lending  with  its  people.  The  Slavs  and 
Italians  from  Central  and  Southern  Europe  are  also  peasants, 
and  also  industrious.-  But  they,  and  nearly  all  others  of  the 
newly  arrived  races,  arriv(>  more  largely  illit(>rat(>  than  the  Ger- 
mans or  Irish,  and  are  on  a  lower  grad(^  of  civilization.  The 
Jews  and  (Ireeks  are  more  frequently  small  traders  than  agri- 
culturists, but  are  also  illiterate,  and  very  clannish,  less  inclined 
than  any  other  group  to  mix  with  native  Americans  or  other 
immigrants.  This  third  stream  of  newcomers,  taken  in  all  its 
elements,  is,  therefore,  socially  Im'Iow  the  two  earlier  ones,  and 
in  every  way  more  alien  to  .\merican  lial>its  and  standards. 

It  was  the  increase  of  this  new  flood  that  l(>d  to  the  passing 

'  RoKaidiim  til'  method!*  liy  whirh  ininii(ir;iiits  an'  induced  to  pomo,  thn 
folli)uiiiir  pas~  121'  is  found  in  the  Report  for  IfM)!)  of  the  Conmiissioner  (leneral 
of  Iniiuignitioii,  ji.  Ill':     - 

"  The  poasimts  of  Southern  and  Eastern  Kurope  have  for  a  numVxT  of  years 
."upplied  a  rich  harvest  to  the  promoter  of  imnuKration.  The  promoter  is 
usually  a  steamship  ticket  aRent.  employed  f)n  a  commission  basis,  or  a  pro- 
fessional nn,  ....  I'lid'  r.  (■!■  a  ciniliinalion  of  the  two.  His  onl.v  interest  is  the 
wholl.v  selfish  one  of  fiaiiiina  his  commission  and  eolleetiiiK  his  usur.v.  He  is 
omplo.ved  bv  the  steamship  lines  large  and  small  without  soruplc.  and  to  the 
enormous  profit  of  such  lines.  The  mori'  aliens  they  lirinR  over  the  more  are 
there  to  hf  carri "d  back  if  failure  mi'ets  the  tent:itivi>  immigrant,  and  the 
more  arc  likily  to  follow  hiter  if  success  is  his  h>t.  Whatever  the  outcome,  it  is 
a  good  proposition  for  the  sti'amship  line." 

-Often  thiy  iniuht  liavc  done  better  to  stay  at  home.  (J  reeks  have  been 
leaviiic  fertile  rhessal.\-.  wlicri>  a  nood  deal  of  land  lies  luitilled,  to  plant  theni- 
wlv's  in  thi'  slums  of  ( 'hicapo. 


CHAP,  xcii         LATEST  PHASE  OF  IMMIGRATION 


473 


of  immigration  laws  more  stringont  than  had  previously  been 
thought  needful,  laws  whieh  have  established  a  system  of 
rigorous  tests  for  admission,  following  on  a  law  forbicUhng 
lalx)urers  to  be  imported  under  a  contract  to  work  if  there  are 
any  persons  in  the  United  States  who  are  unemployed  in  the 
particular  kind  of  work.  Under  the  present  laws  an  average 
number  slightly  exceeding  one  per  cent  ar(>  aiuiually  r(>jected. 
A  growing  zeal  for  sanitary  measures  and  an  alarm  at  the  en- 
trance of  many  p<'rsons  likely  to  prove  undesiral.le  citizens  had 
much  to  do  with  this  legislation,  but  something  must  also  Ik- 
ascril)ed  to  the  desire  of  the  lal)our  unions  to  ke(>p  out  as  many 
as  possible  of  those  who  come  as  competitors  for  labour,  willing 
to  take  lower  wages  than  those  received  by  the  workmen  who 
were  already  American  citizens.'  Public  opinion  did  not  wish 
to  see  the  established  standard  of  wages  and  living  reduced. 

The  difference  betwe(>n  thes(>  rcH-ent  immigrants  and  the  ( jcr- 
mans  and  Scan<linavians  who  preceded  th(>m  appears  in  this  also, 
that  whereas  th<!  former  started  at  onc(<  for  the  land,  and  set 
themselves  to  foil  the  woods  or  till  th(>  prairies  of  the  West,  the 
bulk  of  the  later  comers  have  either,  like  th«>  .J(>ws  and  (.reeks, 
flocked  into  the  cities  and  taken  to  the  life  of  retail  trading  or  of 
handicrafts  and  petty  industries  th(>re.  or  have,  like  the  Slovaks 
and  Poles  and  Italians,  found  occupation  in  the  mining  districts 
or  in  railway  construction  and  other  forms  of  unskilled  work.- 
To-day  most  of  the  hard,  rough  toil  of  the  country  is  everywhere 
done  by  recent  immigrants  from  Central  or  Southern  Europe, 

I  In  1<H>3,  l(),!t;W  alii'iis  (about  1.7  per  citit  nf  tlio  total  nunili'T  si-cKiiiE 
adniis.sion)  wore  turned  hack,  nearly  a  lialf  Ix-eausc  likely  to  l.econie  a  pulilii- 
eharKe.  a  little  over  a  fifth  herause  afflieted  with  a  cotitaiiious  disease,  most  of 
the  residue  beeau.se  eoming  in  under  a  contract  to  labour. 

'"The  oompetition  of  races  is  the  competition  of  standards  of  li\im:.  .  .  . 
The  raop  with  lr)w<'st  neci-ssities  displaces  others.  The  textile  industry  of  New 
England  w.as  originally  operatcl  by  the  educated  sons  .uhI  daughters  of  \meri- 
can  stock.  The  Irish  displace.!  many  of  them,  then  the  IriMich  ( 'anadian.s 
completed  the  displacement.  Then,  when  the  children  of  the  I'rench  h.id  beRun 
to  acquire  a  higher  standard,  contingents  of  PortUk-uese.  Creeks.  Syrians.  Poles, 
and  Italians  entered  to  preveiit  a  rise.  .  .  .  Hranches  of  the  clothiim  inde.stry 
in  New  York  began  with  English  and  Scotch  tailors  then  were  captured  by 
Irish  and  Germans,  then  by  Rus.sian  .Jews,  and  lastly  by  Itali.Mis  ;  while  in 
Bcston  the  Portuguese  took  a  share,  and  in  Chicago  the  Polis.  Hohcmians  and 
Scandinavians,  .\lmost  every  great  manufacturing  anil  mining  industry  h:is 
experienced  a  similar  substitution  of  raci's.  .\s  i,.pi.iiy  as  a  race  risi  s  in  tn  • 
scale  of  living  and  through  organization  Ixgins  to  demand  higher  wages  and 
resist  the  pressure  of  long  hours  and  over-exertion,  the  employers  substitute 
another  race,  and  the  process  is  repeated."  -  li'ucs  fiml  I mmitjmnts  in  America, 
pp.  152,  153. 


474 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


i*.l 


ri 


or  (to  a  sinallor  extent  in  tlu-  North  ami  scarcely  at  all  in  the 
West)  by  negroes.  The  Irish  and  the  urban  i)art  of  tlie  (Jer- 
man  population  have  risen  in  the  scale,  and  no  longer  form 
the  bottom  stratum. 

Few  indeed  among  the  Slavonic  or  Italian  immigrants  luivc 
either  the  knowledge  of  the  country  (»r  the  enterprise  or  ,  a 
capital  neecUnl  to  take  up  a  farm,  small  as  is  the  capital  needed 
even  now,  when  land  is  not  so  abundant  lus  in  bSiM).  But  already 
one  hears  of  Poles  and  Fimis  in  New  l"]ngland  and  Bohemians 
in  Iowa,  and  a  few  Russians  (not  Jewish)  in  one  or  two  places 
settling  dovai  to  cultivate  little  plots  of  groimd,  and  doubtless 
the  numlxT  of  those  who  spread  t)ut  in  this  way  will  go  on  in- 
creasing. At  present,  howev(>r,  it  is  chiefly  in  New  York  and 
the  country  all  round  it,  in  Chicago  and  in  the  mining  regions 
of  Pennsylvania  and  the  West,  such  for  instance  as  Colorado, 
that  the  traveller  is  struck  by  the  presence  of  a  population 
obviously  non-American  and  not  even  West  European.  The 
Jews,  who  occupy  a  large  district  in  New  York,  and  seem  likely 
to  remain  a  city-dwelling  folk,  form  n(>arly  one-fourth  of  its 
populati  V.  Both  they  and  the  Italians  are  immerous  in  Boston, 
though  J'Mt  ancient  home  of  Puritanism  is  now  rather  an  Irish 
than  an  American  city.'  In  i)arts  of  New  Jersey  and  southern 
New  York  one  may  in  asking  one's  way  along  the  roads  find 
hardly  any  one  who  can  speak  either  English  or  (lerman.  So 
in  Pennsylvania  the  Bible  Society  distributes  copies  of  the  New 
Testament  in  forty-two  languages,  while  forty-nine  are  said  to 
be  spoken  in  New  York  City.  In  Chicago  there  are  fourteen 
groups,  of  not  less  than  ten  thousand  persons  each,  six>aking 
foreign  languages.  The  foreign-born  and  their  otTspring  con- 
stituted in  1910=  more  than  one-third  of  the  total  population  of 
tlie  country  and  rather  more  '  -n  half  of  the  white  jiopulation 
of  the  Northern  and  West(  ites,  for  it  need  hardly  be  said 

that  there  has  been  practically  no  inuiiigration  int;)  the  Southern 
States  either  of  Celts,  Teutons,  or  Slavs,  though  a  little  of  Italijuis 
into  Ix)uisiana  and  of  Germans  into  Texas.    The  older  South  ( Vir- 

'  In  Now  York  7S.C  por  cent  and  in  ChiraRo  77.-5  per  cent  of  the  population 
wa.s  in  1910  of  foreign  extraction, 'anil  out  of  a  po|  ulatioii  of  over  seventeen 
million?  in  thirty  of  the  greatest  eities,  Go.o  per  ceat  were  ( ither  foreiga-boni  or 
the  children  of  foreign-born  oersons. 

'  The  census  figures  of  1010  gave  the  foreiKu-horn  white  population  at 
12,873,990  and  the  native  white  population  of  foreign  parentage  at  18,137,417 
out  of  a  total  population  of  91,972,200. 


CHAP.   XCII 


LATEST  PHASE  OF   IMMIGRATION 


475 


fiinia  and  tlic  Carolina^)  is  the  most  purely  English  part  of 
the  United  States. 

A  certain  i)art  of  this  recent  irmniRration  is  transitory.  Ital- 
ians and  Slovaks,  for  instance,  after  they  have  by  thrift  accumu- 
loted  a  sum  which  is  larjie  for  them,  return  to  their  native  vil- 
laKi'S,  and  carry  l)ack  with  them  new  notions  and  habits  which 
set  up  a  ferment  anions  the  sim])le  rustics  of  a  Calabrian  or 
Nortli  Hungarian  Valley.'  For  the  United  States  the  practice  has 
the  double  advantage  of  sui)i)lying  a  volume  of  cheap  unskilled 
labour  when  employment  is  l)risk  and  of  removing  it  when  em- 
ployment becomes  slack,  so  that  the  number  of  the  unem- 
ployed, often  very  large  when  a  financial  crisis  has  brought 
i)ad  times,  is  rapidly  nHluced,  and  there  is  more  work  for  the 
permanently  settled  part  of  the  lai»ouring  class.  It  is  the  easier 
to  go  backwards  and  forwards,  because  two-thirds  among  all  the 
races,  except  tlie  Jews,  are  men,  either  unmarried  youths  or 
persons  who  have  left  their  wives  behind.  (Many,  however, 
l)ring  out  their  wives  afterwards. )  Aor  are  th(Te  many  children. 
Four-fifths  of  the  whole  who  enter  are  stated  .to  be  between 
fourteen  and  forty-five  years  of  age. 

Between  those  of  the  new  inmiigrants  who  work  in  mines  or  on 
the  construction  of  public  works  and  the  native  Americans 
there  is  very  little  contact  and  i)ractically  no  admixture.  Even 
in  the  cities  the  Italians  and  the  Jews  keeji  to  themselves,  often 
occupying  poor  (juarters  exclusivi>ly  their  own.  Sometimes, 
however,  a  group  of  Magyars  or  Czechs,  working  on  a  (|uarry  or 
in  a  factory,  will  awaken  th(>  kindly  interest  of  their  neighbours 
who  may,  perhaps,  build  a  chapel  for  them  and  gather  their 
growing  boys  into  a  Young  Men's  Christian  Association.  On 
the  whole,  however,  they  seem  to  be  left  pretty  much  to  the 
mercies,  not  always  tender,  of  their  employers.  The  condi- 
tion of  many  who  toil  in  the  coal  mines  and  iron  furnaces  of 
Pennsylvania  is  describinl  as  wretched.  Hut  they  (>arn  as  much 
in  two  months  as  th(>y  would  have  earned  in  a  year  at  home. 
Thus  the  outdraught  from  Kurop(>  continues,  and  has  now  ex- 
cited so  much  disquiet  in  Hungary,  as  threatening  a  scarcity  of 
labour,  that  the  GovernnKMit  has  been  taking  steps  to  dis- 
courage the  departun^  of  the  peasants.- 

'  Inton^stine  instaiiors  of  thr  iiifluoncc  of  thosi>  roturiipd  immiRrants  may  be 
found  in  Professor  i^toinor"?  hooks  ;il)ovo  ri'fc'rod  to. 

'  .Sonic  years  aco  l)uildiii(j  opcnitious  in  HiuLnxst  came  ahuost  to  a  stand- 
still owing  to  the  departure  of  a  large  number  of  work.  rs. 


li 


& 


470 


ILLl'STRATIONS  AXD   RKFLKCTIONS 


PART  V 


i       I 


Tliiit  tl»«'  irct'iil  iiiiiniKniiits  should  contrilmtc  larjjrly  1o  tin* 
criiuo  of  the  districts  when"  they  aWomul  is  only  natunil,  for 
ovorywIuTc  it  is  from  the  poorest  and  li-ast  educated  class  that 
the  largest  proi)ortion  of  offenders  come.  Fourteen  per  cent  of 
the  aliens  over  ten  years  of  age  in  N;nv  York  Stat*.'  are  illit- 
erate. This  fact,  their  strange  tongues,  and,  for  the  first  few 
years,  a  certain  want  of  finish  in  their  jxTsonal  habits,  have 
created  among  native  Americans  a  prejudice  against  them  wi.ich 
is  not  altogether  just,  for  the  great  majority  are,  when  they  come, 
sim])l<',  honest  folk,  who,  having  heard  of  America  as  the  land  of 
freedom  and  prosperity,  are  prepared  to  love  it  and  to  serve  it 
1)V  hard  and  patient  work. 

The  more  ignorant,  and  espirially  those  who  go  to  seek  em- 
ployment in  mines,  quarries,  and  railroad  construction,  do  not 
apply  for  citizenship.  In  11H)0  a  statute  was  passed  placing  the 
naturalization  '>f  alien  immigranis  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Bureau  of  Immigration,  and  providing,  among  other  things, 
that  the  applicant  for  naturalization  nmst  be  neither  an  anar- 
chiii^  nor  a  polygamist,  must  intend  to  make  the  Unitinl  States 
his  home,  and  must  be  able  to  .speak  English.  Adherence  to 
anarchist  or  polygamist  opinions  is  indefnl  also  made  one  of  the 
grounds  for  refusing  entrance  to  an  imtnigrant.  The  object  of 
the  law  was,  however,  not  merely  to  exclude  undesirable  persons 
from  citizenship,  but  to  prevent  persons  who  might  desire  to 
return  to  their  country  of  origin  with  the  character  of  American 
citiz(>ns,  from  acquiring  that  character  and  the  protection 
abroad  which  it  implies.  The  early  immigrants,  Irish,  Ger- 
mans, and  Scandinavians,  usually  applied  for  and  obtained 
citizenship  very  soon  after  their  arrival.  The  political  organi- 
zations laiil  hold  of  them  and  got  them  enrolled,  (h'siring  their 
votes.  The  more  recent  immigrants,  and  especially  the  Italians 
and  Slavs,  show  less  desire,  and  have  not  been  looked  after  by 
the  i)arties  with  the  same  assiduity.  In  1900  more  than  half 
of  the  immigrants  of  those  races  were  still  aliens.  It  is  generally 
the  more  ignorant,  and  esi)ecially  those  who  do  not  settle  on  the 
land,  who  so  remain.  The  .Jewish  immigrants,  ignorant  as  they 
often  are,  are  keen-witted,  and  as  they  mean  to  stay  in  America, 
they  appreciate  the  advantage  of  becoming  citizens  at  once. 
Numbering  in  ..ew  York  about  a  million  all  told,  they  are 
already  a  power  in  politics.  Many  have  joined  Tammany  Hall, 
and  as  they  are  even  more  cohesive  than  th(>  Irish,  their  share 
in  the  control  of  that  organization  promises  to  be  a  large  one. 


CHAP,  xni         LATKST  PHASE  OF   IMMKi  RATION 


477 


Not  a  few  of  the  immigrants  have  hrounlit  with  thciii  from 
Russia  or  Eastern  (lermany  or  Pohuul,  the  t('iu't>  of  Socijilir^iii, 
and  some  few  the  doctrines  of  a  revohitioiiary  aiiurchi^m.  'I'hf 
murder  of  Pr.viidrnt  McKinley  l)y  such  an  one  (horn,  however, 
in  America),  together  with  th(  infiammatory  harangues  d(liv<  r<i| 
1\V  adherents  of  this  extreme  creed,  have  <loii<'  mucli  to  draw  on 
them,  even  on  those  wiio  nowise  deserve  it,  the  suspicion  of 
native  Americans. 

If  the  inf1uenc(>  in  politics  of  the  new  iiiiniinraiits  has  us  yrt 
been  slemier  in  j)roportion  to  tiieir  nunibers.  tliis  ]>  not  men  iy 
because  many  of  them  still  remain  non-v(jter>.  but  also  be(  ;tii>e 
they  have  not  had  time  to  learn  to  cure  al)oul  political  topic-^. 
Those  Southern  ItaUans,  for  instance,  who  vole  are  sai<l  to  b< 
generally  le<l  to  do  s«j  by  jx'ciiniary  iii<lii<<  iiienls.  'Die  fir-t 
question  which  really  lays  hold  on  an<l  appe:U-  dinctly  io  the 
newcomer  from  strange  lands,  tlie  fir^^t  tliinu  that  brings 
him  into  direct  touch  with  American  life,  is  a  labour  ilisjjute. 
Little  as  he  has  kno\TO  oi  such  matters  before,  a  leader  of  his 
o\\'n  race  and  tongu<'  can  easily  draw  him  into  a  lab(»ur  union. 
and  when  he  is  in  it,  and  especially  when  a  strike  beyins.  no 
one  can  be  more  ardent  or  combative.  Some  uiii<.n>  iiave  raiial 
sections,  which  debate  in  their  own  language,  and  Mion  iiia.-ler 
the  facts  of  the  situation.  If  th<y  are  led  by  one  ii!>i  of  their 
own  race,  he  is  usually  an  Irishman,  sueh  i>  the  Iri-li  u|MiiU'le 
for  leatlership.  Employers  who  have  brought  together  h^nign- 
ers  and  put  their  faith  in  them  a>  strike-breaker>  liav.  some- 
times l)een  wofully  disai)p<jinted.  In<i(ed.  i!i<  Pole  or  Si'Aak 
follows  a  militant  chief  more  blindly  tlian  a  iiaii\(  Amerieaii 
W(»uld.  He  has  less  to  lose,  and  lii-  >landar'l  ol  comlort  i-  m. 
low  that  tiie  privations  of  a  strike  afTect  iiim  1'  -. 

In  encjuiriiig  how  far  the^e  ne\ve'<l  <(jmer-  are  iuieijiiiiigling 
with  the  pre-<'xi<tiiig  i;o})ulation.  one  musi  .-arefuHy  .ii>liiiguj.-.)i 
l>etween  the  original  inunigrai:l-  and  tliejr  ehiidn n  i.orii  in  the 
United  States.  Tlie  latter  attend  the  eonimo!!  -.rln.ol-  in 
places  where  truancy  laws  are  eiif<;  red.-  ;ni.\  witii  the  iiati-»e 
inhabitants,  grow  u})  speaking  Kngli>li.  !rtn<l  i'io-.i|>  j.irget  their 
own  language  before  they  reach  manhoo'l.  Sn  lar  hoin  .ie^iri!lg 
to  remember  it  and  to  cling  to  tij>  ir  'An  ua;i-i:.ai;; ;.  ••;e>  ar^ 
eager  to  cast  it  away  and  to  l)ee<)me  in  e\cr>  -.en^e  Aniericaris. 
often  they  treat  their  parent>.  bei-ni-^e  iun-itin-bor'!,  wiii.  a 
sort  of  contempt.     However  riight  may  i>e  ii kh   -odal  contact, 


478 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND   IlKFLKCTIONS 


PART    V 


V 


I}.  ,1 


with  their  native  neighbours,  they  receive  the  same  instnietioi), 
they  tend  to  form  the  same  habits  of  Hfe,  tliey  read  the  sjune 
newspapers,  they  frwiuent  tiie  same  puMie  entertainments,  ami 
the  more  capable  rise  before  long  into  positions  where  they  are 
not  merely  units  in  a  herd  of  worlvers  "  bossed  "  by  an  Amer- 
ican or  Iriali  foreman,  but  have  a  djance  of  forcing  tlieir  own 
way  upward.  Kxaetly  liow  far  tliey  intermarry  outside  tlieir 
own  race  is  not  easy  to  say,  but  we  may  safely  assume  that 
those  who  have  been  born  in  the  United  Stati's,  or,  entering 
very  young,  have  gro\vn  up  under  American  inHuepces,  find 
their  race  no  insurmountable  obstacle  to  alliances  with  those 
of  native  stock.  There  are  more  men  than  women  among 
them,  and  the  men  try  to  marry  into  a  social  stratum  a  little 
above  their  own,  a  native  .\merican  girl,  if  pos.sible,  or  an  Irish 
one.  In  such  a  land  as  the  United  States  distinctions  of  race, 
unless  mark(Mi  by  distinctions  of  colour,  count  for  little. 

Both  as  respects  social  admixture,  however,  and  as  respects 
propensity  to  crime,  one  must  emphasize  the  dilTerence  be- 
tween immigrants  st^ttling  in  large  cities,  or  in  mining  r.'gions, 
and  those  who  are  scattennl  out  into  smaller  cities  or  country 
districts.  In  the  latter  they  .soon  tend  to  mingle  with  the 
other  residents,  and  the  chiklren  grow  up  under  similar  and 
fairly  wholesome  conditions.  But  in  such  places  as  New  York 
or  Chicago  they  keep  to  themselves,  often  in  streets  inhabited 
entirely  by  those  of  the  same  race.  It  is  difficult  for  parents 
who  must  themselves  toil  all  day  long  to  retain  any  control  over 
children  who  enjoy  the  license  and  are  exposed  to  the  tempta- 
tions of  a  vast  city.  Accordingly,  the  percentage  of  juvenile 
crime  among  the  children  of  the  foreign -born  is  more  than  twice 
as  great  as  it  is  among  children  of  native  white  parents.'  This 
is  so  easily  explicable  by  the  conditions  under  which  they  live 
that  it  neefl  not  be  taken  to  indicate  moral  inferiority.  It  has 
often  happened  that  when  people  of  rude  and  simple  habits 
come  into  a  more  civilized  environment  they  lose  their  best 
native  qualities  and  acquire  the  vices  of  civilization  before  its 
virtues.  Out  of  this  transitory  phase  the  ch'Mren  of  the  im- 
migrants may  ere  long  pass. 

Of  the  East  Asiatic  races  that  have  entered  the  United  States 
on  the  Pacific  side  of  the  Continent  it  has  not  been  necessary 
to  speak  in  this  chapter,  because  their  immigration  has  been 

*  Commons,  Races  and  Immigrants,  p.  170. 


riiAP.  xni 


I^\TKST   PHASK  OF  IMMKIKATION 


479 


stopped.  Stuluti's  passed  tit  tlie  urgent  instanee  of  Califomiun 
workiiiR-iuen,  who  disliked  the  euinpetitioii  of  Chinese  coolies, 
exehide  all  Chinese,  except  p-rsons  of  tlie  educattnl  class,  such 
as  nierchuiifs,  stu<leiits,  and  travellers  for  pleasure :  while 
under  an  arrangement  made  with  the  Japanese  (lovenunent  in 
1SW)S,  the  influx  of  Japanese  laliourers,  which  was  rising  rapidly, 
has  also  l»(>en  st()i)ped.  In  1<)1()  there  were  in  the  Tnited  States 
r)(),7r>()  foreinn-horn  Chinese,  and  it  is  i)ossil)le  that  the  imm- 
her  may  incre.'ise  slightly  l)y  illicit  importation  on  the  frontiers 
of  Mexico  and  Canada.  In  lOlO  there  were  (>7,744  forei^^n-horn 
Ja])anese ;  and  since  then  many  have  departed  and  scarce  any 
have  arrived.  Neither  they,  nor  (  hinese,  nor  Malay's,  nor 
Hindus,  can  he  naturalized,  luit  the  children  of  these  races, 
horn  in  the  United  States,  are  horn  citizens,  antl  may  vote  if 
registered,  so  any  large  addition  to  their  numbers  is  all  the 
more  deprecated.  It  is  needh-ss  to  add  that  they  remain  quite 
distinct  from  the  white  inhabitants.  The  feeling  againnt  the 
entrance  of  the  yellow  races,  less  strong  again.st  the  Chinese 
than  it  was  in  1880,  and  (lualified  nmong  the  enipk)yers  by  the 
desire  to  have  plenty  of  steady  labour,  is  still  strong  enough  to 
maintain  the  policy  of  exclusion,  and  does  not  seem  Ukely  to 
disappear  in  any  period  which  can  at  present  be  foreseen.  A 
like  feeling  exists  in  Australia,  and  has  there  dictated  an  even 
more  rigid  warning  ofY  of  all  Asiatics.  The  humanitarian  senti- 
ment towards  other  races  which  was  so  strong  in  the  middle  of 
last  century  has  visibly  declined.  No  one,  except  a  fruit  grower 
who  wants  Japanese  laiwiunrs  for  his  orchards,  openly  com- 
plains of  the  exclusion,'  and  the  all  to<j  fre(iuent  outrages  per- 
petrated by  whites  upon  nun  of  a  different  colour  excite  less 
censure  than  they  wouhl  have  done  in  the  last  generation. 

Two  large  questions  remain  to  l)e  considered.  The  first  is, 
Will  Europ(>an  innnigration  continue  from  1910  till  19(K)  on  a 
scale  similar  to  that  of  the  y(^an-  1800  to  1910,  during  which 
more  than  twenty  millions  have  arrived  ?  To  answer  this  ques- 
tion we  must  consider  two  sets  of  facts  :  first,  the  capacity  of 
Europe  to  send  einigrants  out,  and  sec(jndly  the  attractiveness 
for  immigrants  of  the  United  States. 

It  has  already  been  noted  that  the  number  coming  from 
Ireland  now  averages  (Mily  about  one-sixth  of  what  it  was  from 

'  Or  a  wcU-tiwlo  houscfioldcr  who  siilTirs  fniin  the  difficulty  of  obtaining 
domestic  service,  which,  whilu  grcut  everywhere,  is  greatest  on  the  Pacific  oout 


4S0 


ILU'STRATIOXS  A\D   RKFLKCTIONS  part  v 


k'.l 


9*1"  i 


IM47  to  IS>4.  'Vhv  Iri'luml  of  I'.HO  Ims  uImhU  half  uh  iimny 
lMH)pl(«  !is  :*hv  had  in  IM').  and  h»T  uKrkultunil  comlitionM  arc  ho 
nujih  more  favoural>U'  iu)\v  than  thoy  witc  th.«n  tliut  the  motives 
for  ..xpatriation  art'  h>ss.  It  is  th.-rcforc  i)rol)al)U'  that  hence- 
forth fewer  Irishm(>n  will  leave  *heir  eomitry.  So  also  as  to 
(Jerinany  Sh«'  sends  out  from  one-fourth  to  one-fifth  of  the 
number  tiiat  eame  in  the  years  lu'twi-en  1881  and  1891.  The 
drop  in  Norse  and  Swedish  inmuKration  is  less  marktHl,  but  it 
averaned  from  1JH)5  to  1«H)0  less  than  a  half  of  what  it  was  be- 
tween 188()  and  18«>:i.  One  may  fairly  eonelude  such  surplus 
population  as  there  was  when  tlu>  larRc  outflow  be^an  has  now 
lM«en  drained  off.  so  that  what  will  in  future  depart  will  be 
merelv  any  natural  exeess  of  population  beyond  those  for  whom 
there  "is  opportunitv  enough  at  home.  In  the  Seandinavian 
countries,  especiallv  in  Swcnlen,  a  seareity  of  labour  has  begun 
to  be  felt,  and  the  Government  deplor(>s  even  such  emigration 

as  still  continues.  i     ♦  • 

As  respects  the  new  sources  of  miRration  —  Italy,  Austria- 
Hungary,  and  Russia  — no  decline  is  yet  evident,  and  the 
fluctuations  which  are  recorded  seem  to  depend  on  the  state  of 
the  labour  mark(>t  in  America.  But  it  may  be  assumed  that 
what  has  happened  in  Ireland.  Germany,  ami  Scandinavia  will 
presently  happen  in  South-eastern  Europe  also.  The  large  out- 
How  of  peasants  will  l(>ave  more  land  available  for  the  next 
geiKTation.  Wages  will  rise  as  labour  grows  scarcer,  so  there 
will  be  less  rt>ason  for  emigrating.  As  these  countries  were  not 
overpopulat(>d  in  the  sense  in  which  Ireland  was  ov(>rpopulated 
in  1S40.  the  overflow  which  marked  the  years  from  1890  to  1910 
.•an  hardly  last  much  longer,  unless,  imleed,  the  sluices  be  raised 
in  Russia.  From  that  vast  multitude  of  peasants  new  Slavonic 
millions  might  come,  were  the  Government  to  permit  their  de- 
parture.    At  present  they  emigrate  mostly  to  Siberia. 

The  oth.r  si(l(>  of  the  qU(>stion  relates  to  the  attraction  which 
America  has  exercised.  Will  th(>  prosp<>cts  of  comfort  and 
frecilom  sh(>  offers  continue  to  stir  thi>  hopes  of  the  European 
peasantrv  as  th(>v  have  tlone?  Land  is  in  the  fertile  West  al- 
ready s<-arcer  and  hicher  in  price  than  it  was,  and  virgin  land 
is  almost  unattainable,  except  in  the  limited  areas  which  are 
being  made  available  by  irrigation  or  by  the  new  processes  of 
dry  farming.  Those  who  leave  Europe  to  till  the  soil  elsewhere 
ha\e  now  quite  as  great,  if  not  greater,  allurements  in  Canada 


THAP.    Xlll 


LATKST  PMASK   OF   IMMKIUATION 


481 


or  ArK«'iitiii!i,  uml  iiiany  wlio  iiiiKlit  l°oriii<-i'ly  liuvc  mnw  to  the 
lliiitfd  Stiitfs  iin-  now  seeking  one  or  othrr  of  those  count  ties. 
On  tlu' otluT  hiuul,  tluTf  is  still  u  Krcat  dfinand  for  unskilled 
lulxnir  in  the  niin.  and  the  (|uarry  and  the  forest,  as  well  as  for 
the  construction  of  railroatls.  'I'his  is  likely  to  continue  for 
nmny  a  year  to  come,  thounh  every  now  and  then  a  passinn 
depression  of  trade  may  intervene  to  throw  multitudes  out  of 
work. 

It  nuiy  thenfore  l»e  expected  that  the  natives  of  those  parts 
(tf  Kurope,  such  as  Hussia,  Poland,  and  South  Italy,  where  wages 
arc  h)\vest  and  conditions  least  promisiiiK.  will  continue  their 
movement  to  the  United  States  until  there  is  a  nearer  approach 
to  an  ('(luilihrium  between  the  general  attractiveness  of  life  for 
the  |)o<)rer  classes  in  the  Old  World  and  in  the  New.  Hut  the 
stream  is  likely  to  diminish  in  volume,  as  the  outflow  from  a 
reservoir  diminishes  with  the  falling  h-vel  of  the  water  within. 
We  must  not  expect  the  forty  years  from  1!>1()  to  !!)')()  to  show 
an  addition  of  twenty  millions  coming  from  without  to  the 
population  of  the  I'nited  States,  as  did  the  forty  years  frou) 
1870  to  1010. 

Tlic  vast  majority  of  the  immigrants  enter  hy  the  port  o 
New  York,  and  are  on  their  arrival  sent  to  Ellis  Island,  a  rocky- 
islet  in  the  Hudson  River,  where  they  are  inspected  hy  officers 
of  the  Immigration  liureau  before  being  permitted  to  proceed 
to  their  several  destinations.  In  the  great  hall  where  they  are 
penned  together  like  sheep,  there  are  a  number  of  iron  stair- 
cases, by  which  the  immigrants  mount  from  the  ground  floor  to 
the  floor  above  where  they  are  inspected  under  the  stringent  pro- 
vibiuns  of  the  law.  The  spectator,  as  he  stands  listening  to  the 
incessant  tramp,  tramp  of  the  feet  of  the  men,  womer,  and  chil- 
dren as  their  shoes  ring  upon  th(>se  iron  steps,  seems  to  hear  the 
races  of  th(>  Old  World  marching  like  an  army  into  the  New, 
and  thinks  of  the  tribes  from  Northern  Europe  who  climbed  the 
steep  rock-paths  over  the  Alpine  passes  whence  they  descended 
into  the  Roman  Empire.  Those  came  as  conciuerors  ;  these 
come  as  humble  suppliants  for  entrance  into  the  land  of  a  people 
rich  and  strong.  But  their  coming  cannot  but  affect  that 
people.  There  Were  in  tli;-  rjiited  Statrs  only  forty-eight  mil- 
lions of  white  people,  when  the  ten  millions  from  Central  and 
Southern  PZuropc  who  have  arrived  since  1885  began  to  enter, 
an  addition  to  the  nation  such  as  no  nation  ever  receiviKl  before. 


-i^i 


482 


ILLUSTRATrONS  AND  UKFLECTIONS 


PART  1 


■U- 


■  I 

-'■| 


rh<'*'  ton  niillioiiH,  whosf  cliiMrrn  arr  now  countctl  hy  niilHunH 
more,  have  mU^ti  hurdly  yet  IM-Run  to  blind  with  the  ohler 
population.  Bnt  they  must  ultimately  do  ho.  Already  they 
tell  on  the  social  and  eeonomie  life  of  the  rountry.  Long  Ix'fore 
the  en<l  of  the  century  their  1)Io(mI  will  have  Imm-u  largely  mingled 
\vith  that  of  the  Anglo- Ameriean  and  Irish  and  (u-mian  inhal)- 
itants.  Thus  the  rc'flection  iM  forced  upon  us,  What  changeH  in 
the  character  and  hahits  of  the  American  piniple  will  this  influx 
of  new  elements  make— elements  wholly  diverse  not  only  in 
origin  but  in  ideas  and  traditions,  and  scarcely  less  diverw  from 
the  Irish  and  Teutonic  immigrants  of  previous  years  than  from 
the  men  of  predominantly  English  stink  who  inhabitwl  the 
country  before  the  Irish  or  the  ( 'ontin«>ntal  Teutons  arrived? 

This  is  the  crucial  question  to  whicii  every  study  of  the  ijumi- 
grant  problem  leads  up.  It  is  a  matter  of  grave  import  for 
the  world,  si'cing  that  it  is  virtually  a  new  phenomenon  in 
work!  history,  l)ecause  no  large  movement  of  the  races  of  man- 
kind from  one  region  of  the  earth  to  another  has  ever  occurred 
under  conditions  at  all  resembling  these.  But  it  is  primarily 
momentous  for  the  United  States,  and  that  all  the  more  so 
because  these  new  immigrants  go  to  swell  the  class  which 
already  <  auses  some  disquietude,  the  class  of  unskilled  labour- 
ers, the  poorest,  the  most  ignorant,  and  the  most  unsettled 
part  of  the  population. 

In  the  I'nited  Stati'S  the  uneasiness  which  this  invasion  excites 
takes  shape  in  the  qu(>stion  so  often  on  men's  lips,  Will  the  new 
immigrants  be  ^ood  Americans?  In  the  most  familiar  sense  of 
these  words  th(>  enquiry  can  be  easily  answered.  If  by  the  words 
"good  Americans"  is  meant  "patriotic  Americans,"  patriotic 
they  will  be.  They  will  l)e  proud  of  America,  loyal  to  the  flag, 
quick  to  discard  their  European  memories  and  sentiments, 
eager  to  identify  themselves  with  everything  distinctive  of  their 
new  country.  Within  a  few  yi-ars  the  Italian  or  the  Magyar,  the 
Pole  or  the  Rouman  d( cms  himself  an  Ameriean  even  if  he  be 
not  yet  a  citizen.  Much  niore  do  his  children  'ory  in  the 
flag  under  which  they  were  bom.  So  far  as  politics  are  con- 
cerned, the  unity  and  the  homogeneity  of  the  nation  will  not 
ultimately  suffer. 

Neither  is  there  gronnd  for  apprehending  any  decline  in  the 
intellectual  quality  or  practical  alertness  of  the  composite 
people  of  the  future.    Nearly  all  the  instreaming  races  are 


CHAP,  xrit 


LATKHT   PirASK  OF   IMMIOUATION 


483 


equal  in  intelligence  to  the  i)r(*sent  inliiil>itutitH.  (>f  the  acute- 
ne88  of  Jews  uixl  (ireckn  and  Italians  it  i.<  siiperHuoux  to  speak. 
One  is  told  that  the  chiMreii  of  these  stoeks  are  among  the 
brightest  in  the  puhlie  seii(M»!s,  and  that  in  New  York  they  use 
the  publie  lihraries  more  than  any  ttthers  do.  So,  too,  the 
Poles  and  the  Czeehs  are  naturally  gifted  raees,  (piite  as  apt  to 
learn  as  are  the  (Jernians,  even  if  less  solid  and  persistent. 
Than  the  Armenians  there  is  no  al)ler  race  in  the  world.  A 
blending  of  raees  has  often  in  past  times  been  followi-d  by  an 
increase  in  intellectual  fertility,  it  is  possible  that  from  among 
the  Jews  and  Poles  with  their  nuisical  faculty,  or  the  Italians 
with  their  artistic  faculty,  there  may  arise  tlutse  who,  stimidated 
by  the  new  opportunities  that  surround  them  here,  will  carry 
the  creative  power  of  the  country  to  a  higher  level  of  production 
in  those  branches  of  art  than  it  has  yet  reached. 

Whether  the  ethical  ([ua'i'  •  ;f  the  nation  will  be  affected,  it 
is  more  diincult  to  conjecture  ( )f  the  races  that  are  now  enter- 
ing, some  have  suffered  in  their  birthland  from  economic  and  po- 
litical conditions  unfavourable  to  veracity  and  courage.  Others, 
banded  together  against  authority,  have  become  prone  to  vio- 
h-nce.  But  there  are  others,  the  I'iedniontese  and  Ix)mbards 
for  'nstance,  who  come  of  a  manly  and  industrious  stock.  The 
Czeehs  and  the  Poles,  the  Magyars  and  the  Slovenes,  do  not  ap- 
pear to  one  who  has  seen  them  in  tlu  ir  European  homes  to  have 
less  than  their  Teutonic  neighbours  of  the  virtues  that  belong  to 
simple  peasant  folk.  If  the  new  immigrants  or  their  children  are 
found  to  sink  below  th«'  average  of  conduct  in  the  class  thej-  enter 
and  .show  themselves  more  disorderly  or  dishonest  than  the  native 
American,  this  will  happen,  not  because  tlie  races  are  naturally 
more  criminal,  but  rather  because  the  conditions  under  wliich 
they  begin  life  in  their  new  country  arc  unfuvoural)l<'.  The  im- 
migrant is  cut  loose  from  his  old  tits  and  from  tiie  influences 
that  restrained  him.  He  is  far  from  his  |):irents  and  lii>  priest. 
He  has  no  longer  the  pul)lic  oi)iuion  of  his  neighbours  1o  regard, 
no  lopfrer  any  disapproval  of  the  local  magnate  to  fear.  He 
does  not  see  round  him  the  signs  of  a  vigilant,  even  if  oppres- 
sive, public  authority  which  were  conspicuous  in  his  native  vil- 
lage. In  the  rough,  unsettled,  perliajis  homeless,  life  he  leads, 
a  tos.sing  atom  in  a  seething  crowd  who  toil  for  employers  wth 
whom  th(\v  have  no  healthy  luiinan  relation,  propensities 
towards  evil  are  apt  to  spring  into  activity,  and  the  softer  feel- 


llll 


IMI 


A  I 


484 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLKCTIONS 


PART   V 


ings  as  well  as  the  sense  of  duty  to  perish  from  inanition.  The 
immigrant's  child  is  in  one  way  better  placed,  for  he  is  influenced 
hy  his  American  school-teachers  and  school  companions,  but 
in  another  way  worse,  because  the  traditions  and  habits  of  the 
simple  Ufe  of  rural  Europe  have  for  him  faded  away  altogether, 
if  indeed  he  ever  knew  them.  He  starts  in  life  as  an  American, 
but  mthout  the  fundamental  idea,--  and  ingrained  traditions 
of  the  New  England(>r  or  \  irginian  of  the  old  stock,  for  these 
ideas  anil  sentiments  do  not  go  with  the  language  ami  the  right 
to  vote.  Whether  his  religion  will  iling  to  him  i-i>mains  to  be 
seen.  Its  power  is  at  any  rate  likely  to  b(>  weaker,  perhaps 
least  weak  among  the  Jews,  whom  their  faith  and  their  habits 
hold  apart.  Though  they  also  are  divided  into  sects  some  of 
which  render  slight  or  no  ob(«(lience  to  the  Mosaic  law,  they 
show  much  less  tend(>ncy  to  blend  with  the  rest  of  the  popula- 
tion than  do  the  other  races.  How  long  the  (Ireeks  and  the 
Armenians  will  be  kept  distinct  by  loyalty  to  their  ancient 
ci.urches  I  Avill  not  venture"  to  predict,  .\mong  all  the  immi- 
grants the  grasp  of  religion  seems  to  loosen  ;  many  are  lost 
to  their  church  in  the  second  and  even  more  in  the  third 
generation. 

'■i(  far  we  have  been  considering  th(>  infhuMice  of  the  immigrant 
on  American  society  as  a  memoer  of  it,  not  so  much  in  the  way 
of  influencing  others,  as  in  that  of  constituting  on(>  of  a  l)ody 
whose  conduct  forms  a  part  f  the  average  conduct  of  the;  inhal)- 
itants  of  the  country. 

There  is,  however,  another  aspect  of  the  matter,  really  dif- 
ferent though  apt  to  be  confounded  with  that  already  con- 
sidered. It  is  this.  What  diffenmce  to  the  national  type  of 
character  will  be  produced  by  the  infusion  of  th(>se  new  strains 
of  I)1o<h1?  Hefore  the  year  19.')()  arrives,  the  children  and 
grandchildren  of  the  innnigrauts  who  have  enter(>d  since  1S8.') 
will  be  distinguished  from  other  .Vnuricans  only  by  their  sur- 
names, and  somcnimes  by  tiieir  f<'atures  and  complexion.' 
TIk'V  will  no  longer  b(>  Poles  or  Italians  or  Slovaks,  but  Amer- 
icans. They  will  have  intermarried  with  the  original  .\nglo- 
Americans,  and  with  other  immigrants,  so  that  the  generation 


It"'  i 


'  Kvi'ii  siiriiMnics  .'in-  (iftcii  rlviimcd  so  ;is  no  loiipT  to  il<'ii(iti  r;ui;il  orium. 
I  ri'iiKinlxT  ;i  i-nsr  of  a  (iiTtiiaii  iiaiiiiil  Kli'ili.  one  of  whose  sons  l)i  .Mini-  ('line 
and  allot hi'i-  I.iitli-.  Poles  fre(iueiitl.\-  change  the  8pelliu«  of  their  namej  or  drop 
them  and  take  now  oues. 


<HAP.  xdi         LATKST    I'HASK   OF    IMMKiHATlON 


485 


horn  ill  VXiO  will  contain  racial  ch'njcnts  (juitt'  ilivcrsc  from 
any  that  were  present  a  century  before.  In  some  parts  oi  the 
country  these  racial  elements  may  be  so  largely  represented, 
that  prima  facie  one  would  expect  them  to  be  traceable  in  the 
physical  and  mental  characteristics  of  the  inhal>itants.  When 
a  stream  of  whitish  hue  receives  a  reddish  stream  with  cniMi 
one-third  its  volume,  it  runs  tlienceforth  with  water  of  an  altennl 
tint .  Will  somet Jiing  similar  happen  to  the  people  of  the  I  riited 
States  ? 

Here  let  us  i)ause  to  n  te  a  significant  factor  in  the  situaticm. 
It  has  been  observed  since  ul)out  1870  that  the  fecundity  of 
the  original  Anglo-American  race  tends  to  decline.  B(>njamin 
Franklin  considered  six  clMldren  to  constitute  the  norma!  Amer- 
icm  family.  The  averiige  is  now  slightly  above  two  children, 
and  the  ptTcentage  of  childless  marriages  much  larger  than 
formerly.  Birth-rate  statistics  show  that  whereas  the  number 
of  births  to  the  thousand  of  iwpulation  is  in  Hungary  about  40, 
in  Germany  36,  in  England  and  Scotland,  Norway  and  Denmark 
30,  it  is  in  Massachusetts  and  Michigan  only  25,  in  Rhode 
Island  and  C  onnecticut  24.  In  some  States  of  the  Union  it 
is  doubtless  higher  than  in  these  four.  But  in  all  tlie  Northern 
States  it  is  much  smaller  among  native-born  Amerii-ans  than 
among  the  immigrants.  In  Massachusetts  the  l)irth  rate  of 
the  foreign-born  is  three  times  as  large  as  that  among  the 
native-l)orn,  and  the  decline  in  fecundity  among  American-born 
as  compared  with  foreign-born  all  over  the  Union  is  indubi- 
table. Thus  we  have  the  fact,  not  only  that  far  more  than  half 
the  total  white  population  was  in  1910  either  foreign  or  the 
offspring  of  foreigners,  but  the  further  fact,  that  at  least  twice 
as  many  children  were  then  Ix'ing  born  to  the  f(»n'i<i;n-l)orn  as  to 
tlie  native-born.  Should  immigration  continue  on  a  large  scale, 
and  should  tliis  disparity  in  the  fertility  of  the  foreign  and  the 
native  stocks  also  continu(\  the  white  i)oi>ulati(m,  which  was  in 
1840  almost  wholly  .\nglo-.\merican.  and  in  1*)1()  half  native  and 
half  foreign,  may  in  l'.)')0  lie  three-fourths  or  more  of  foreign 
blood,  i.e.  three  fourths  of  all  tlu>  inhabitants  of  the  United 
States  may  be  tlie  offspring  of  those  who  have  entered  America 
since  1840 

Two  (pialifying  facts  may  deserve  mention.  One  is  that  a 
large  part,  possibly  one-half,  of  tlii'si"  three-fourths  of  foreign 
stock  to  be  expected  in  1<J.")0  nuiy  probal)ly  be  the  descendants 


m 


'     Si 


486 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


r  t 


of  those  who  have  t-omo  from  tlie  United  Kingdom,  from  Ger- 
many, p.nd  from  Scandinavia,  and  the  smaller  part,  perhaps  15 
to  25  per  cent  of  the  total  white  population,  the  children  of 
immigrants  from  O.'ntral  and  Southern  Europe.  The  other  is 
that  the  fecundity  of  the  foreign  stock  already  shows  signs  of 
declining  in  their  new  American  environment.  It  is  certainly 
greater  among  the  immigrants  than  among  their  offspring  born 
in  the  United  States.  The  latter  seem  to  be  caught  by  the 
desire  to  rc'ach  a  higher  standard  of  living  and  rise  in  the  social 
scale,  a  desire  apt  to  express  itself,  among  the  ambitious,  in 
taking  a  native  American  or  an  Irish  wife.  Thus,  in  the  second 
generation,  families  tenil  to  be  smaller  ;  and  so  by  1950  the  birth 
rate  of  the  clnldren  of  foreigners  m.^y  have  sunk  to  the  native 
American  level. 

Be  these  things  as  they  may,  —  and  of  course  all  forecasts 
must  be  speculative  where  the  data  are  still  so  imperfect,  —  the 
problem  confronts  us  :  What  will  be  the  result  on  the  American 
people  of  this  infusion  we  see  beginning  of  a  great  volume  of 
new  blood  drawn  from  races  unlike  the  original  Anglo-American 
stock  ? 

In  the  problem  there  are  two  factors.  One  is  the  hereditary 
Race  Character,  by  which  an  average  Italian  or  Jew  or  Pole  is 
born  different  from  the  average  American  of  British  ancestry. 
As  racial  quality  shows  itself  in  the  lines  of  the  face  and  the 
colour  of  hair  and  ovva,  so  is  it  also  distinguishable  in  certain 
intellectual  and  emotional  traits.  The  virtues  and  the  faults  of 
a  Tuscan  are  not  quite  the  same  as  those  of  a  Prussian. 

The  other  factor  is  the  cnivironment  in  which  a  child  grows 
up  to  manhood  and  by  which  his  character  is  moulded.  An 
Italian  or  Polish  infant,  brought  up  in  an  American  family  and 
mixing  during  yijuth  only  with  .Americans,  may  in  manhood  still 
retain  some  racial  traits,  Init  they  will  be  far  less  marked  than 
if  he  had  grov.n  up  in  Naples  or  Krakow  among  people  of  his 
own  nation.  What  is  the  r(>lative  importance  of  these  two 
factors,  Heredity  and  Environment?  When  tenor  twelve  mil- 
Hons  of  Italians,  Poles,  and  other  "new  immigrants"  have  inter- 
married with  .\mericans,  mil  their  offspring  give  evidence  in 
physical  and  mental  (luality  of  r.  divcrst*  elenic^nt  brought  into 
the  nation,  or  will  the  social  forces  at  work  which  are  moulding 
all  pt^rsons  born  in  America  overlay  and  end  by  obliterating 
these  racial  differences? 


CHAP,  xrii 


LATEST  PHASE  OF  IMMIGRATION 


48-< 


(1)  Scit'iitific  students  arc  so  far  from  agreed  as  to  many 
of  the  phenomena  of  iiereditary  transmission  that  while  stating 
that  side  of  the  problem,  I  will  not  venture  to  discuss  it.  But 
the  other  side  is  within  the  field  of  any  observer  who  gives 
steady  attention  to  the  facts.  So  let  us  ncjte  some  facts  that 
show  what  in  the  United  States  the  power  of  environment  is 
capable  of  eff(!cting. 

The  climat(!  and  food  in  North  America  are  different  from 
those  that  have  helped  to  form  in  jnist  centuries  the  type  of  each 
of  these  European  races.  Some  observers  claim  to  have  already 
discovered  among  i'le  Amoriean-born  ehihlren  of  certain  among 
the  immigrant  stocks,  such  as  Jews  and  Southern  Italians, 
physic  divergences,  particularly  in  skull  form,  from  the  normal 
European  characteristics  of  the  race  as  examined  in  the  foreign- 
born  parents  of  these  children.'  The  eiuiuiry  is  still  incomplete, 
but  some  sort  of  divergence  may  well  be  expected  after  there 
has  been  time  enough  for  the  new  conditions  to  w'ork,  and  if 
physical  structure  is  affected  in  the  way  which  the  observations 
made  on  Jews  and  Italians  indicate,  much  more  may  ital 
changes  follow. 

(2)  The  immigrants  belong  to  so  many  different  races  that 
no  one  race  can  in  the  long  run  maintain  any  distinctive  type. 
Even  should  the  first  generation  born  in  the  United  States  tend 
to  marry  each  within  its  own  race,  the  next  generatian  will  not ; 
and  before  the  end  of  tlie  twentieth  century  all  will  have  been 
commingled,  and  the  blood  of  the  nation  of  that  time  will  have 
been  the  product  of  many  different  strains.  So  the  intellectual 
and  moral  character  of  the  future  American,  whether  or  no 
altered  by  qualities  added  from  these  new  races,  will  not  bear 
a  mark  distinctive  of  any  one  of  them.  Large  as  may  be  tne 
contribution  of  all  the  immigrants  taken  together,  the  contri- 
bution of  each  taken  separately  will  be  too  small  to  leave  a 
permanent  trace.  Neither  the  four  and  a  half  millions  of 
Irishmen  nor  the  five  million  of  Germans  who  have  come  since 

'  Ilofcrciicc  may  he  luadr  to  an  iiif  iTcstifm  nport  uii  tliis  subject  published  by 
thr  InimiKratioti  Conuiiission  (Senate  I)i>iiiiiient  N'o.  JOS  of  l!tlO)  in  which  the 
conclusion  is  drawn  from  a  hirtje  nunilxT  of  measurements  made  of  Sicilians  and 
Jews  in  New  York  thsit  the  lonij  skulls  nf  tlie  former  race  are  irrowinu  shorter- 
and  wider  in  the  children  of  tlic>  immigrants  than  are  the  skulls  of  their  parents, 
while  the  round  skulls  of  the  .h  wish  children  are  ftrowint:  loncer  than  those  of 
th(!ir  parents,  both  tending  to  ap|iroxim:it.  to  the  "cephalii-  index"  character- 
istic of  native  Americans.  Hut  a  far  larger  liodv  of  data  is  neeiled  before  any 
conclusions  can  be  safely  fornnd. 


-ISS 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND   RKFLKC^TIONS 


TAUT    V 


I'S 


1845,  though  they  may  possibly  have  luodificd  the  nationa.1 
character,  liavc  added  anything  that  can  bo  called  distinctively 
Irish  or  distinctively  (lerman. 

(I?)  The  point  in  which  the  present  cas(>  of  race  fusion  most 
differs  from  all  preceding  cases,  is  in  the  innnense  assimilative 
potency  of  the  environment.  Never  before  did  less  advanced 
races  come  into  a  country  and  ])et)ple  which  i)ossessi'd  a  like 
capacity  for  jxTmeating  r.'>wc(miers  with  its  ways  of  thinking, 
its  tastes,  its  habits  of  life.  The  American  tyi)e  of  civilization, 
whether  in  its  material  arid  economic,  or  in  its  social  ?>nd 
political  aspect,  is  at  least  as  distinctive  as  any  the  Old  Work! 
can  show.  The  effigy  and  device  —  so  to  sjjcak — ^  which  the 
American  die  impresses  on  every  kind  of  metal  placed  beneath 
its  stamp,  is  sharp  and  ch'ar.  The  scliools,  tiie  newspapers,  the 
politii-al  institutions,  the  methods  of  business,  the  social  usages, 
the  general  spirit  in  which  things  are  done,  all  grasp  and 
mouKl  and  remake  a  newcouKT  from  the  first  day  of  his 
arrival,  and  turn  him  out  an  American  far  more  quickly  and 
mor(>  completely  than  the  lik(>  influenc(>s  transform  a  stranger 
into  a  citizen  in  any  other  country.  Nowhere  is  life  so  intense  ; 
nowhere  are  men  so  proud  of  thc>  gnvatness  and  prosperity  of 
their  country.  These  thir.gs  strengthen  the  assimilati'  e  force 
of  American  civilization.  l)ecause  here  the  ties  that  held  the 
stranger  to  the  land  of  hi?;  birth  ar(>  quickly  broken  and  soon 
forgotten.  His  transformation  is  all  the  swifter  and  more 
thorough  because  it  is  a  willing  transformation. 

Even,  therefore,  should  another  t(>n  millions  pour  in  from 
Soutliern  and  Eastern  fc^urope,  (>v(>n  should  this  infusion  of  new 
blood  affect  the  quality  of  the  nation  in  someway  not  yet  to  l)e 
foreseen,  the  Type  seems  (lestin(>d  to  stand,  retaining  the  fea- 
tur(>s  that  make  it  distinctively  American.  Changes  in  natitmal 
character  there  will  of  cours(>  be,  for  a  nation  is  always  chang- 
ing, even  if  it  receives  no  accretions  from  without.  It  changes 
with  the  events  that  befall  it  and  the  influ(>nces  that  play  on  it 
from  ag(^  to  age.  As  the  Americans  of  1850,  who  had  not  yet 
been  affected  by  immigration,  were  different  from  those  of  1750, 
so  the  Americans  of  a.d.  2000  wnll  in  any  case  be  different  from 
those  of  1900.  nor  will  it  l)e  then  ix)ssibl(<  to  determine  how  much 
of  the  differenc(>  should  bt>  ascrilxvl  to  the  addition  of  new 
racial  elements,  liow  nnicli  to  the  working  of  other  economic 
and  moral  cause-.     Thus  tlu-  problem  of  ascertaining  the  effect 


CHAP.    XCII 


LuVTKST   PHASK  OF   IMMKJRATIOX 


489 


of  tho  commingliiiK  of  u  };'"'"P  <>*  widely  tlivcrsc  and  less  ad- 
vanced racial  stocks  with  a  stock  and  a  civilization  of  unusual 
assimilative  power  may  ln'  no  nearer  scjhition  tluii  than  it  is 
now. 

If  the  incominR  of  these  masses  of  uneducated  European 
peasants  should,  as  some  fear,  lie  lollowed  hy  a  decline,  either 
generally  or  iu  the  placi  s  wlu  •'  t;iy  cliielly  settle,  of  re.-i)ect  for 
the  law  and  of  the  ethical  .standards  i>;ene!;dly,  tlie  cause  will 
lie  not  so  much  in  any  moral  inferiority  of  tlie  inunijirants  as 
m  the  unfavourable  conditions  whieli  surround  them  and  their 
ofTsprinK  in  a  land  with  whose  i)eo|)le  tiny  liave  littli-  in  cem- 
mon,  and  where  most  of  them  are  huddhd  top'tlier  in  (he  slums 
of  vast  cities,  haviiiK  lost  one  set  of  {2;ui<iinj;-  influences  liefore 
they  have  gained  another.  In  these  conditions  there  does  lie  a 
danger,  ami  it  is  the  greater  iiecanse  tl.e  agt!;regation  of  nuil- 
titudes  of  men  in  huge  industrial  centres  where  tiie  social  rela- 
tions that  in  former  generations  linked  the])oor<'r  to  tlie  richer 
and  more  educated  scarcely  exi>t  to-day,  is  itself  a  phenom- 
enon of  serious  import.  (!rave  and  urgent,  therefore,  is  the 
need  for  efforts  to  reach  and  Ixfriend  the  immigrants  and  to 
form  in  their  children  high  ideals  of  .Vmcrican  citizenship. 
Much  is  already  being  done.  The  teachers  in  the  .m-IiooIs  of 
some  of  the  cities  realize  the  need  and  are  ilevoting  themselves 
in  a  worthy  spirit  to  the  work.  So,  too,  in  m;my  ])laces  the 
churches,  wisely  avoiding  wha  ev<'r  savouis  of  proselytism,  as 
well  as  the  University  and  Xeight)ourhood  "settlements"  and 
the  Young  Men's  Christian  .Vssociatior-  are  trying  to  get  hold 
of  the  neglected  strangers  and  help  lliein  to  "find  themselves" 
in  their  unfamiliar  surroundings.  Yit  much  more  needs  to  he 
done,  for  in  these  cities  and  in  the  mining  regions  tlie  oppor- 
tunities of  natural  and  wholesome  hnmaii  contact  lutween  the 
educated  class  and  these  new  elements  in  the  labouring  class 
•j,re  but  scanty. 

That  there  is  ground  for  anxiety  in  the  presence  of  this  vast 
and  growing  multitude  of  men  ignorant  and  lial)le  to  be  misU'd 
cannot  be  denied.  One  often  iiears  the  wish  exi)res>ed  that  it 
had  been  foinxd  possii)l(>  to  withhitld  el-doral  power  from  them 
till  they  had  lived  long  enough  in  the  country  to  imbibe  its  spirit 
and  be  familiar  with  its  institutions.     While  sharing  this  anxiety. 


1 


nnist  add  that  it  is  least    f.lt   by   tl 


lo- 


who   know 


th 


mimi- 


grants  best.     The  public-spirited 


and    wai'ii 


i-li  arted   men   and 


490 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  HKFLRrTIONS 


PART   V 


women  who  work  iunoiiK  them  arc  not  dcspondt^nt.  Thvy  de- 
clare that  the  inimiKraiita  respond  (luickly  to  any  touch  of  per- 
gonal kinchiess,  and  that  not  a  few  soon  show  tlicmselvoa  nowise 
inferit)r  to  other  persons  in  the  same  ^rade  of  life.  (Jreat  is  the 
stimulative  and  e<lueative  as  well  as  the  assimilative  power  of 
the  American  environment. 


CHAPTER  XCIII 


THE  SOUTH   SINCK  THE   WAR 

Though  in  the  precedinR  chapters  I  have  sought,  pt  far  as 
possible,  to  describe  the  poUtical   plieiiomena  of  America  in 
general  terms,  applicable  to  all  parts  of  the  Union,  it  has  often 
been  necessary  to  remind  the  reader  that  the  conditions  of  the 
Southern  States,  l)oth  political  and  social,  are  in  some  respects 
exceptional,  one  may  almost  say,  abnormal.     The  experience 
of  this  section  of  the  country  has  been  different  from  that  of 
the  more  populous  and  prosperous  North,  for  the  type  of  its 
civilization  was  till  thirty  years  aRO  determined  by  the  exist- 
ence of  slavery.     It  has  sufferwl,  and  has  been  regenerated,  by 
a  terrible  war.    It  is  still  confronted  by  a  peculiar  and  menacing 
problem  in  the  presence  of  a  mass  of  negroes  much  larger  than 
was  the  whole  population  of  the  Union  in  .\.d.  1800,  persons 
who,  though  they  are  legally  and  industrially  members  of  the 
nation,  are  stilf  virtually  an  alien  element,  unabsorbe<i  and 
uuabsorbable.     In  the  present   chapter   I   propose  to   sketch 
in  brief  outline  the  fortunes  of  the  Southern  States  since  the 
war,  and  their  present  economic  and  social  condition,  reserving 
for  the  two  chapters  which  follow  an  eciually  succinct  account  of 
the  state  of  the  coloured  population,  and  their  relations,  present 
and  prospective,  to  the  whites. 

The  history  and  the  industrial  situation  of  the  Southern 
States  cannot  be  understood  without  a  comprehension  of  their 
phvsical  conditions.  That  i)art  of  tliem  which  Ues  east  of  the 
Mississippi  consists  of  two  regions.  There  is  wliat  may  be 
called  the  plantation  country,  a  comparatively  level,  low,  and 
fertile  region,  lying  along  the  coast  of  the  Atlantic  and  the 
Oulf  of  Mexico.'  and  stretching  up  the  basin  of  the  Mississippi 
River.  And  there  is  the  highliiu.i  region,  a  lo>i-.  broad  toT'.gue 
of  elevated  land  stretching  down  from  the  north  into  this  level 
plantation  country,  between  the  3'.)tli  aii«i  tlie  '.i'M  parallels 
of  north  latitude.     Altliough  tlie  mountain  country  encloses 

491 


I'.CJ 


IM.rsTltATlONS   AM)   KKIM.KCTFONS 


I'AKT   V 


i  '" 


[-■a." 


witliiii  its  iiclwdik  of  parallel  ridm-s  juiiiiy  fertile  valleys,  wliile 
u|M»ii  its  outer  slopes,  where  tlicy  sink  to  the  plain,  there  is 
plenty  of  ji(»o(l  land,  the  ureater  p.art  of  its  area  is  eoverjMl  hy 
tliiek  forests,  or  is  too  steej)  and  poukJi  for  tilhiKC  To  men 
with  capital  and  to  the  lu'tter  sort  of  settlers  K<''i('rally,  it 
was  uniin  itinji,  and  thus  wliile  the  rest  of  the  South  was  Immur 
(X'cnpied  ;ind  IwouKht  under  cult iv.at ion,  it  Ions  remained 
thinly  |)eopI(d  and  in  many  districts  (piile  wild,  with  scarcely 
any  roads  and  no  railways.  .\s  the  soil  was  not  tit  for  tol)acc(», 
cotton,  rice,  or  suji.ir.  tin-  planters  had  no  motive  to  hriiiK  slav(' 
laluiur  into  ii,  not  to  add  that  the  M'inter  cold  mad(>  it  no  fit 
<lwcllin>j  place  lor  the  swarthy  chiMren  of  the  tropics.  Hence 
this  region  was  left  to  l>e  slowly  .and  sp.arsely  ])e(>ple(l  hy  the 
poorest  of  the  whites,  and  a  race  of  small  farmers  and  wood- 
men jirew  uj).  They  were  rude  and  illiter.ite,  cut  off  from  t)ie 
movements  of  th(>  world,  and  havinjj  little  in  common  witli  the 
inhahitants  of  the  low  country  east  and  west  of  them,  yet 
hardy  and  vijjorous,  with  the  virtues,  and  some  of  the  fierce- 
ness, of  simpl(>  moinitaintHMv,  honest  amonK  themselves,  and 
with  a  dangerously  kct^n  sense  of  iiersonal  honour,  l.>ut  hostile 
to  the  law  and  its  ministers.  Whih'  the  whole  cultivation  of 
the  plain  cotmtry  of  \irfj;iiii:i,  the  Carolinas,  ( ieorjj;iu,  Temies- 
si>e,  and  Kentucky  was  done  hy  negroes,  and  these  States, 
more  particularly  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  were  ruled  l)v 
an  olijiarcliy  of  wealthy  planters,  ncRroes  were  scarcely  to  he 
s(>en  in  the  ?nount!iins  of  ICastern  Kentucky,  Western  V^irginia, 
Xorth  Carolina,  and  Kastern  Tennessee,  and  the  scanty  white 
population  of  these  mountaitis  had  no  influence  on  the  conduct 
of  pul)lic  atfairs.  Hence  wlien  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  this 
race  of  hillmen.  dislikin<t  slavery,  and  having  no  love  for  the 
j)lanters.  adhered  to  the  I'nion  cause,  and  sent  thousands  of 
stalwart  recruits  into  the  I'nion  armies.  Even  to-day,  though, 
.IS  Ave  shall  presently  see.  it  has  been  much  affect ed  hy  the 
running  of  railways  tlirough  it,  the  opening  of  mines  and  the 
setting  up  of  iron  works,  the  mountain  land  of  the  South  re- 
mains unlike  th(>  pl.ain  country  both  in  the  character  of  its 
inhabitants  and  in  The  physical  conditions  which  have  created 
that  cJiantcler.  couthtions  which,  as  will  appear  in  the  se- 
quel, are  an  important  factor  in  the  so-called  Negro  Prob- 
lem. 

Excluding  these  highlauders,  —  anil  excluding  also  the  three 


THAI'.    XCIII 


THK   SOITII   SINCK   TIIK   WAU 


403 


liordrr  States  wliidi  <liil  not  sccimIc,  Mjirylaiid,  Kentucky,  and 
Missouri,  tlicrc  were  at  llic  ctid  of  llic  war  three  eiassi-s  of 
persons  in  the  South.  There  was  the  plant  inn  aristocriK  y, 
which  the  war  hail  mined.  'I'he  eider  men  had  seen  tlieir 
estates  laid  waste,  su<'li  savings  as  tliey  pos.sessed  cxliausted, 
their  whole  ne;.;ro  property,  estimated  (over  the  whole  country) 
at  nearly  S2(MK)(MKK>,  ^one  from  them  into  freedom,  of  llie 
younger  men,  a  larj^e  |)art  had  fallen  in  the  field.  .\11,  old 
and  youuK,  had  no  capital  left  with  whicli  to  work  the  estates 
tliat  still  remained  in  their  liand>.  Land  and  negroes  had 
been  their  oidy  wealth,  for  there  were  practically  no  manu- 
factures and  little  commerc(  ,  s:ive  at  the  iialf  dozen  sea|)orts: 
credit  w'as  k*»'1"' ;  :i'"'  <'verylliinf>,  even  the  railroads,  was  in 
ruins.  Thus  the  coimtry  w;is.  as  a  whole,  reduced  to  jMtverty, 
and  the  old  plantation  life  liroken  up  forever. 

The  second  class  consisted  of  the  poor  or,  as  they  were  often 
calle<l,  "mean"  whites,  who,  in  the  lowlands  ami  outsid(>  the 
few  cities,  included  all  the  white  population  helow  the  level 
of  t'le  planters.  On  them,  loo,  slavery  iiad  left  it-  hateful 
stamp.  Considerinfj  themselves  .-ihove  field  lah;)ur.  for  which 
in  any  case  they  were  littl<'  dispo^.  d  in  the  hot  rejjions 
alonK  the  Atlantic  and  tlie  (Iiilf  coasts,  lliey  contracted 
habits  of  idleness  and  luithrift  ;  they  weri'  uneducated,  shift- 
h'ss,  unenterprising,  and  picked  ip  their  livinfi  partly  by  a 
languid  cultivation  of  patches  of  land,  and  l)y  hunting.  ])artly 
by  hansinff  about  the  jdantalions  in  a  dependent  conditio.!, 
doiuR  odd  jobs  ;uid  receivinsi  occasion.al  aid.  'I  o  them  the 
war  brought  good,  for  not  only  was  Labour  diunified  by  the 
extinction  of  slav(>ry,  but  their  three  or  four  years  of  s(  rvice 
in  the  Confederate  armies  called  nut  tiieir  finer  (pialities  and 
left  them  more  of  men  than  it  found  them.  Moreover  with 
the  depres,sion  of  the  plantiufi  oliiiarchy  tli(>ir  social  inferiority 
and  political  subservience  became  less  marked. 

The  third  class  were  the  ueiiroes.  then  al)out  foui  millions 
in  number,  whose  sudden  libenition  threw  a  host  oi  difficulties 
upon  the  States  v/hen>  Iliey  liven,  and  ui)on  the  Federal  j:;o\'eru- 
ment,  %Yhich  felt  responsi!)!e  not  oiily  for  the  siood  order  of 
the  reconquered  South,  but  in  a  special  manner  for  those  whose 
freedom  its  action  had  procured.  Tliey  were -even  the  ma- 
jority of  the  (c()mparativ(>ly  few)  free  blacks  in  tiie  towns  — 
illiterate,   and   scarcelv  more   fit    to   fend   for  themselves  and 


404 


ILLUSTRATrONS  AND  RErLECTIONS 


PART    V 


IM-: 


guide  their  course  as  free  citizens  than  when  they  or  their 
fathers  had  been  landetl  from  the  slave  sliip. 

In  this  state  of  things,  three  great  problems  presented  them- 
selves to  the  Finleral  government  whose  victorious  armies  were 
occupying  the  South.  How  should  the  State  governments  in  the 
States  that  had  secede<l  and  been  conquered  be  re-establishefl  ? 
What  provision  should  be  made  for  the  material  supiwrt  and 
protection  in  personal  freedom  of  the  emancipated  slaves?  To 
what  extent  should  not  merely  passive  but  also  active  civil 
rights  — that  is  to  say,  rights  of  participating  in  the  govern- 
ment as  electors  or  officials  —  be  grantinl  to  these  freinhnen  ? 

The  solution  of  these  problems  occupied  twelve  eventful 
years  from  1865  to  1877,  and  constitutes  one  of  the  most  intri- 
cate chapters  in  American  history.  1  nuist  refrain  from  dis- 
cussing either  tlie  party  conflicts  at  Washington,  or  the  subtle 
legal  questions  that  were  raised  in  Congress  and  in  the  courts, 
and  be  content  with  touching  on  the  action  taken  by  the  Fed- 
eral and  State  governments  so  far  and  only  so  far  as  it  affected 
the  relations  of  the  negroes  and  the  whites. 

The  first  action  was  taken  by  the  Southern  States  themselves. 
Conformably  to  his  anmesty  proclamation  of  1803,  President 
Lincoln  had  recognizetl  new  State  governments,  loyal  to  the 
Union,  in  Tennessee  and  Louisiana,  as  he  had  previously  done 
in  Arkansas.  When  the  war  had  ende<i,  the  other  reconquered 
States  (except  Texas)  took  a  coiinse  similar  to  that  which  the 
loyaUsts  of  those  States  had  taken.  The  white  inhabitants, 
except  those  excluded  by  the  terms  of  President  Johnson's 
amnesty  proclamation  of  May,  1865,  chose  conventions  :  these 
conventions  enacted  new  constitutions :  and  under  these  con- 
stitutions, new  State  legislatures  were  elected.  These  legisla- 
tures promptly  accepted  the  amendment  (the  thirteenth)  to 
the  Federal  Constitution  by  which  (in  1865)  slavery  had  been 
abolished,  and  then  went  on  to  pass  laws  for  the  regulation  of 
negro  labour  and  against  vagrancy,  laws  which,  though  repre- 
sented, and  probably  in  good  faith,  as  necessary  for  the  control 
of  a  mass  of  ignorant  beings  suddenly  turned  adrift,  with  no  one 
to  control  them  and  no  habits  of  voluntary  industry  or  thrift, 
kept  the  negroes  in  a  state  of  inferiority,  and  might  have  been 
so  worked  as  to  reduce  a  large  part  of  them  to  practical  servi- 
tude. This  was  a  false  move,  for  it  excited  alarm  antl  resent- 
ment at  the  North ;  and  it  was  accompanied  by  conflicts  here 


CRAP.    XC-III 


THK  SOUTH  SINCE  THE  WAR 


496 


and  there  between  the  whites,  especially  the  disbanded  Con- 
federate Holdiers,  and  the  coloured  pt'ople ;  conflicts  the  more 
regrettable  because  the  slaves  had,  during  the  war,  Iwhaved 
excellently  towards  the  defenceless  white  women  and  children 
on  the  plantations,  and  had  given  their  former  masters  little 
or  nothing  to  revenge.  It  was,  therefore,  in  a  suspicious  tem- 
per that  Congress  approachiHl  the  question  of  the  resettle- 
ment of  the  South.  The  victors  had  shown  unexampled  clem- 
ency to  the  vanquished,  but  they  were  not  preparwl  to  kiss 
and  be  friends  in  the  sense  of  at  once  readmitting  those  whom 
they  deemetl  and  called  "rebels"  to  their  old  full  constitu- 
tional rights.  Shivery,  which  at  the  beginning  of  the  war 
they  had  for  the  most  part  disclaimed  the  purpose  to  abolish, 
had  now  become  utterly  detestable  to  them,  and  the  negro  an 
object  of  s[>ecial  sympathy.  They  felt  bound  to  secure  for 
him,  after  all  they  had  done  and  suffertHl,  the  amplest  protec- 
tion. It  might  perhaps  have  been  wiser  to  revert  to  the  gen- 
eral maxims  of  American  statesmanship,  and  r«ly  upon  the 
natural  recuperative  forces  and  the  interest  which  the  South 
itself  had  in  re-establishing  order  and  just  government.  But 
the  Northern  leaders  could  not  be  expected  to  realize  how 
completely  the  idea  of  another  revolt  had  vanishe<l  from  the 
minds  of  the  Southern  people,  who,  in  a  characteristically 
\merican  fashion,  had  already  accepted  the  inevitable,  perceiv- 
ing that  both  slavery  and  the  legal  claim  to  secede  were  gone 
forever.  And  these  leaders — more  particularly  those  who  sat 
in  Congress  —  were  goaded  into  mor'>  drastic  measures  than 
reflection  might  have  approved  by  the  headstrong  violence  of 
President  Andrew  Johnson,  who,  as  a  Southern  States  Rights 
man  of  the  old  type,  had  announced  that  the  States  were 
entitled  to  resume  their  former  full  rights  of  self-government, 
and  who,  Avhile  stretching  liis  powers  to  effect  this  object, 
had  been  denouncing  Congress  in  mmieasured  terms.  Very 
different  might  have  been  the  course  of  events  had  the  patient 
wisdom  of  Lincoln  lived  to  guide  the  process  of  resettlement. 
Under  the  influence  of  these  sentiments,  Congress  refused 
to  allow  the  members  elected  from  the  reconquered  States  to  take 
their  seats,  and  enactetl  a  statute  eHta})lishing  a  Freedmen's 
Bureau,  armed  with  large  powers  for  the  oversight  and  sup- 
port of  the  liberated  negroes.  Passed  in  1805,  and  in  1866  con- 
tinued for  two  years  longer,  this  Act  practically  superseded  the 


m 


4'."l 


IIJ.ISTKATIONS   AND   |{KFI.K('TI(>NS 


r.\RT  1 


fr 


I-  > 

h 


li'Kisliitioii  of  tlu'   ncoiHiiirnd   Slut  is   nnunliiiK  tin-  colounHl 
jM'oi'h'.      <'ongr(ss  tluii   pusstd   and    proposed   for   jUTi'ptuncf 
b>    thf  SUtfs   (.lunc,    IHliU)   an   aiiicndmi-nt    (the   fourteenth) 
to  the  FediTuI  Coiistitutioii.  which  conferred  citizenship,  State 
as  well  as  Federal,  on  all  iHtsuiis  horn  or  nuturulize<l  in  the 
I'nited  States  an<l  suhject  to  the  juri.s<liction  thereof,  forbade 
leKislation   l)y  a  State  al)ridKinK  the  jirivileKes  or  immunities 
of  a  citizen  (»f  the  I'nited  States,  and  i)rovi(h'd  for  reducinj;  tho 
representation  in  CtinKfcss  of  any  State  in  proportit)!!  to 
number    of    its    citizens    cxchuhd    from  the  suffraKc.     As    Jl 
danger  of  a  return  of  slavt  ly  had  already  vanished,  it  was   a 
tremendous  forward  juove  to  put  this  pressure  upon  the  Southern 
States  to  confer  full  voting  rinhts  ui)on  tlu-ir  neRnn-s.     These 
States,  however,  would  probably  have  done  well  to  accept  the 
amendment,    and    mlKht    perhaps    liave   accepted    it    had  they 
realized  what  was  the  temper  of  the  party  dominant  at  the  North. 
But  they  complained  of  the  proposal  to  cut  down  representation 
in  respect  of  excluded  lilizeiis.  arjiuiuK  that  there  were  Northern 
States  where  colour  was  a  yrouiul  of  exclusion,  and  which,  never- 
theless, would  sutT(>r  nuich  less  than  tlu     .)uthern  States  because 
the  number  of  their  coloured  reside  nts  was  far  smaUer  ;  and  they 
also  resented  !i  provision  of  the  amendment  which  disquaUfied 
from  voting  or  office  all  jHrsons  wlio  having  ev<'r  taken  an    -^th 
to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  I'nited  States  had  been  con- 
cerned in  "insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the  same."     Accord- 
ingly all  these  States,  except  Tennessee,  rejected  the  amendment. 
This  further  stinuilated  the  anger  and  suspicion  of  Congress, 
which  proceeded  (March  2,  IHtiT)  to  i)ass  the  so-called  Recon- 
struction Act  (a  bill  "to  provi(h'  efHcient  governments  for  the 
insurrectionary  States")  designed  to  create  legithnate  govern- 
ments in  the  States  not  yet  readmitted  to  the  I'nion  (ignoring  the 
governments  set  up  by  the  white  inhabitants),  and  to  deter- 
mine  the   conditions   projx'r   for   their   readmission.     By   this 
Act   these   States,    that    is,    the   wliole   sece(Ung   South   except 
Tennessee,  were  divided   into  five  military  districts,  each  to 
be  governed  by  a  brigadier-general  of  the  Federal  army,  until 
such  time  as  a  State  convention  should  have  framed  a  new 
constitution,  the  Fourteenth  Aiiieudnunt    have    been    ratified 
and  the  State  have  been  duly  readmitted.     The  delegates  to 
each  convention  were  to  1 lectedbyall  the  male  citizens,  exclud- 
ing sucli  as,  having  jireviously  sworn  to  support  the  Federal 


r-HAP.   Xnil 


TIIK  SolTII   SINCK  TIIK   WAH 


4i»? 


('t»iislituti«>ii,  luul  Imh'u  roiu'tTiu'd  in  tlir  hiti-  n-lHllioii  ;  uiul  it 
wus  to  thrso  MiUnc   vottTs   tliut    tlif   lU'W  ("(mstitutioii   wlu-ii 
fnuiu'd  WU.S  t(»  1)0  siiluiiittcd  for  rutificatioii.      This  provision, 
while  it  mhnittcd  the  ncKrocs  to  Ik-  voters  uiui  (Iclt'^utes  to 
tin'  convj'iitiou.s,  (Ifharrcd  from  hoth  functions  most  of  the  h-sul- 
inR  whites,  luul  left  the  conventions  to  l)e  "nm"  by  those  few 
whites  who  hud  remained  faithful  to  the  I'luon,  and  l>y  a<lven- 
turers  who  had  c(tine  from  tiie  North  in  the  track  of  the  Federal 
armies.     The  Heconst ruction  Act  was  duly  carried  out  ;  con- 
ventions were  held  ;  constitutions  urantinn  ('((ual  sutTrane  to  all, 
blacks  anil  whites,  were  enacted,  and  new  State  no't'mments 
installed   accordingly,    in    which,    however,    the   leading   white 
men  of  each  State,  since  not  yet   pt.r»loned,  could  obtain  no 
place  eithd  as   legislators  or  as  officials.     By  this  procedure, 
six    States  were   in    1H()8   readmitted   to  CouKress,  as   having 
satisfied  the    conditions    imposed,    and    the    remaiiiiuK    States 
within   the   iwo   years   followinK-      In   July,    IWiH,   the    Four- 
teenth Amendment  became  a  part  of  the  Con.stitution,  haviuK 
bet'n  accepted  by  three-fourths  of  the  States,  and  in  March,  1H70, 
the  Fifteenth  Amendment,  forbidding  the  voting  right  of  citizens 
to  be  "denied  or  abridged  an  account  of  race,  colour,  or  previous 
condition  of  .servitude,"  also  became  by  similar  acceptance  part 
of  the  Con.stitution  and  binding  on  all  the  States.     With  this, 
and  with  th(-  jri-ssing  in  IS70  and  1871  of  penal  laws,  conunonly 
called  the  Force  Acts,  intended  to  protect  the  negroes  in  the 
exercise  of  the  sufTrage,  the  direct  interference  of  the  Federal 
legislature  ended.     In    1872,   by  the  genend   Amnesty  Act,  it 
readmitted  the  great  bulk  of  the  ex-(onfeil(  rates  to  full  jiolitical 
rights. 

Meanwhile,  how  had  things  been  g(jing  in  the  Southern  States 
themselves?  All  the  leading  whites  having  been  distjualified 
from  voting  or  taking  part  in  the  government,  the  only  factors 
or  forces  left  were,  — 

First,  such  whites  as  had  adhered  to  the  Union  througliout 
the  war  —  in  most  States  neither  a  numerous  nor  an  influential 
body. 

Secondly,  a  vast  mass  of  negroes  suddenly  set  free,  and  abso- 
lutely destitute,  not  only  of  political  experience,  but  even  v;f  thv 
most  rudimentary  political  ideas. 

Thirdly,  men  sent  down  from  the  North  as  agents  of  the  Freed- 
men's  Bureau,  or  otherwise  in  connection  with   the    Federal 
2k 


,'m 


4  f. 


k  * 


i  :; 


i" .' 


til 


498 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


government,  and  persons  who  had  come  of  themselves  in  the 
hope  of  profiting  by  such  opportunities  for  enrichment  as  the 
abnormal  conditions  of  the  country  might  create. 

The  voting  strength  was,  of  course,  with  the  negroes,  espe- 
cially in  South  Carolina  and  the  CJulf  States  (except  Texas)  ; 
and  a  certain  number  were  chosen  to  sit  in  the  legislatures  and 
to  fill  the  less  important  offices.  In  the  legislatures  of  South 
Cai  lin!^  and  Mississippi,  they  formed  the  majority ;  and  from 
the  latter  State  they  sent  on^  of  themselves  to  the  Federal 
Senate.  But  leadership,  of  course,  fell  to  the  whites,  who 
alone  were  capable  of  it,  and  chiefly  to  those  white  adventurers 
whose  scanty  stock  of  portable  property  won  for  them  the  name 
of  "carpet-baggers."  They  organized  the  negroes  for  elections, 
State  and  local,  they  tampered  vnth  the  electoral  Usts  and  stuffed 
the  ballot-boxes,'  they  "ran"  the  legislatures.  They  pounced 
upon  the  lucrative  places,  satisfying  negro  claims  wth  posts  of 
less  consequence,-  they  devised  the  various  methods  by  which 
taxation  was  increased,  debt  rolled  up,  offices  created  and  lavishly 
paid,  frauds  of  every  kind  perpetratetl  for  the  benefit  of  them- 
selves and  their  friends.  Such  a  Saturnalia  of  robbery  and 
jobbery  has  seldom  been  seen  in  any  civilized  country,  and  cer- 
tainly never  before  under  the  forms  of  free  self-government. 
The  coloured  voters  could  hardly  be  blamed  for  blindly  following 
the  guides  who  represented  to  them  the  party  to  which  they  owed 
their  liberty;  and  -"i  they  had  little  property,  taxation  did  not 
press  upon  them  nor  the  increase  of  debt  alarm  them.  Those 
among  the  negroes  to  whom  the  chief  profit  accrued  were  the 
preachers,  who  enjoyed  a  sort  of  local  influence,  and  could  some- 
times command  the  votes  of  their  fellows,  and  the  legislators, 
who  were  accustomed,  in  South  ( 'arolina,  for  instance,  to  be  paid 
a  few  dollars  for  every  bill  they  passed.^  But  nine-tenths  of  the 
illicit  gains  went  to  the  whites.  Many  of  them  were  persons 
of  infamous  character  A\ho  ultimately  saved  themselves  from 

'  Sometimes  the  beautifully  simple  plan  was  adopted  of  providitiR  the  ballot 
box,  rarefully  forked  and  aealr  ]  at  its  proper  aperture,  with  a  sliding  side. 

» In  South  Carolina,  in  1875,  .leoordinx  to  the  tru.stworthy  evidence  of  Gov- 
ernor Chanilwrlain,  two  hundred  persons  had  lieen  appointed  justices  of  the 
peace,  with  a  certain  civil  as  well  as  criminal  jurisdiction,  who  could  neither 
read  nor  write. 

'  .An  anecdote  is  told  of  an  old  iu-kfo  in  North  Carolina  who,  Iteiiig  ti  "ered 
countinK  the  fees  he  had  received  for  his  vote  in  the  legislature,  sai  .  ith  a 
chuckle,  "  I  have  been  sold  clever  times  in  my  life,  and  this  is  the  fii  iimt  ^ 
ever  got  the  money." 


CHAP.    XCIII 


THE  SOUTH  SINCE  THE  WAU 


49«) 


justice  by  flight.  For  +he  time  they  enjoyed  absolute  impunity, 
\vithout  even  that  check  which  public  opinion  impos(>s  on  the 
worst  rulers  when  they  themselves  belong  to  the  district  which 
they  rule. 

The  position  of  t  iesv  advcni-.irt; s  was  hke  that  of  a  Roman 
provincial  governor  ik'  lii.s  suite  iv  the  later  days  of  the  Repub- 
hc,  or  an  English  of  i  -i  u  in  th(>  Kas*  Indies  in  the  earUer  days 
of  the  Company's  conqucM^v  s-,ve  il.zi  they  had  less  to  fear 
from  subsequent  prosecution  than  Venes,  and  less  from  a  par- 
liamentary enquiry  than  the  companions  of  Clive.  The  very 
securities  with  which  th(>  Federal  system  surrounds  State  au- 
tonomy contributed  to  encourage  their  audacity.  The  national 
government  was  not  responsible,  because  the  whole  machinery 
of  State  government  was  in  form  complete  and  to  all  outward 
appearance  in  normal  action.  But  as  voting  power  lay  with 
those  who  were  wholly  unfit  for  citizenship,  and  had  no  interest, 
as  taxpayers,  in  good  government,  as  the  legislatures  were 
reckless  and  corrupt,  ihe  judges  for  the  most  part  subservient, 
the  Federal  military  officers  bound  to  support  what  purported 
to  be  the  constitutional  authorities  of  the  State,  Congress 
distant  and  little  inclined  to  listen  to  the  complaints  of  those 
whom  it  distrusted  us  rebels,'  greed  was  uncheck(^d  and  roguery 
unabashed.  The  methods  of  plunder  were  numerous.  Every 
branch  of  administration  became  wasteful.  Public  contracts 
were  jobbed,  and  the  profits  shared.  Extravagant  salaries 
were  paid  to  legislators ;  extravagant  charges  allowed  for  all 
sorts  of  work  done  at  the  public  co.st.  But  perhaps  the  common- 
est form  of  robbery,  and  that  conducted  on  the  largest  scale, 
was  for  the  legislature  to  direct  the  issue  of  bonds  in  aid  of  a 
railroad  or  other  public  v.-ork,  these  bonds  being  then  delivered 
to  contractors  who  sold  them,  shared  the  proceeds  with  the 
governing  Ring,  and  omitted  to  execute  the  work.  Much  money 
was  however  taken  in  an  even  more  direct  fashion  from  the  State 
treasury  or  from  that  of  the  local  authority ;  and  as  not  only 
the  guardians  of  the  public  funds,  but  even,  in  many  cases,  the 
courts  of  law,  were  under  the  control  of  the  thieves,  discovery 
was  difficult  and  redress  unattainable.     In  this  way  .the  indus- 

'  N'f-arly  thr  whole  rrprrsrnt.ition  m  ri.iiiiro.ss  of  th<rs<-  Slill<■^  wum  in  the 
liands  of  tho  tlicii  nilitiK  Republican  party.  The  Southern  niemlK-rs  were 
iBrRflly  accompliees  in  tho  loeal  misKovernment  here  (leaerilMvl,  nearly  half 
of  thoni  IvinR  eariM-t-baiwerH  from  the  North,  while  few  of  the  Northern  mem- 
beri  had  any  knowledge  of  it,  some  iierhaps  not  earing  to  enquire. 


•c 


■h'S 

ihi  1 


500 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   1 


I-, 


trious  and  property-holding  classes  saw  the  burdens  of  the  State 
increase,  A\ith  no  power  of  arresting  the  process.  In  North 
Carolina,  $14,000,000  worth  of  railroad  bonds  were  issued,  and 
no  railway  made.  In  Alabama,  the  State  debt  rose  in  four 
years  from  $8,356,000  to  $20,003,000,  wth  little  or  nothing  to 
show  for  it.  In  Mississippi,  the  State  levy  had  been  ten  cents 
on  the  $100  of  assessed  value  of  lands.  In  1874  it  had  risen  to 
fourte(n  times  that  rate.  In  South  C'arohna,  the  State  del)t 
leapt  in  four  years  from  .$5,407,0(K)  to  $18,515,000,  and  (lovernor 
Moses,  not  content  \\'ith  his  share  of  the  plunder,  openly  sold 
his  pardons,  of  which  he  granted  457  in  two  years.  But  tht^ 
climax  was  reached  in  Louisiana,  when^,  in  a  single  year,  the 
State  debt  was  increased  fourfold,  and  the  local  d(>l)t  twofold, 
while  in  four  years'  time  the  total  State  and  city  indel>tedncs^; 
was  rolled  up  by  the  sum  of  $54,(KK),(XK),  all  of  which  went  to 
the  spoil(Ts,  and  nothing  to  permanent  imj)rovements. 

Whether  owing  to  those  amiable  traits  in  the  national  char- 
acter which  often  survive  the  sterner  virtues,  or  to  the  fact 
that  the  thieves  were  too  busy  filling  their  pockets  to  have  leisure 
for  other  outrages,  tliis  misgovernment  was  accompani.'d  by  less 
oppression  and  cruelty  than  might  hive  been  expected.  Some 
such  acts  th(Te  doubtless  were,  particularly  in  the  rougher  dis- 
tricts of  the  extreme  South-Avest ;  and  in  several  States  the  domi- 
nant faction,  not  satisfi(>d  with  t'.e  presence  of  Federal  troops, 
sought  to  preserve  order  by  crediting  l)odies  of  State  guards  or 
State  police,  or  a  negro  militia.  In  Mississippi  the  coloured  people 
were  enrolled  in  a  "Loyal  League."  Unlike  the  Federal  civil 
officials,  who  wer(>  often  disreputable  and  unscrupulous  partisans, 
sometimes  most  improperly  combining  the  headship  of  tlu> 
local  Repul)lican  organization  with  an  offic(>  demanding  impartia- 
lity,' the  Fed(>ral  military  officers,  though  their  conduct  was  some- 
times impugnetl,  seem  on  the  whole  to  have  behaved  with  up- 
rightness and  good  sense,  making  their  military  control  as  gentle 
us  such  a  thing  ever  can  be.  Nor  did  the  negroes,  untutored 
as  they  were,  anil  jubilant  in  their  new  freedom,  show  the  tur- 
bulen(!e  or  the  vindictiveness  which  might  have  been  looked  for 
in  a  le.ss  kindly  race.  Nevertheless,  disorders  broke  out.  A  secret 
combination,  called  the  Ku  Klux  Klan,  said  to  have  been  orig- 


'  In  Louisiana,  for  in.stiincp,  thr  Fodoral  marshal,  who  was  (^ntitlod  to  rail 
on  tlic  Fcili'ial  troiiifs  to  aid  him,  was  for  a  tim«'  chairiuau  of  the  Uupublican 
State  Conimittt'c. 


CHAP.    X(  III 


THE  SOl'TFI   SIXCK   THE  WAR 


FAn 


iiuilly  foriiUMl  ii  Tciuu'ssec  by  youtlis  for  purpost's  of  aiuu.scnu'nt, 
ispri'acl  rapidly  through  th(>  country,  and  '  caiuo  crt'ditcd  AvntJi 
the  uuiucrous  petty  outrages  which,  during  1808,  and  the  follow- 
ing years,  were  perpetrated  upon  negroes,  and  (less  frequently) 
upon  whites  supposed  to  l)e  in  synipathy  with  negroes,  in  the 
rural  South.  Many  of  these  outrages  were  prol)al)ly  the  work 
of  village  ruffians  who  had  no  connection  with  anj-  organization, 
si  ill  less  any  jwlitical  motive.  But  the  inipossihUty  of  discover- 
ing those  who  committed  them,  and  the  ai)sence  of  any  local 
efforts  to  rejiress  tliem,  showed  the  profound  discontent  of  the 
better  class  of  whites  with  the  governments  which  the  cjloured 
vote  hail  installed,  while  unfortunately  confirming  v'ongress  in 
its  suspicion  of  the  former  rebels  as  being  still  at  heart  eni^uies 
of  the  Union  and  the  negro.  \o  ojx'U  resistance  to  the 
Federal  troops  was  attempted  ;  but  neither  their  activity  nor  the 
penal  laws  passed  bj'  Congress  were  eifeitive  in  checking  the 
Hoggings,  house-burnings,  and  nuirders  which  during  these  years 
disgraced  some  districts.  Meanwhile,  the  North  grew  weary  of 
repression,  and  began  to  be  moved  by  the  accounts  that  reached 
it  of  "  carpet-bag  government."  A  political  redaction,  due  to  other 
causes,  had  made  itself  felt  in  the  North  ;  and  th(»  old  prin<  ip' ' 
of  leaving  the  States  to  tliemselves  gained  more  and  more  uja^a 
the  popular  mind,  even  within  the  still  dominant  Hepublican 
party.  Though  some  of  its  prominent  leaders  desireil,  perhaps 
not  without  a  view  to  party  advantage,  to  keep  down  the  h'odth, 
they  were  overborne  l)y  the  feeling,  always  ;trong  in  America, 
that  every  community  to  which  .self-government  has  been  granted 
must  be  left  to  itself  to  work  out  its  own  salva*',-ii,  and  that  con- 
tinued military  occupation  could  not  be  justified  where  no  revcjlt 
was  api)rehended.  The  end  came  in  1870-77.  lietween  18r»9 
and  1870  the  whites  had  in  every  Southern  State,  except  South 
Carolina,  Florida,  and  Louisiana,  regained  control  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  in  1870  those  three  States  were  also  recovered.' 
Th(^  circumstances  were  different,  according  to  the  character  of 
the  population  in  each  State.  In  some  a  union  of  the  moderate 
white  Repul)lic'Uis  with  the  Democrats,  l)rought  -'"jut  by  the 
disgust  of  all  iiroi)erty  holders  at  the  scandals  they  saw  and  at  the 
increase  to  their  burdens  as  tax-payers,  had  ^jccurcfl  legitimately 


'  Those  States  in  whieh  the  whites  first  recovered  oontrol,  sueh  as  CJoorgia, 
have  generally  fared  best  suli.seiniently.  They  have  liad  less  debt  to  earry. 
and  commercial  eonfidenee  was  sooner  restored. 


502 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


chosen  majoritiea,  and  ejected  the  corrupt  officials.  In  some  th( 
same  result  was  attained  by  paying  or  otlierwise  inducing  the 
negroes  not  to  go  to  the  polls,  or  by  driving  them  away  by  threats 
or  actual  violence.  Once  possessed  again  of  a  voting  majority, 
the  whites,  all  of  whom  had  by  1872  been  relieved  of  their  dis- 
abilities, took  good  care,  by  a  variety  of  devices,  legal  and 
extra-legal,  to  keep  that  majority  safe  ;  and  in  no  State  has  their 
control  of  the  government  been  since  shaken.  President  Hayes 
withdrew,  in  1877,  such  Federal  troops  as  were  still  left  at  the 
South,  and  none  have  ever  since  been  despatched  thither. 

This  sketch  has  been  given,  not  so  much  because  it  is  a  curious 
phase  in  the  history  of  democracy,  and  one  not  likely  ever  to 
recuB,  either  in  the  United  States  or  elsewhere,  as  because  it  has 
determined  and  explained  the  whole  sul)sequent  course  of  events 
and  the  present  attitude,  whereof  more  anon,  of  the  Southern 
people.  That  Ctjugress  »nade  some  mistakes  is  proved  by  the 
results.  Among  those  results  must  be  reckoned  not  merely  the 
load  of  needless  debt  imposed  upon  the  Southern  States,  and 
the  retardation  of  their  recovery  from  the  losses  of  the  war,  but  the 
driving  of  all  their  respectable  wliite  citizens  into  the  Democratic 
party  and  their  alienation  from  the  Republicans  of  the  North, 
together  with  the  similar  aggregation  of  the  negroes  in  the  Re- 
publican party,  and  consequent  creation  of  a  so-called  "colour 
Hne"  in  politics.  Habits  of  lawlessness  have  moreover  been 
perpetuated  among  the  whites,  and  there  was  formed  in  both 
parties  the  pernicious  practice  of  tanipering  with  elections,  some- 
times by  force  and  sometimes  by  fraud,  a  practice  which  strikes 
at  the  very  root  of  free  popular  government. 

But  was  the  great  and  capital  act  of  the  Republican  party 
when  it  secured  the  grant  of  the  suffrage  to  the  negroes  en  bloc 
one  of  those  mistakes?  To  nearly  all  Europeans  such  a  stop 
seemed  and  still  seems  monstrous.  No  people  could  be  imagined 
more  hopelessly  unfit  for  political  power  than  this  host  of  slaves  ; 
and  their  unfitness  became  all  the  more  dangerous  because 
the  classes  among  whom  the  new  voters  ought  to  have  found 
guidance  were  partly  disfranchised  and  partly  forced  into  hos- 
tility. American  eyes,  however,  saw  the  matter  in  a  different 
light.  To  them  it  has  been  an  axiom,  that  without  the  suffrage 
there  is  no  true  citizenship,  and  the  negro  would  have  appeared 
to  be  scarcely  free  had  he  received  only  the  private  and  passive, 
and  not  also  the  public  and  active,  rights  of  a  citizen.    "  I  realized 


CHAP.   XCIII 


THK  SOUTH  SINCE  THE  WAR 


503 


in  1867,"  said  General  Wade  Hampton,  one  of  tiie  most  distin- 
guished leaders  of  the  South,  "that  when  a  man  had  been  made 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  he  could  not  be  debarred  from  vot- 
ing on  account  of  his  colour.  Such  exclusion  would  be  opposed 
to  the  entire  theory  of  republican  institutions."  '  It  is  true  that 
there  were  Northern  States,  such  as  even  the  New  England  Con- 
necticut and  the  half  New  England  Ohio,  as  ell  as  Michigan 
and  Pennsylvania,  in  which  persons  of  colour  were  so  debarred.- 
But  the  Abolitionist  movement  and  the  war  had  given  an 
immense  stimulus  to  the  al)stract  theory  of  human  rights,  and  had 
made  the  negro  so  iimch  an  object  of  sympathy  to  the  Northern 
people,  that  these  restrictions  were  vanishing  before  the  doctrine 
of  absolute  democratic  ecjuality  and  the  rights  of  man  as  man. 
There  wa.s,  moreover,  a  practical  argument  of  some  weight.  The 
gift  of  the  suffrage  presented  itself  to  the  Northern  statesmen  as 
the  alternative  to  continuance  of  military  government.  Without 
the  suffrage,  the  negro  might  have  been  left  defenceless  and  neg- 
lected, unimproved  and  unimproving.  In  the  words  of  another 
eminent  Southern  statesman,  Mr.  Justice  Lamar,  "In  the  un- 
accustomed relation  into  which  the  white  and  coloured  people  of 
the  South  were  suddenly  forced,  there  woukl  have  been  a  natural 
temlency  on  the  part  of  the  former  masters,  still  in  the  possession 
of  the  land  and  intelligence  of  the  country  and  of  its  legislative 
power,  to  use  an  almost  absolute  authority,  and  to  develop  the 
new  freedman  according  to  their  own  idea  of  what  was  good  for 
him.  This  would  have  resulted  in  a  race  distinction,  and  in 
such  incidents  of  the  old  system  as  would  have  discontented 
the  negro  and  dissatisfied  the  general  sentiment  of  the  country. 
If  slavery  was  to  l)e  abolished,  there  could  be  nothlxig  short  of 
complete  abolition,  free  from  any  of  the  affinities  of  slavery ; 
and  this  would  not  have  been  effected  so  long  as  there  existed 
any  inequality  before  the  law.  The  ballot  was  therefore  a  pro- 
tection of  the  negro  against  any  such  condition,  and  enabled  him 
to  force  his  interests  upon  the  consideration  of  the  South."  ^ 

The  American  view  that  "the  suffrage  is  the  sword  and  shield 
of  our  law,  the  best  armament  that  liberty  offers  to  the  citizen," 
does  not  at  once  commend  itself  to  a  European,  who  conceives 


;  \k 


^    'A 


'  North  American  Review  for  March,  1879. 

'  Coiinci'tirut  as  lato  as  180o  and  Ohio  as  late  as  1867  dpclin<!d  to  extend 
equal  sulTraKi'  to  nonrocs. 

*  North  American  Review  for  March,  1H7'J. 


504 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKFLECTIONS 


PAllT    V 


that  every  government  is  hound  to  protect  the  unenfranchif^ed 
equally  with  the  enfranchised  citizen.  But  it  must  l)e  remem- 
bered that  in  the  United  States  this  duty  is  less  vigilantly  per- 
formed than  in  Englantl  or  ( Jermany,  and  that  there  were  special 
difficulties  attending  its  performance  under  a  Federal  system, 
whidi  leaves  the  duty,  save  wher(>  Federal  legislation  is  involved, 
to  the  authorities  of  the  several  States. 

It  hiis  Ix'eii  usual  to  charge  thos(Mvho  led  Congress  with  another 
and  less  nol)le  motive  for  granting  (electoral  rights  to  the  negroes, 
viz.  :  the  wish  to  secure  their  votes  for  th(>  Ili'pul)lican  party. 
Motives  are  always  mixed  :  and  doubtless  this  consideration  had 
its  weight.  Yet  it  wa.s  not  a  purely  selfish  consideration.  As 
it  was  by  the  Republican  party  that  the  war  had  been  waged  and 
the  negro  set  free,  the  R(>pul)lican  leaders  were  entitled  to  assume 
that  his  protection  could  be  secured  only  by  their  continued 
ascendancy.  That  a-scendancy  was  not  wisely  used.  But  the 
circumstances  w'ere  so  novel  and  perplexing,  that  perhaps  no 
statesmanship  less  sagacious  than  President  Lincoln's  could  have 
handled  them  with  success. 

With  the  disapi)earance  of  the  carpet-bag  and  negro  govern- 
ments, the  third  era  in  the  political  history  of  the  South  since 
the  war  began.  The  first  had  been  that  of  exclusively  white; 
suffrage  ;  the  second,  that  of  predominantly  negro  suffrage.  In 
the  third,  universal  suffrage  and  complete  legal  eciuality  were 
soon  jierceived  to  mean  in  practice  the  full  supremacy  of  tin; 
whit(>s.  To  dislodge  the  coloured  man  simply  a.s  a  coloured  man 
from  his  rights  >ius  impossible,  for  they  were  secured  by  the 
Federal  Constitution  which  prevails  against  all  State  action. 
The  idea  of  disturbing  them  by  formal  legislative  action  was 
scarcely  entertained  But  the  more  they  despaired  of  getting 
rid  of  tlie  amendment,  the  more  n^solved  were  the  Southern 
people  to  prevent  it  from  taking  any  effect  which  coukl  en- 
danger their  supremacy.  They  did  not  hate  the  negro,  cer- 
tainly not  half  so  much  a.s  they  hated  his  white  leaders  by 
whom  they  had  been  robbed.  "We  have  got,"  they  .said,  "to 
save  civilization,"  and  if  civilization  could  be  saved  only  by 
.suppressing  the  coloured  vote,  they  were  ready  to  suppress  it. 
This  was  the  easier,  because,  while  most  of  the  carpet-baggers 
had  fled,  nearly  all  the  respectable  whites  of  the  South,  including 
those  who  had  b<>(>n  ^^'higs  before  the  war  and  who  had  oppos(>d 
secession,  wen;  now  united  in  the  new  Democratic,  or  rather 


CHAP.    XCIII 


TUK  SOITII   SIN('K  THK  WAR 


.W5 


anti-iu'Rro  party.  \  further  cvidctu'o  of  the  power  of  the  motives 
wliieh  have  swayed  them  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  nearly 
every  Northern  man  who  has  of  lat('  years  Rone  South  for  corn- 
merciai  purposes,  lia.s  before  iong  ranged  liiinseif  with  this  anti- 
negro  party,  whatever  hi.s  i)revious  'affiliations"  may  have 
he(>n. 

The  modes  Oi  suppression  have  not  l)een  the  same  in  all  tlis- 
tricts  and  at  all  times.  At  first  there  was  a  good  deal  of  what 
is  called  "bulldozing,"  i.e.  rough  treatment  and  terrorism, 
applied  to  frighten  the  coloured  men  from  coming  to  or  voting 
at  the  polls.  Afterwards,  the  methods  were  less  harsh.  Regis- 
trations were  so  managed  a.s  to  exclude  negro  voters,  arrange- 
ments for  jKilling  were  contrived  in  such  wise  as  to  lead  the  voter 
to  the  wrong  place  so  that  his  vote  miglit  be  refused  ;  and,  if  the 
necessity  aro.se,  the  Republican  candidates  w(Te  counted  out,  or 
the  election  returns  tampered  with.  "I  would  stuff  a  ballot- 
l)ox,"  .said  a  prominent  man,  "in  order  to  have  a  good,  honest 
government ;  "  and  he  said  it  in  good  faith,  and  with  no  sense  of 
incongruity.  Sometimes  the  local  negro  preachers  were  warned 
or  paid  to  keep  their  flocks  away.  More  humorous  devices  we>re 
not  disdained,  as  when  free  tickets  to  a  travelling  circus  were 
distributed  among  the  negroes,  and  the  circus  paid  to  hold  its 
exhibition  at  a  place  and  hour  which  prevented  them  from  coming 
to  vote.  South  ( 'arolina  enacted  an  ingenious  law  providing  that 
there  should  l)e  eight  l)allot-l>oxes  for  as  many  posts  to  be  filled 
at  the  election,  that  a  vote  should  not  be  counted  unless  placed 
in  the  proper  box,  and  that  the  presidii  •;  officer  should  not  be 
bound  to  tell  the  voter  which  was  the  proper  box  in  which  each 
vote  ought  to  be  deposited.  Illiterate  negio(>s  so  often  voted  in 
the  wrong  box,  th(>  l)oxes  being  frequ(>ntly  shifted  to  di.sconcert 
instructions  given  beforehand,  that  a  large  part  of  their  votes 
were  lo-st,  while  the  illiterate  wliite  was  apt  to  rec(>ive  the  benevo- 
lent and  not  forbidden  help  of  the  presiding  officer. 

Notwithstanding  these  impcfliments,  the  negro  long  main- 
tained the  struggle,  valuing  the  vote  as  the  symbol  of  his  free- 
dom, and  fearing  to  be  re-enslaved  if  the  Republican  party 
should  be  (lef(>ated.  Leaders  and  organizers  wvro  found  in  the 
Federal  office-holders,  of  course  all  itepul)licans,  a  numerous 
cla.ss,  —  Mr.  Nordhoff,  a  careful  and  judicious  observer,  says 
there  were  in  ISTo  three  thousan<l  in  (ieorgia  alone,  —  and  a  class 
whose  members  virtually  held  their  officios  on  condition  of  doing 


•  f 


I    ' 


ill 


£06 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


H^  . 


k 


S      I 

V 

rf 


their  political  work  ;  being  liable  to  bo  romovrd  if  thoy  failed  in 
their  duty,  as  the  Sultan  used  to  remove  a  N'ali  who  sent  up  too 
little  money  to  Staml>oul.  After  1884,  however,  when  the  presi- 
dency of  the  United  States  pa.ssed  to  a  Democrat,  some  of  these 
office-holders  were  replaced  by  Democrats  and  the  rest  became 
less  zealous  It  was,  moreover,  already  by  that  time  clear  that 
the  whites,  being  again  in  the  saddle,  meant  to  stay  there,  and 
the  efiforts  of  the  Republican  organizers  grew  feebler  as  they  lost 
hope.  Their  friends  at  the  North  were  exasperated,  not  with- 
out reason,  for  the  gift  of  suffrage  to  the  negroes  had  resulted  in 
securing  to  the  South  a  larger  representation  in  (Congress  and  in 
presidential  elections  than  it  enjoyed  before  the  war,  or  would 
have  enjoyed  had  the  negroes  been  left  unenfranchised.  They 
argued,  and  truly,  that  where  the  law  gives  a  right,  the  law  ought 
to  secure  the  exercise  thereof ;  and  when  the  Southern  men 
replied  that  the  negroes  were  ignorant,  they  rejoined  that  all 
over  the  country  there  were  myriads  of  ignorant  voters,  mostly 
recent  immigrants  whom  no  one  thought  of  excluding.  Ac- 
cordingly in  1890,  having  a  majority  in  both  Houses  of  Congress 
and  a  President  of  their  own  party,  the  Republican  leaders  intro- 
duced a  bill  subjecting  the  control  of  Federal  elections  to  officers 
to  be  appointed  by  the  President,  in  the  hope  of  thus  caUing  out 
a  full  negro  vote,  five-sixths  of  which  would  doubtless  have  gone 
to  their  party.  The  measure  appeared  to  dispassionate  observers 
quite  constitutional,  and  the  mischief  it  was  designed  to  remedy 
was  palpable.  It  excited,  however,  great  irritation  at  the  South, 
uniting  in  opposition  to  it  nearly  all  whites  of  every  class,  while 
no  corresponding  enthusiasm  on  its  behalf  was  evoked  at  the 
North.  It  passed  the  House,  l)ut  was  dropped  in  the  Senate 
under  the  threat  of  an  obstructive  resistance  by  the  (then  Dem- 
ocratic) minority.  Secure,  however,  as  the  dominance  of  the 
whites  seemed  to  be  against  either  Northern  legislation  or  ne- 
gro revolt,  the  Southern  people  remained  uneasy  and  sensitive 
on  the  subject,  and  have  been  held  together  in  a  serried  party 
phalanx  by  this  one  colour  question,  to  the  injury  of  their 
political  fife,  which  is  thus  prevented  from  freely  developing 
on  the  lines  of  the  other  questions  that  from  time  to  time  arise. 
So  keen  is  their  recollection  of  the  carpet-bag  days,  so  intense 
the  alarm  at  any  possil)ility  of  their  return,  that  internal  dissen- 
sions, such  as  those  which  the  growth  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance 
party  and  (later)  of  the  Pcpulist  party  evoked,  were  seldom 


CHAP,  xciii  THP]  SOUTH  SINCK  THK  WAR 


507 


permitted  to  Kiv(!  R(>pul)li(!aii  candidates  a  jimnco  of  a  seat  in 
Congress  or  of  any  considcrul)!*'  State  office. 

Tfiese  remariis  apply  to  the  true  South,  and  neither  to  the 
mountain  regions,  vvh(>r(>,  owing  to  the  al)sence  of  the  negro 
element,  then  is,  save  in  the  wider  valleys,  still  a  .strong  Republi- 
can party,  nor  to  the  Border  States,  Maryland,  West  Virginia. 
Kentucky  and  Missouri,  in  which  the  coloured  voters  are  not 
numerous  enough  to  (>xcit(r  alarm.  When  it  is  desired  to  elimi- 
nate their  influence  on  elections,  a  common  plan  is  to  bribe  them. 
In  Louisville  one  is  told  that  quite  a  small  payment  .secures 
abstention.  To  induce  them  to  vote  for  a  Democrat  is,  to  their 
credit  be  it  said,  much  more  costly. 

This  horror  of  negro  supremacy  is  the  only  point  in  which 
the  South  clHTishes  its  old  feelings.     Hostility  to  the  Northern 
people  has  virtually  disappeared.     Xo  sooner  was  Lee's  surren- 
der at  Apf)omattox  ( 'ourt  House  known  over  the  country,  than 
the  notion  of  persisting  in  efforts  for  seces.sion  anil  the  hope 
of  maintaining  slavery  expired,     \\ith  that  remarkable  power 
of  accepting  an  accomplished  fact  which  in  America  is  compatible 
with  an  obstinate  resi.stance  up  to  the  moment  when  the  fact 
becomes  accomplished.  th(>  South  felt  that  a  new  era  had  arrived 
to  which  they  nmst  forthwith  adai)t  themselves.     They  were 
not  ashamed  of  the  war.     They  were  and  remain  proud  of  it, 
as  one  may  see  by  the  provisions  made  by  not  a  few  States  for 
celebrating  the  birthday  of  ( ieneral  Robert'  E.  Lee  or  of  Ex-Presi- 
dent JeflFcrson  Davis,  and  by  the  zeal  with  which  the  monuments 
of  the  Civil  War  m   '  its  battlcHelds  are  cared  for.     Just  because 
they  felt  that  they  liad  fought  well,  they  submitted  with  little 
resentment,  and  it  I)ecame  a  proverb  among  them  that  the  two 
classes  which  still  cherish(>d  i)itterness  were  the  two  class;  s  that 
did  not  fight, — the  women  and  the  clergy.     Even  when  fresh 
hostility  was  aroused  by  the  rec()nstructiv(>  action  of  Congress 
in  1866  and  1867,  and  the  abuses  of  carpet-bag  rule,  no  one 
dreamt  of  renewing  the  old  struggle.     Not,  however,  till  the 
whites  regained  control,  between  1S70  and  1876,  did  the  industrial 
regeneration  of  the  country  fairly  begin      Two  discoveries  coin- 
cided with  that  epoch  which  liave  had  an  immense  effect  in 
advancihj;  material  prosperity,  and  ciianging  the  current  of  men's 
thoughts,      riie  first  was  the  exploration  of  the  mineral  wealth 
of  the  highland  core  of  the  country.     In  the  w(>stern  parts  of 
Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  in  the  eastern  parts  of  Tennessee, 


fiOS 


IM.rSTHATlONH  AND   UK1-'LK(TI(>\S 


•AUT 


W' 


the  HDrtli  in  parts  of  (IcKruiH  aixl  Alabama,  both  foal  ami  iron, 
not  to  sjM'ak  of  other  miiuTals,  have  U-cii  foiiiul  in  cnorinous 
quantities,  and  often  in  siicli  dose  juxtaposition  tliat  the  |)ro- 
(iuetion  of  pi^  iron  and  steel  can  be  carried  on  with  excepti«)nal 
cheapness.  Tlius,  Nortliem  capital  htus  Ix-en  drawn  into  the 
country:  Southern  men  iiave  had  a  new  field  for  enterprise, 
and  have  then\selves  l«nun  to  aecunuilate  c;  ,)ital  :  |)rosperous 
industries  havi-  i»een  created,  and  a  lar^e  workinn-cliuss  popula- 
tion, both  while  and  coloured,  luis  grown  up  in  many  places, 
while  the  making  of  new  railways  has  not  only  given  empl(»y- 
niont  to  the  ]M)orer  classes.  i)ut  has  stimulate<l  maiuifacture  and 
commerce  in  otlu'r  directions.  The  .secon<l  discovery  was  tiiat 
of  the  ])ossil)ility  of  extracting  oil  from  the  seeds  of  the  cotton 
phnt,  which  liad  formerly  been  thrown  away,  or  given  to 
hogs  to  feed  on.  The  production  of  this  oil  has  sweUed  to 
great  proportions,  making  the  cultivation  of  cotton  far  more 
profitable,  and  has  bec«)me  a  potent  factor  in  the  extension  of 
cotton  cultivation  and  the  general  prosperity  of  the  country. 
Most  of  the  cro|)  non  raised,  which  usually  exceeds  eh'ven 
millions  of  i)ales.  and  ;!.  llM)8  exceeded  thirteen  and  a  half  mill- 
ions (being  mor(>  than  thrice  that  which  was  raised,  almost 
wholly  by  slave  labour,  before  the  war),  is  now  raised  by  wliite 
farmers  ;  while  the  mills  wliich  spin  and  weave  it  intomarketal)le 
goods  are  daily  increasir.ij;  and  building  uj)  fresh  indu.strial  com- 
munities. Tlie  methods  of  agriculture  have  been  improved  ; 
and  new  kinds  of  cultivation  introduced  :  the  raising  of  fruit, 
for  instance  (in  Florida  particularly  of  oranges)  has  become  in 
certain  districts  a  lucrative  industry.  Nor  has  tli<  creation 
of  winter  health  resorts  in  the  beautiful  mountain  land  of 
North  Carolina,  and  further  soutli  in  Soutli  Carolina,  (ieorgia 
and  Floriila,  been  wliolly  without  importance,  for  the  Xortli- 
ern  people  who  fiock  thither  learn  to  know  the  South,  and 
them.selves  diffuse  new  ideas  among  the  backward  )>opulation 
of  those  districts.  Tlius  from  various  causes  there  has  come  to 
be  a  sen.so  of  stir  and  movement  and  occupation  witli  practical 
questions,  an.'  .vhat  may  be  called  a  commercialization  of  society, 
which  has,  in  some  places,  transformed  Southern  Ufe.  Manual 
lal)our  is  no  longer  deemed  derogatory  by  the  poorer  whites 
(who  arc  less  of  a  distinct  class  than  they  used  to  IhO,  nor  com- 
merce by  the  ,s(jns  of  the  old  planting  aristocracy.  Farmers 
no  doubt  complain,  as  they  do  everywhere  in  the  United  States  ; 


MiAP.  xdii  Till-:   S(U  Til   SINCK   TMK   WAU 


rAM 


yet  It  IS  a  «<,<„!  siKii  timf  f  1...  avvrtiKi'  size  of  fan.is  l,as  l,..,.„  i,,  f  hr 
.^..uth-cii.st(Tii  States,   .IccrcasiuK,  tl,,.  nuriiluT  of  farnicr-  an.l 

also  thr  miml..T  of  (.wm-rs  im-nasiuK,  whil(.  tl.c' nin.il«.r  <,f  trnaijf . 
wlio  paid  tlu-ir  rent  iii  money  instead  of  in  kind  alnKM  d.,uh|e,i 
l.etwe..n  ISSO  and  imi  As  ..apital.  u|,i,|,  u>e.|  to  l>e  ehie(|v 
invest.-.!  HI  slav.s.  has  in.reas..,|  an.l  l..roni<-  ni.,r..  u-'i-rall'v 
.lidus.  It  IS  rnor.'  an.l  more  plac.l  in  r>..rman...,t  improvejn.m^ 
an.l  .'specially  m  .-ity  l.uil.linns.  Citi...  i„d,,.d  j.av.'  laru.jv 
«r.mn  an.l  are  still  lir.minn,  ..spc.iMlly  ..f  .-onrH.  in  tli..  milling 
reni.ms;  ami  in  tlw  .-iti.s  a  n.w  mid<ll.'  .lass  |,a>  .prnnfi  up 
f.)rm<-.l  partly  l.y  tl..^  .•l.'vati..n  ..f  tli.^  p.,.,r.r  .las-  an.l  partiv 
l.y  th.-  .l.>pr.-ssi..n  .)f  tli.^  ..Id  planting  rlas>,  wjiiel,  1,^..  „r.vU'  thV 
.'..ntntst  between  th.-  s..eial  .'.luality  .,f  N.^rthern  ami  thr  ariMo- 
.-ratie  t.Mie  ..f  Southern  s.M-i.ty  far  l.»  niark.'.l  than  it  was  h.for.. 
the  war. 

\Vhil<>slav<Tylaste.|theS..uthwas.e.v.ptof.«iirs..a>re«ar.|..l 
til.'  .'hildn'n  of  plaiit.'i-s  and  of  tlu'  few  m.-r.-liants.  an  illit.Tai.' 
.•..uiitry.     Kv.'n  in  1870  th.'  S..uth-..a>t..rn  Stat.'s  ha.l  .jnjv  :in 
iHTeentof  their  p..pulati..n  of  s.h.x.l   a«.'  .nn.ll.'d   a>  s.'li.,.,] 
attendants,    an.l  the  S..iith   Central   an.l   W.^.th  Stat.-  ..i  ly 
•ii  ;.v'r  cent.     The  H.'c.Histru.'tion  .•.>nstitiition>  <.f  lK(i7  70  con- 
taine.l  valuahle  i)rovisi.)iis  for  the  .'stal.lishm.nt  of  xho.jls  :  and 
tile  rise  of  a  new  K.'ii.Tati.in.   wlii.'h  ajjpreciat.-  th.-  wortli  of 
education  an.l  s.-es  how  the  Xortli  ha>  fm.fiie.l  l,v  it.  Iia>  in.lu.-.d 
a  w.holesome  a.-tivity.     Th.'  p.'rceiitaL^.'  ..f  .•hil.'lr.'n  .nroli.-.j  t-* 
s.'hool  ajre  p..pulati..n  lias  ris.'ii  M.'adily.'     It   j.  n„  dout.t  tru.- 
that  the  sum  exiieiided  ..n  .-.  h.)oI<  w  v.tv  iiii.(H)al  in  tli.'  variou- 
States.  —  .\rkansas.   for  instance.   sjM.nt    in    I'no  I'll]     mon- 
than    Mississijjpi    ,,r    North    ( 'iin.hna,   thoutrl,   h.T   jM.pnhition 
is  smaller  than  that  ..f  cither  .if  ihox   Si;,t.- ;   tna.  alx..  th.-ii 
llie   ex]).'ndituri'  i-~  much  l.->  ili;m   in   tli.-   \..rlli  ..r  W.-t, 
Washin,<rt..ii.  for  iiistnii.-.'.  >pcnd-    ni..rc   than  twic.'  a>  mu.'li 
;i^    .\rkaii--as.  with    very    little   mor.'   w.;ilth  :  -   true    funh.r, 
that  the  av.'raj:.'  iiuml).r  .if  .hiy-  tli<-  mIiooI-  wciv  k.'pt  w:i>  in 
I'.tlO-ll  small.T  in    th.'   Soulh.rn    Stal.'<    ii:}().tiiii   the  .Soul h- 
•■astern^  States,    127. S    in    tli,>    >n\i:h    (".■ntral.    as    c.jmpan'd 
with    179. K    iti   ilw    \rirtli_(. ■...),,,•..    <«..«,..,       <.;ii   .i..    ,,r.  „_• 
is  Kreat.  wh.'ii  one  consid.-rs   the  comparative   jMiv.'rty  of  th*' 

'  Rri.ort  iif  till   f  ■,)iiiriii~-i<,iicr  nf  IMiii-.'itiMi,  Imi   r.U.', 

■Srliool  ag(  "  i,,  taki-a  ilj  tin-  liiitiiJ  .-^t:itr.-  :i.-  roMTiiu'  tin    \.ur.-.  trrmi   ".  f. 
1  *^  iiK  lusivc 


filO 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKFLECTIONS  part  \ 


Southern  States,  and   the   pretiominantly  rural   character  of 
their  very  sparHc  population. 

Any  one  8e<>king  to  dinparage  the  South  need  not  want  for 
points  to  dwell  uiK)n.    He  might  remark  that  illiteracy  is  far 
more  common  than  in  the  North  or  West ;  that  there  is  little 
reacling  even  among  those  who  can  read,  —  one  ne<>d  only  walk 
through  the  streets  of  a  Southern  city  and  look  into  the  few 
bookstores  to  \w  eonvinr(>d  of  this,  —  and  far  less  of  that  kind 
of  culture  whinh  is  represented  by  lecture  courses  or  by  liter- 
ary and  scientific  journals  and  societies.     He  would  observe 
that  hotels,  railway  stations,  refreshment-rooms,  indeed  all  the 
material  appliances  of  travelling  comfort  in  which  the  North 
shines,  are  still  on  a  lower  level,  and  that  the  scattered  population 
so  neglects  its  roads  that  th(>y  are  in  some  places  impassable. 
Life,  he  might  say,  is.  comparatively  rough,  <>xeept  in  a  few  of  the 
older  cities,  such  as  Richmond  and  Charleston  ;  it  has  in  many 
regions  the  character  of  l)order  life  in  a  half-settled  country. 
And  above  all,  he  might  dilate  upon  the  frequency  of  homicide. 
and  the  small  value  that  seems  to  Ix;  set  upon  human  life,  if 
one  may  judge  from  the  imperfect  and  lenient  action  of  the 
courts,  which,  to  l)e  sure,  is  often  supp  jmented  by  private 
vengeance.    Yet  to  the  enumeration  of  these  and  other  faults 
bom  of  slavery  and  the  spirit  which  slavery  fostereti,  it  would 
be  rightly  answered  that  the  true  way  to  judge  the  former  slave 
States,  is  to  compare  them  a.s  they  are  now  with  what  they  were 
when  the  war  ended.     Everywhere  there  is  progress ;  in  some 
regions  such  progress,  that  one  may  fairly  call  tlie  South  a  new 
country.     The  population  is  indeed  unchanged,  for  it  is  only 
lately  that  settlers  have  begvm  to  come  from  the  North,  and 
no  part  of  the  United  States  has  within  the  present  century 
received  so  small  a  share  of  Europ<^an  immigration.'     Slavery 
was  a  fatal  deterrent  while  it  lasted,  and  of  late  years  the 
climate,  the  presence  of  the  negro,  and  the  notion  that  work 
was  more  abundant  elsewhere,  have   continued  to  deflect  in 
a  more  northerly  direction  the  stream  that  flows  from  Europe. 
But  the  old  race,  which  is,  except  in  Texas  (where  there  is 
a  small  Mexican   and    a    larger    German  element)    and   in 

Louisiana,  a  pure  English  and  Scoto-Irish  race,  full  of  natural 

>  In  North  Carolina  in  1910  tho  forciRn-txTn  wcrr-  only  .4  of  the  pojmlatioi.. 
in  Mississippi  1.2,  in  Corcia  1.1.  That  Ihr  now  romors  from  Southrrn  .-.nd 
Central  Eiiropo  who  now  furnish  th-  hulk  of  Old  World  immigration  do  not 
eoter  the  South  ia  deemed  by  its  inhabitants  to  be  an  advantage. 


CHAF.  xciii  THE  bOUTII  SINC'K  TIIK   \-     R 


5U 


KtrenRth,  haw  iH'cn  stimulated  and  inviRorutcd  by  the  changpd 
conditions  of  its  life.  It  iius  made  jtrcat  advances  in  alinost 
every  direction.  Schools  are  better  and  more  numerous.  The 
roads  are  Ix'ing  improved.  Cotton  mills  are  rising  in  some  places, 
iron  »vorks  in  others.  It  sees  in  the  mineral  and  agricultural 
resources  of  its  territory  a  prospect  of  wealth  and  population 
rivalliuK  these  of  the  Middle  and  Western  States.  It  ha.s  i..- 
co  •ere<|  its  fair  share  of  influence  in  the  national  government. 
It  has  no  regrets  over  slavery,  for  it  recognizes  the  harharizing 
influence  that  slavery  exerted.  Neither  does  it  cherish  any 
dn'ainH  of  separation.  It  has  now  a  pride  in  th(  Tnion  as  well 
as  in  its  State,  and  is  in  .some  ways  more  fresh  and  sanguine  than 
the  North,  l)ecause  less  cloyed  by  luxury  than  the  rich  are  there, 
and  less  discouraged  l)y  the  spread  of  .social  unrest  than  the 
thoughtful  have  Ixn-n  there.  Mut  for  one  difficulty  the  South 
might  well  be  thought  to  Im'  the  most  promising  part  of  the 
Union,  that  part  whose  advanc(>  is  likely  to  be  swiftest,  and  whose 
pr«)sfH>rity  will  Im-  nut  the  least  secure. 

This  <lifficulty,  however,  is  a  serious  one.     It  lies  in  the  pres- 
ence of  ten  millions  of  negnM'g. 


u      -il 


4 


i    .    ' 


t 


-»  ■'If': 


CHAPTER  XCIV 

PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  OF  THE  NEGRO  ' 


i¥r^ 


I- 


The  total  coloured  population  of  the  United  States  was  in 
1900,  8,840,789,  and  in  1910  it  was  9,828,294.  a  number  far 
greater  than  that  of  the  English  i)eople  in  the  reign  of  (Jueen 
Anne,  and  one  which  might  anywhere  but  in  North  America  be 
deemed  to  form  a  considerable  nation.  Of  this  total,  probably 
nine  millions  are  in  the  old  Slave  States,  and  it  is  of  these  only 
that  the  present  chapter  will  speak.^  To  understand  their 
distribution  in  these  States,  the  read(>r  will  do  well  to  recall 
what  was  said  in  the  last  preceding  chapter  regarding  the 
physical  features  of  the  South,  for  it  is  by  those  features  that 
the  growth  of  the  coloured  population  in  the  various  regions 
of  the  country  has  been  determined.  Though  man  is  of  all 
animals,  except  perhaps  the  dog,  that  which  shows  the  greatest 
capacity  for  supporting  all  climates  from  Borneo  to  (Greenland, 
it  remains  true  that  certain  races  of  men  thriv(>  and  multiply 
only  in  certain  climates.  As  the  races  of  Northern  Europe 
have  been  hitherto  unable  to  maintain  themselves  in  the  torrid 
zone,  so  the  African  race,  being  of  tropical  origin,  dwindles 
away  wherever  it  has  to  encounter  cold  winters.  In  what 
used  to  be  called  th(>  Border  States  —  Maryland,  Kentucky, 
and  Missouri  —  the  coloured  element  increases  but  slowly.'^ 
In  West  Virginia,  East  Kentucky,  East  Tennessee,  and  West- 

'  ThLs  chapter,  whi<'h  presents  a  Renenil  view  of  the  Southern  XcKro  and  his 
relations  with  the  whites,  is  siipphnienteil  by  the  chapter  next  followiuK.  wliich 
comments  upon  sucli  chaimes  in  the  situation  as  liave  occurred  duriuK  the  hist 
sixteen  years  and  contains  the  hitest  conclusions  I  have  been  al)le  to  form  on  the 

«  The  total  white  population  of  these  .States  was,  in  1910,  120,547,420,  and  the 

coloured  8.740,427.  .     .„^ 

'  Kentucky  showed  a  small  decrease  from  ISSO  to  IHOO,  an  increase  m  1900, 
but  a  de<Teu»"e  in  1910.  There  wa.s  fn.in  1H<,«)  to  IWM)  ;in  :il>s.>hite  <l.-crc;vs.-  nf 
coloUH'd  population  in  einlit  other  States.  —  Maine  (from  1«70.  though  not 
from  1S90  to  1900),  Nebraska,  North  Dakota,  South  Dakota,  OrcKon,  Vermont, 
Nevada,  ralifornia.  and  New  Mexico.  From  liMMt  to  1910  tlii-re  were  small 
absolute  decreasts  iu  New  Hampshire.  Coruiecticut.  and  Maryland. 

512 


CHAP,  xciv     PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  OP  THE  NEORO     r>13 


«'rn  North    Carolina,  the    negro    is    praoticallv  unknown    in 
the  highest  and  coolest  spots,  and  in  the  other  parts  of  that 
elevated  country  has  scarcely  l)een  able     >  hold  his  own.     It 
IS  in  the  low  warm  regions  that  lie  near  the  Gulf  Stream  and 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  especially  in  the  sea-islands  of  South 
Carohna  and  on  the  banks  of   the    lower    Mississippi    that 
he  finds  the  conditions  which  are  at  once  most  favourable 
to  his  development  and  most  unfavourable  to  that  of  the  whites 
Accordingly  it  is  the  eight  States  nearest  the  (Uilf  — South 
Carohna,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mississippi,   Louisiana 
Arkansas,  and  Texas  —  that  contain  more  than  half  the  negni 
population,  which  in  two  of  them,  South  Carolina  and  xMissis- 
sippi,  exceeds  the  number  of  the  whites.     In  Louisiana,  where 
the  two  races  were  equal  in  1890,  the  whit(^s  had  in  1910  a 
majority  ol  227,212.     These  eight  States  showed  an  increa.se 
of  the  coloured  population,  from  1880  to  1890,  at  the  rate  of 
18.4  per  cent,'  while  in  the  rest  of  the  South  the  rate  was  only 
5.1  per  cent;  from  1900  to  1910  the  rate  was  14.6.     It  is  thus 
clear  that  the  negro  ctmter  of  population  is  more  and  more 
shifting  southward,  and  that  the  African  is  leaving  the  colder, 
higher,  and  drier  lands  for  regions  more  resembling  his  ancient 
seats  in  the  Old  World. 

A  not  less  important  question  is  the  proportion  between  the 
negroes  and  the  whites.  In  1790  the  negroes  were  19  3  per 
cent  or  nearly  one-fifth  of  the  whole  population  of  the  Union 
In  1880  they  were  13.1  per  cent;  in  1890,  U.9  per  cent;  in 
1910,  10.7  per  cent.  The  rate  of  increase  of  the  negro  popula- 
tion of  the  whole  country  from  1900  to  1910  was  11.2  per  cent 
while  that  of  the  whites  was  22.3.  Even  in  the  former  Slave 
States  (which  receive  very  few  immigrants  from  Europe)  the 
increase  of  the  whites  during  that  decade  was  25.1,  that  of  the 
negroes  only  11.1  jxt  cent,  or  about  one-hiilf  the  rate  shown 
by  the  whites,^  while  in  the  eight  black  States  mentioned  above 
the  percentage  of  increase  of  the  white  i)<)pulation  is  27.4, 
that  of  the  negroes  only  14.(1.      It   thus  appears  that  except 

'  It  '^'''^  stiU  Kr«'ut,T  in  Arkui.sus  (4C..7  p.-r  .-..iit),  Flori.la  (.31.2  p.T  ....nt) 
and  Tcxaii  (24.1  p.T  r.-nt),  but  the  noprocs  hiiv..  Loon  in  thoso  throe  Staf.H 
mueh  |o«^  numerous  th.-u.  th-  whit.-.  ;u„l  th,-  iiunasr  w:i.s  probai.iv  la.goly  duo 
to  negro  mimmration  from  other  Stut.-.s.  -        «   j      • 

iQin^r*  VirRinia,  Oklahoma,  and  Arkansas  wore  the  southern  States  whioh  in 
1910  showed  a  higher  rate  of  increase  of  coloured  than  of  white  p.'oplo.     In 

h^hin^^  T',^"'"'""''  ^?'*  '^•'""^  ""'  "••«'■"  ■•'«•'■  '^"«  "'^'"t  two-thirds 
^T«*l  .K  ™^  ?  increase  while  in  three  South  Atlantic  and  South  (Vntral 
States  the  actual  number  of  negroes  had  decreased  in  the  decade. 


614 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


i^r 


IT' 
t 


in  certain  parts  of  these  eiglit  States,  where  physical  conditions 
favourable  to  the  growth  of  the  coloured  population  prevail, 
the  whites  increase  everywhere  faster  than  the  negroes,  and 
the  latter  constitute  a  relatively  decreasing  element.*  This 
fact,  suspected  previously  was  placed  l)oyond  doubt  by  the 
census  of  1890.  It  is  the  dominating  fact  of  the  political  and 
social  situation. 

Of  the  economic  and  industrial  state  of  aie  whole  nine 
millions  it  is  hard  to  speak  in  general  terms,  so  different  are 
the  conditions  which  different  parts  of  the  country  present. 
In  one  point  only  are  those  conditions  uniform.  Everywhere, 
aUke  in  the  Border  States  and  in  the  farthest  South,  in  the 
cities,  both  great  and  small,  and  in  the  rural  districts,  the 
coloured  population  constitute  the  poorest  and  socially  lowest 
stratum,  corresjjonding  in  this  respect  to  the  new  immigrants 
in  the  Northern  States,  although,  as  we  shall  presently  observe, 
they  are  far  more  sharply  and  permanently  divided  than  are 
those  immigrants  from  the  classes  above  them.  They  furnish 
nine-tenths  of  the  uuskillcKi  labour,  and  a  still  larger  proportion 
of  the  domestic  and  hotel  labour.  Some,  a  comparatively  small 
but  possibly  growing  number,  have  found  their  way  into  the 
skilled  handicrafts,  such  a;  joinery  and  metal  work  ;  and  many 
are  now  employed  in  the  mines  and  iron  foundries  of  South- 
eastern Tennessee  and  Northern  Alabama,  where  they  receive 
wages  sometimes  equal  to  those  paid  to  the  white  workmen,  and 
are  even  occasionally  admit tcni  to  the  same  trade-unions.''  In 
textile  factories  they  are  doemed  ilecidedly  inferior  to  the  whites  ; 
the  whirr  of  the  machinery  is  said  to  daze  them  or  to  send 
them  to  sleep.  On  the  other  hand,  they  handle  tobacco  better 
than  the  whites,  and  practically  monopolize  the  less  skilled 
departments  of  this  large  industry,  though  not  cigar  making, 
for  which  Spaniards  or  Cubans  are  deemed  be.st.  In  the 
cities  much  of  the  small  retail  trade  is  in  their  hands,  as 
are  also  such  occupations  as  those  of  l)arber  (in  which  how- 
ever they  are  said  to  be  yielding  to  the  whites),  shoe-black, 

'  That  which  spooially  tends  to  keep  down  the  neRro  increase  is  the  very 
larpe  mortality  among  the  ••liildren- 

'  The  iivcraKc  pay  per  day  of  the  skilled  white  lalwurer  is  usually  much 
hiRher,  hut  not  double  that  of  the  colour<d.  A  large  employer  of  lalx)ur  in 
Virginia  aswured  me  some  time  i.ito  that  he  paid  some  of  his  ncirrocs  (iron- 
workers) as  much  as  S4..">0  per  day.  He  added  that  they  worked  along  with 
the  whites,  utd  draok  leas. 


CHAP,  xciv    PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  OF  THE  NEGRO        616 


street  vendor  of  drinks  or  fruit,  tosether  mth    the   humbler 
kinds  of  railway  service.     In  the  rural  districts  the  immense 
majority  are  either  hired  labourers  or  tenants  of  small  farms, 
the  latter  class  becoming  more  numerous  the  further  south 
one  goes  into  the  hot  and  malarious  regions,  where  the  white 
man  is  less  disposed  to  work  on  his  own  land.     Of  these  tenants 
many  — and   some   are    l»oth    active   and   thrifty  —  cultivate 
upon  a  system  of  crop-sharing,  like  that  of  the  metayers  in 
France.     Not  a  few  have  bought  plots  of  land,  and  work  it 
for  themselves.     Of  those  who  farm  eitlu'r  their  own  land  or 
that  for  which  they  pay  rent,  an  increasing  number  are  raising 
crops  for  the  market,  and  steadily  improving  their  condition. 
Others,  however,  are  content  with  getting  from  the  soil  enough 
food  to  keep  their  families ;  and  this  is  more  especially  the  case 
in  the  lower  lands  along  the  coast,  where  the  population  is 
almost  wholly  black,  and  little  affected  l)y  the  influences  either 
of  commerce  or  of  the  white  race.     In  these  not  lowlands  the 
negro  Uves  much  as  he  lived  on  the  plantations  in  the  old  days, 
except  that  he  W(jrks  less,  because  a  moderate  amount  of  labour 
produces  enough  for  his  bare  subsistence.     No  railway  comes 
near  him.     He  sees  no  newspaper  :  he  is  scarcely  at  all  in  con- 
tact with  any  one  above  his  owi  (H)iidition.     Thus  there  are 
places,  the  cities  especially,  where  the  negro  is  improving  indus- 
trially, because  he  has  to  work  hard  and  comes  into  constant 
relation  with  the  whites  ;  and  other  places,  where  he  need  work 
very  little,  and  where,  being  left  to  his  owi  resources,  he  is  in 
danger  of  relapsing  into  barbarism.     These  differences  in  his 
material  progress  ii.  different  parts  of  the  country  nmst  be  con- 
stantly borne  in  mind  when  on»>  attenijjts  to  form  a  picture  of 
his  present  intellectual  and  moral  state. 

The  phenf)mena  he  presents  in  this  latter  aspect  are  abso- 
lutely new  in  the  annals  of  tlie  world.  History  is  a  record 
of  the  progress  towards  civilization  of  races  originally  bar- 
barous. But  that  progress  has  in  ail  previous  cases  been  slow 
and  gradual.  In  the  case  of  the  chief  Asiatic  and  European 
races,  the  earlier  stages  are  lost  in  the  mists  of  antiquity. 
Even  the  middle  and  later  stages,  as  we  gather  them  from  the 
writings  of  the  historians  «,f  antifjuity  and  from  the  records 
of  the  Dark  and  Middle  Ages,  show  an  advance  in  which  there 
is  nothing  sudden  or  abrui)t,  but  rather  a  process  of  what 
may  be  called  tentative  development,   the  growth  and  en- 


516 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


^r- 


lij 


largcmeiit  of  the  human  mind  resulting  in  and  being  accom- 
panied by  a  gradual  improvement  of  political  institutions  and 
of  the  arts  and  sciences.     In  this  process  there  are  no  leaps 
and  bounds  ;  and  it  is  the  work,  not  of  any  one  rate  alone,  but 
of  the  minglc<l  rivalry  and  co-operation  of  several.     Utterly 
dissimilar  is  the  case  of  the  African  negro,  caught  up  in  and 
whirled  along  with  the  swift  movement  of  the  American  de- 
mocracy.    In  it  we  have  a  singular  juxtaposition  of  the  most 
primitive  and  the  most  recent,  the  most  rudimentary  and  the 
most  highly  developed,  types  of  culture.     Not  greater  is  the 
interval  which  separates  the  chipped  flints  of  the  Stone  Age 
from  the  Maxim  gun  of  to-day.     A  body  of  savages  is  vio- 
lently carried  across  the  o(;ean  and  set  to  work  as  slaves  on 
the  plantations  of  masters  who  are  three  or  four  thousand 
years  in  advance  of  them  in  mental  capacity  and  moral  force. 
They  are  treated  like  horses  or  oxen,  are  kept  at  labour  by  the 
lash,  are  debarred  from  even  the  elements  of  education,  have 
no  more  status  before  the  law,  no  more  share  in  the  thought 
or  the  culture  of  their  owner  than  the  sheep  which  he  shears. 
The  children  anil  grandchildren  of  those  whom  the  slave-ship 
brought  to  the  i)lantation  remain  like  their  parents,  save  indeed 
that  they  have  learnt  a  new  and  highly  developed  tongue  and 
have  caught  up  so  much  of  a  new  religion  as  comes  to  them 
through  preachers  of  their  own  blood.     Those  who  have  house- 
work to  do,  or  who  live  in  the  few  and  small  towns,  pick  up 
some  knowledge  of  white  ways,  and  imitate  them  to  the  best  of 
their  power.     But  the  great  mass  remain  in  their  notions  and 
their  habits  much  what  their  ancestors  were  in  the  forests  of 
tlie  Niger  or  the  Congo.     Suddenly,  (>ven  mon^  suddenly  than 
they    w<Tc    torn    from    Africa,  they  find  themselves,  not  only 
freed,  but  made  full  citizens  and  active  members  of  the  most 
popular  govermnent  the  world  has  seen,  treat(>(l  as  fit  to  bear 
an  ecjual  i);irt  in  ruling,  not  tlieinselves  only,  but  also  their  recent 
masters.     Highls  wliidi  the  agricuUural  labourers  of  England 
did  not  obtain  till  ISS.')  wer(>  in  1867  thrust  ujwn  these  children 
of  natur(\  whose  highest  form  of  pleasure  had  hitherto  Ix^en  to 
caper  to  the  strains  of  a  l)anjo. 

This  tremendous  cliange  arrested  one  set  of  influences  that 
were  telling  on  the  negro,  and  put  another  set  in  motion.  The 
relation  of  master  and  servant  camc^  to  an  end,  and  with  it  the 
discipline  of  compulsory  labour  and  a  great  part  of  such  inter- 


CHAP,  xciv    PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  OP  THE  NEORO       517 

course  as  tluTc  had  been  iM-twccii  tlu«  white  and  the  black  races. 
Very  soon  the  whites  began  to  draw  away  from  the  negro,  who 
became  less  a  friend  in  fact  the  more  lie  wa.s  an  e(iual  in  theory. 
Presently  the  mixture  of  blood  diminished,  a  mixture'  which  may 
have  been  doing  .something  for  the  blacks  in  leavening  their  mas.s, 
—  only  slightly  on  the  i)lantatioM.s,  but  to  sotne  e.vtent  in  the 
towns  and  among  the  domestic  servants,  -  with  p(>rsons  of  supe- 
rior capacity  and  talent.  ( )n  the  other  hand,  there  wen>  immedi- 
ately  turned  on  the  freednuui  a  volume  of  new  forces  which  had 
scarcely  affected  him  iis  a  slave.  He  had  now  to  can-  for  himself, 
in  sickne.s.s  and  in  health.  He  might  go  where  he  would,  and 
work  as  nmch  or  lus  little  as  he  pleased.  He  had  a  vote  to  give, 
or  ♦'}  .sell.  B^ducation  became  accessii)h. ;  and  facilities  for  ob- 
taUiUig  it  were  accorded  to  him,  first  l)y  his  Xorth(>rn  liberators, 
and  thereafter,  though  insufficiently,  by  his  old  masters  also. 
As  he  learned  to  read  and  to  vote,  a  crowd  of  modern  American 
ideas,  political,  social,  religious,  and  economic,  pouri-d  in  u{)on 
him  through  the  newspapers.  No  such  attempt  has  ever  been 
made  l)efore  to  do  for  a  rac(>  at  one  stroke  what  in  other  times 
and  countries  nature  has  spent  centuries  in  doing.  Other  races 
have  desired  freedom  and  a  share  in  political  pow(>r.  They 
have  had  to  .strive,  and  their  efforts  have  braced  and  ilisciplined 
them.  But  these  things  were  thrust  upon  the  negro,  who  found 
himself  embarra.ssed  by  boons  he  had  not  thought  of  demanding. 
To  understand  how  American  ideas  work  in  an  African  brain, 
and  how  American  iiLstitutions  are  afTecting  African  habits! 
one  must  consider  what  are  the  character  anil  gifts  of  the  negni 
himself. 

He  is  by  nature  affectionate,  docile,  pliable,  submis.sive,  and 
in  these  respects  most  unlike  the  Ked  Indian,  who.se  conspicu- 
ous traits  are  pride  and  a  certain  dogged  infl(>xibility.  He  is 
seldom  cruel  or  vimhctive,  —  which  the  Indian  often  is.  -  -  nor  is 
he  prone  to  violence,  except  when  spurred  l)y  lust  or  drink. 
His  intelligence  is  rather  quick  than  solid  ;  and  though  not  want- 
ing in  a  sort  of  shrewdness,  he  shows  th(>  childishness  as  well  as  the 
lack  of  .self-control  which  belongs  to  the  primitive  peoj)les.  A 
nature  highly  impressionable,  emotional,  a,  unstal)le  is  in  him 
appropriately  accompanied  by  a  love  of  nmsic,  while  for  art  he  hat: 
—  unlike  the  Red  Indian  —  no  taste  or  turn  whatever.  Such 
talent  as  he  has  runs  to  words ;  he  learns  languages  easily  and 
speaks  fluently,  but  shows  no  capacity  for  abstract  thinking, 


518 


ILLUSTHATIONS  AND  HKFLKCTIONS  part  v 


for  scientifii;  iiujuiry,  or  for  any  kind  of  invention.  It  is,  how- 
ever, not  so  oouHpieuously  on  the  intellectual  side  that  his  weak- 
ness lies,  as  in  tlie  sphere  of  will  and  action.  Having  neither 
foresight  nor  "roundsight,"  he  is  heedless  and  unthrifty,  easily 
elated  and  depressed,  with  little  tenacity  of  imrpose,  and  but  a 
feeble  wi'  Ix'tter  his  condition.     Slotli,  like  that  into  which 

the  negro(!s  of  the  Antilles  have  sunk,  cannot  be  generally 
charged  upon  the  American  coloured  man,  partly  perhaps  be- 
cause the  climate  is  less  enervating  and  nature  less  bountiful. 
Although  not  so  steaily  a  workman  as  is  the  white,  he  is  less 
troublesome  to  his  emi)loj'ers,  because  less  disposed  to  strike. 
It  is  by  his  toil  that  a  large  part  of  the  cotton,  rice,  and  sugar 
crop  of  the  South  is  now  raised.  But  any  one  who  knows  the 
laborious  ryot  or  cocjlie  of  the  Ea.st  Indies  is  struck  by  the 
difference  ijetwcen  a  race  on  which  ag(>s  of  patient  industry 
have  left  their  stamp  and  the  volatile  children  of  Africa. 

Among  the  modes  or  avenues  in  and  by  which  the  influences 
of  white  America  are  moulding  the  Negro,  five  deserve  to  be 
specially  noted,  those  of  the  schools,  of  the  churches,  of  literature, 
of  industry,  and  of  business  or  social  relations. 

Looking  merely  at  th(>  figures,  elementary  education  would  seem 
to  have  made  extraordinary  ])rogress.  In  the  former  Slave  States 
there  were,  in  1907-8,  54.30  })er  cent  of  the  coloured  population  of 
school  age  enrolled  on  the  books  of  some  school,  the  percentage 
of  white  pupils  to  the  white  population  of  school  age  in  the  same 
States  l)eing  70.34,  and  tlie  percentage  of  enrolments  to  popula- 
tion over  tlie  whole  United  States  (i9.32.i  In  these  States  the 
coloured  peopl<>  w(>re  in  1910  33.1  \wr  cent  of  the  totiil  population, 
and  the  coloured  pu{)ils  31.47  per  cent  of  the  total  school  enrol- 
ments. A  smaller  [)ercentage  of  them  than  of  white  children  is, 
therefore,  on  the  books  of  the  schools  ;  but  when  it  is  remem- 
bered that  in  IHGo  only  an  infinitesimally  small  percentage  were 
at  school  at  all,  and  that  in  many  States  it  was  a  i)enal  offence 
to  teach  a  negro  to  read,  the  ])rogress  made  is  remarkable.  Be- 
tween 1877  anil  HX)S,  whih'  the  white  pupils  in  the  common 
schools  of  the  South  increa.s(>d  l.")(;  jx-r  cent,  the  coloured  pupils 
increa-sed  191  |»«  r  .tiil.  Ii  iiiii>t  not,  however,  Im'  concluded 
from  these  figures  that  nearly  the  whole  of  the  coloured  popu- 
lation are  growing  up  possessed  even  of  the  rudiments  of  edu- 
cation.    The  ratio   of   attendance   to   school  enrolment  was, 

'  Report  of  the  Commisaionrr  of  Education  for  1008-9. 


CHAP,  xnv    PRKSENT  AND  FUTIRK  OF  THP:  NE(JH()       519 

indeed,  in  1908  almost  as  Kood  for  the  negroes  as  for  the  whites 
(62.18  against  66.13),  the  iieKroos,  both  parents  and  ciiiidren, 
liaving  a  desire  for  instruction.  Hut  the  school-terms  are  so 
short  in  most  of  the  Southern  Slates  that  a  good  many  of 
whites  and  a  far  larger  nuiuher  of  coloured  children  receive  too 
little  teaching  to  enahle  them  to  read  and  write  with  ease. 
Thus  out  of  the  nejrrocs  in  the  old  Slave  States  over  ten  years 
of  age,  nearly  83.4  per  cent  were  in  l<)ll)  returned  as  illiterates. 
That  the  amount  of  higher  education  secondary,  collegiate,  or 
university  education  — obtained  i)y  the  negroes  is  not  only  ab- 
solutely small,  hut  incoiuparal.ly  siiiallrr  than  that  obtained  by 
the  whites,  is  no  more  than  might  be  expected  from  the  fact 
that  they  constitute  the  poorest  part  of  the  pojjulation.  The 
total  number  of  institutions  of  this  description  was  in  1908 
as  follows  : '  — 


Normal  and  Industrial  schools, 

Se(!ondary  schools, 

Universities  and  colleges,* 

Schools  of  theology, 

Schools  of  law. 

Schools  of  medicine,  dentistry,  pharmacy. 


53,  with  17,711  pupils. 
3."),  with  S,774  pupils. 
47,  with  l«,M5i)  pupils. 
14,  with  7!(2  pupils. 

3,  with  U'A  pupils. 

.'5,  with  7M!)  pupils. 


These  universities  are,  of  course,  on  a  comparatively  hum- 
ble scale,  and  most  of  them  niiglit  ratlicr  be  called  secondary 
schools.  The  grants  made  by  tlie  State  governments  nearly  all 
go  to  elementary  education,  and  the  institutions  which  provide 
higher  education  for  the  negro  are  quite  unctiual  to  tlie  demands 
made  upon  them.  Swarms  of  ajjplicants  for  admission  have  to 
be  turned  away  from  the  already  overcrowded  existing  upper 
and  normal  schools  and  colleges  ;  and  thus  the  supply  of  (jualified 
teachers  for  the  coloured  schools  is  greatly  below  tlie  needs  of  the 
case.  The  total  number  is  at  present  only  33,000,  with  1 ,800,000 
pupils  to  deal  with.  In  the  white  schools,  with  4,()92,!)27  pupils, 
there  are  116.539  teachers,  a  proportion  (about  1  teacher  to  40 
pupils)  obviously  much  too  low,  and  too  low  even  if  we  allow  for 
the  difference  between  enrohnent  and  attendance.  But  the  pro- 
portion in  the  coloured  schools  is  1ow(t  still  (1  to  5.')),  aiul  the 
teachers  themselves  are  less  instruct(>(l.  The  need  for  secondary 
and  normal  schools  is,  therefore,  still  urgent,  thougli  much  has 

'  Report  ()/  the  Comminsioner  nf  Ediirnlidn  fur  lOOS-O.  It  is  nf  roursc  to  lie 
rcnipmhcrril  that  noRToos  so  ratlur  niorc  lurir'ly  tliiiii  form,  rlv  to  professional 
schools  in  thp  Xt)rth. 

'Including  preparatory  and  primary  ili  i)urtmi[it.s  of  uiiivrrriitira. 


520 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


I? 


been  and  is  being  done  by  Nortliern  l)enevolence  for  this  admir- 
able purpose.'  There  is  something  pathetic  in  the  eagerness  of 
the  negroes,  parents,  young  people,  and  children,  to  obtain 
instruction.  They  seem  to  think  that  the  want  of  it  is  what 
keeps  them  Im>1ow  the  whites,  just  as  in  the  riots  which  broke  out 
in  South  (^arolina  during  Sherman's  invasion,  the  negro  mob 
burnt  a  lil)rary  at  Columbia  because,  as  they  said,  it  was  from 
the  books  that  "the  whit(>  folks  got  their  sense."  And  they 
have  a  notion  (which,  to  be  sure,  is  not  confined  to  them)  that 
it  is  the  want  of  book-learning  which  condemns  the  vast  bulk 
of  their  race  *  i..c  by  manual  labor,  and  that,  therefore,  by 
acquiring  such  learning  they  may  themselves  rise  in  the  industrial 
scale. 

In  the  days  of  slavery,  religion  was  practically  the  only  civil- 
izing influence  which  told  upon  the  plantation  hands.  But 
religion,  like  everything  else  that  enters  the  mind,  is  conditioned 
by  tlie  mental  state  of  the  recipient.  Among  the  negroes,  it 
took  a  highly  emotional  and  sensational  form,  in  which  there  was 
little  apprehension  of  doctrine  and  still  less  of  virtue,  while 
physical  excitement  constantly  pa.ssed  into  ecstasy,  hysterics, 
and  the  other  ph(>nomena  which  accompany  what  are  called  in 
America  camp-meetings.  This  form  it  has  hitherto  generally 
retained.  Tlu>  evils  have  be(>n  palpable,  but  the  good  has  been 
greater  than  the  evil ;  and  one  f(>ars  to  conjecture  what  this  vast 
mass  of  Africans  might  hav(>  been  had  no  such  influence  l)een 
at  work  to  soften  and  elevate  them,  and  to  create  a  sort  of  tie 
between  them  and  their  ma.sters.  Christianity,  however,  has 
b(en  among  the  negroes  as  it  oft(>n  was  in  the  Dark  Ages  and  as  it 
is  in  some  countries  even  to-day,  widely  divorced  from  morality. 
The  negro  preachers,  the  natural  and  generally  the  only  leaders 
of  their  people,  are  (doubtless  with  noble  exceptions)  by  no  means 
a  model  class,  while  through  the  population  at  large  religious 
belief  and  even  religious  fervour  are  found  not  incompatible 
with  great  laxity  in  sexual  relations  and  a  proneness  to  petty 
thefts.  Fortunately,  h(>re  also  there  is  evidence  of  improvement. 
The  younger  pa.stors  are  described  as  being  more  rarely  lazy  and 
licentious  than  were  those  of  the  older  generation  ;  their  teaching 

'  .VmoiiK  the  great  lionofactions  whose  ineome  is  applied  for  the  education 
of  the  colourcil  pcniile  .'<iK'('inI  mention  may  be  made  of  the  Peabody  Fund,  the 
John  !•'.  Slater  Fund,  and  the  Daniel  Hand  Fund,  all  of  which  seem  to  be  very 
wisely  adininistired.  1  find  thi-  total  annual  sum  given  by  the  North  to  nor- 
mal uikI  I'lilli'^iate  eduealion  among  th<'  ncgroeis  estimated  at  a  million  dollara. 


CHAP,  xciv   PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  OP  THE  NEGRO        r,21 


appeals  less  to  passion  and  more  to  reason.     .Vs  it  is  only  eoloured 
preachers  who  reach  negro  conKreKutions,  the  importance  of  such 
an  improvement   can  hardly  l)e  overestimated.     There   is,   of 
course,  an  enormous  difference  between  the  coloured  churches 
in  the  cities,  esp«'cially  thos<>  of  the  Hord(>r  States,  where  on(> 
finds  a  comparatively  educated  clerpy  ai\d  laity,  with  ideas  of 
decorum  modelled  on  those  of  their  white  neighbors  and  the 
pure  negro  districts  further  south,'  in  some  of  which,  as  in  parts 
of  Louisiana,  not  merely  have  the  old  superstitions  Iteen  retained, 
hut  there  have  been  relajwes  into  the  Oix-ah  rites  and  serpent 
worship  of  African  heathendom.     How  far  this  has  gone  no 
one  can  say.     There  are  parts  of  the  lower  Mississippi  valley 
as  little  explored,  so  far  as  the  mental  and  moral  condition  of  the 
masses  is  concerned,  as  are  the  banks  of  the  ( 'ongo  and  the  Benue. 
From  what  has  been  s-iid  of  the  state  of  education,  it  will 
have  i)een  gathered  that  the  influence  of  books  is  confined  to 
extremely  few,  and  that  even  of  newspapers  to  a  small  fraction 
of  the  coloured  peojile.     Nevertheless,  the  significance  of  what- 
ever forms  the  mind  of  that  small  fraction  ?nu.st  not  be  under- 
estimated.    The  few  thousands  who  read  books  or  magazines, 
the  few  tens  of  thousands  who  see  a  daily  paper,  acquire  the 
ideas  and  beliefs  and  aspirations  of  the  normal  white  citizen, 
subject  of  course  to  the  inherent  difTer<>nces  in  race  character 
already  referred  to.     They  are  in  a  s(>ns(>  more  .\merican  than 
the  recent  immigrants  from  Central  Europe  and  from   Italy, 
who  are  now  a  substantial  element  in  the  population  of  th(> 
Middle  and  Western  States.     Witliin  this  small  section  of  the 
coloured  people  are  the  natural  leaders  of  the  millions  who  have 
not  yet  attained  to  what  maj-  be  called  the  democratic  American 
consciousness.     .\nd  tho  number  of  those  upon  whom  l)ooks 
and  new.spapers  i»lay.  in  whom  democratic  ideas  stimulate  dis- 

'  This  ia  noted  In-  Mr.  Bruct'  iti  his  hook.  77//  l'Uuil<i>ion  .\i(jro  «.<  u  Frtoumi, 
which  presents  a  striking,  thouKh  perhap-s  ton  nlnoniy  ;i  picttiri',  of  the  condition 
of  the  rare. 

Dr.  Currj-.  who  knew  the  South  thoroiiclilx-,  and  adniir.ililx  adniini.stcred 
the  Slater  Fund,  .says,  "  One  of  the  chief  drawhacks  to  civilization  in  the  negro 
race  is  the  exceedinK  difficulty  of  giving  a  predominant  ethical  character  to 
hia  relijiinii.  In  the  nia.-k  H.<!t.  rnjijjir.n  MvX  virtue  :ir--  oft<n  .'Oiisidered  as 
distinct  and  separalile  things.  The  moral  element,  good  character,  is  elin)inated 
from  the  eswential  ingredients  of  Christianity,  and  good  citizenship,  womanli- 
ness, honesty,  tnith,  <'hastity,  <leanline.ss.  trustworthiness,  are  not  always  of 
the  essence  of  religious  obligation.  .\n  inti  lligent,  pious  courageous  ministry 
is  indispt'n.sahle  to  any  hopeful  .itti'mpt  to  lift  up  the  ni'gro  Twc"  —  ^\il,intk 
Monthly  for  June,  ISOJ,  p.  V.J.'. 


522 


ILLUSTRATrONS  AND  RRPLEOTIONS 


PART   V 


i 

!  ^ 


m 


content  with  the  present  inferiority  of  their  people,  u  stea(Hly, 
and  in  some  distriets,  rapidly  increasinR.  Tiie  efforts  of  those 
who  are  beat  fitted  to  lead  have  been  liitherto  checked  by  the 
jealousy  which  the  niiuss  is  apt  to  feel  for  those  who  rise  to 
prominence;  but  tliis  tendency  may  decline,  and  there  will  \)c 
no  reason  for  surprise  if  men  of  eloqu<'nc«»  and  ami>ition  are  one 
day  found  to  give  voice  to  the  sentiments  of  their  bretlu"en  as 
Frederick  Douglass  did.' 

The  influence  of  industry  is  another  name  for  the  influence  of 
self-help.  As  a  slave,  the  negro  was  no  doubt  taught  to  give 
steady,  though  unintelligent,  lalwur ;  and  this  was  probably  a 
step  forward  from  his  condition  in  Africa.  But  labour  all  of  it 
perforraetl  under  supervision,  and  none  of  it  followed  by  any 
advantage  to  the  labourer  except  relief  from  the  lash,  labour 
whose  aim  was  to  accomplish  not  the  best  possible  but  the  least 
that  would  suffice,  did  nothing  to  raise  the  character  or  to  train 
the  intelligence.  Every  day's  work  that  the  negro  has  done 
since  he  became  a  frewlman  has  helptnl  him.  Most  of  the  work  is 
rough  work,  whether  on  the  land  or  in  the  cities,  and  is  done  for 
low  wages.  But  the  number  of  those  who,  either  as  owners  or  as 
tenant  farmers,  raise  their  own  crops  for  the  market,  and  of 
those  who  are  finding  their  way  into  skilled  employments,  is  an 
always  increasing  number.  To  raise  crops  for  the  market  is  an 
education  in  thrift,  foresight,  and  business  aptitude,  as  well  as 
in  agriculture ;  to  follow  a  skilled  industry  is  to  train  the  intel- 
ligence as  well  as  the  hand,  and  the  will  as  well  as  the  intel- 
ligence. The  provision  for  the  instruction  of  the  young  negroes 
in  any  handicraft  is  still  quite  inadequate,  though  such  insti- 
tutions at  Hampton  and  Tuskegee  have  s(>t  admirable  exam- 
ples,'* and  the  need  of  means  for  imparting  it  is  even  more 
urgent  than  is  that  of  secondary  schools.  It  is  satisfactory  to 
know  that  the  necessity  is  beginning  to  be  recognized,  and 
some  effort  made  to  provide  industrial  training.  The  first  per- 
son to  point  out  that  it  was  the  thing  most  needful,  was  the 
founder  of  Hamptcm,  one  of  the  noblest  characters  of  his  time, 
the  late  General  S.  C.  Armstrong. 

Against  the  inf  lust  rial  progress  of  the  negro  there  must  be 

'  I  remember  to  have  listcnfd  to  a  strikine  speech  by  a  neuro  in  Richmond 
in  which  he  appealed  to  the  historic  slories  of  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  sought 
to  •-■ouse  the  audience  by  reminding  tliem  that  they  too  were  Virginians. 

*  The  report  of  the  ("omniissioner  of  Edufation,  litOS-O,  indicated  that  23,100 
pupils  were  receiving  industrial  training  in  schools  above  the  elementary  grades. 


CHAP,  xnv    PRESENT  A\D  FUTl  RE  OF  THE  NEORO       623 


insaiu 


set  two  (lepmsssiiiK  i)hen()in«'na.  One  i.s  the  increase  of 
marked  since  emancipation,  and  probably  attributable  to  the 
increaswj  facilities  which  frefnlom  has  ^iven  for  obtaining  liquor, 
and  to  the  stress  which  independence  and  education  have  imposed 
on  the  undeveloped  brain  of  a  backward  race.  The  other,  not 
unconnected  with  the  fonner,  is  the  large  amount  of  crime. 
Most  of  it  is  petty  crime,  <liiefly  thefts  of  hogs  and  poultry,  but 
there  are  also  a  gcKjd  many  crimes  against  women.  Seventy 
per  cent  of  the  convicts  in  SoutluTn  jails  are  negroes ; '  and 
though  one  must  allow  for  the  fact  that  they  are  the  poorest  part 
of  the  population  and  that  the  law  is  i)robably  more  .strictly 
enforcetl  against  them  than  against  the  whites,  this  is  a  propor- 
tion double  that  of  their  numbers.*  Even  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  more  than  half  the  arrests  are  among  the  coloured 
people,  though  th(>y  are  only  one-third  of  the  inhabitants. 

The  most  potent  agency  in  the  progress  of  the  humbler  and 
more  ignorant  sections  of  a  community  has  always  been  their 
intercourse  with  those  who  are  more  advanced.  In  the  United 
States  it  is  by  their  social  commixture  \\ith  the  native  citizens 
that  European  immigrants  become  so  quickly  assimilated,  the 
British  in  two  or  three  years,  the  Germans  and  Scandinavians 
in  eight  or  ten.  But  the  pre-con(htion  of  such  commixture  is 
the  absence  of  race  repulsion  and  especially  the  possibility  of 
intermarriiige.  In  the  case  of  the  American  negro,  the  race 
repulsion  exists,  and  fusion  by  intermarriage  is  deemed  impos- 
sible. The  day  of  his  liberation  was  also  the  day  when  the 
whites  began  to  shun  intercourse  wtli  him,  and  when  opinion 
began  to  condemn,  not  merely  regular  marriage  wth  a  person 
of  colour,  for  that  had  been  always  forbidden,  but  even  an 
ilHcit  union. 

To  understand  the  very  peculiar  phenomena  which  mark  the 
relations  of  the  twcj  races,  one  must  tlistinguish  between  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States. 

In  the  North  there  was  l)efore  the  war  a  marked  aversion  to 


'  The  South  U  still  far  iH'hiiid  tin-  North  in  mattt'rs  of  prison  manajtpm<?nt. 
(onviota,  and  soinotiincs  white  as  well  iis  iMjlourcd  convicts,  are  in  many  Statoa 
hinxl  out  to  private  einpIo.\-ers  or  companies  for  rough  work,  and  very  harshly 
treated. 

'  Note,  however,  that  in  the  rest  of  the  Union  (North  East,  North  Central 
and  West),  the  proportion  of  pri.soners  in  the  jails  is  much  higher  among  the 
foreii^  horn  than  in  the  population  at  large,  doubtless  because  they  are  the 
pooreat  class. 


A24 


ILUSTKATIONS  AND  ItKFLKCTIOXS 


I'VKT    > 


till'  ucKii)  and  u  ouiiiplctt'  ul».s«i»'i'  of  MM-ial  iiittTcourst'  with 
him.  Thr  m'Kroes  wen-,  of  courst',  uinouK  the  poon'st  uiid  least 
(•(kicatcHl  pcrsouM  in  the  ooiniiiunity.  Mut  the  poorest  white 
looked  down  upon  them  just  as  much  as  the  richest ;  and  in 
many  States  they  enjoyed  no  p«)liti«'al  rights.  The  sympathy 
felt  for  them  during  the  Civil  War,  the  evidence  of  courage 
and  capacity  for  discipline  thi-y  Kuve  as  .soldiers  in  the  Fi'deral 
Army,  and  the  disposition  to  piotect  them  which  the  Republi- 
can party  showed  during  the  Hecon.struction  |M'rio<l,  nuxli- 
fied  this  aversion  ;  and  in  the  North  they  are  not  subject  to  any 
legal  disabilities.  They  are  occasionally  admitt«'<l  to  some  inferior 
political  office,  or  even  to  a  s<'at  in  a  State  legislature.  The 
Women's  ( "hristian  Temperance  Union  receives  them  as  members, 
and  .so  does  tlie  (Jrand  .Vrmy  of  the  Rj'public,  though  they  are 
grouped  in  distinct  "po-ts."  People  sometinu's  take  pleasure 
in  going  out  t)f  their  way  to  compliment  them.  A  coloured  stu- 
dent was  once  cho.sen  by  his  companions  at  Harvard  University 
to  be  the  "class  orator"  of  the  year;  and  I  know  of  ca.ses  in 
which  the  lawyers  of  a  city  have  signml  memorials  recom- 
mending a  coloured  barrister  for  appointment  to  an  important 
F<Hleral  office.  Nevertheless,  there  is  practically  no  .social  inter- 
mixture of  white  and  cohjured  people.  Exce|)t  on  the  Pacific 
coast,  a  negro  never  sits  down  to  dinner  with  a  white  man, 
in  a  railway  refreshment-room.  You  never  encounter  him  at  a 
private  party.  He  is  not  received  in  a  hotel  of  the  better  sort, 
no  matter  how  rich  he  may  be.  He  will  pn)i)ably  be  refused 
a  glass  of  s(Kla  water  at  a  drug  store.  He  is  not  shaved  in  a  place 
fi-equented  by  white  men,  not  even  by  a  barber  of  his  own  colour. 
He  worshii)s  in  a  church  of  his  own.  No  native  white  woman 
would  dr(>am  of  receiving  liis  addres.ses.  Kindly  condescension  is 
the  best  he  can  look  for,  accompanied  by  etpaality  of  access  to  a 
business  or  profcs.>ion.  Social  (Mjuality  is  utterly  out  of  his  reach, 
and  in  many  <listri<ts  he  has  not  even  equality  of  economic 
opportunity,  for  the  white  labourer  may  refu.se  to  work  with 
him  and  his  colour  may  i)rove  a  bar  to  his  obtaining  employ- 
ment except  of  the  lowest  kind. 

In  the  Scmtli,  on  the  other  hand,  the  whites  had  before  the 
war  no-  sense  of  personal  repulsion  from  the  negro.  The  do- 
mestic slave  was  in  the  closest  relation  with  his  master's  family. 
Sometimes  he  was  his  master's  trusted  friend.  The  white  child 
grew  up  with  the  black  child  as  its  playmate.    The  legal  in- 


fHAi-    Xfiv     PRKHKNT    '  ND   Fl  TlUK  OF  rUK   \F.(i 


rio 


equality  was  so  iimncus.  tliat  fumiliurit.v  \va.s  not  felt  to  involve 
any  disturbam-f  of  tlir  uttitu  Ic  ol  .(.inmaiul.     With  cnumcipu- 
tion  th«'rc  nuist  nerds  coiui'  u  cliannc  ;  l)iii   the  change  would 
have  come  njore  gently,  ami  left  a   Letter   relation  subsisting, 
had  it  not  In-en  for  the  unhappy  turn  which  things  took  in  the 
Reeonst ruction  pericjd  under  the  <loiniiianc.'  of  the  negro  vote. 
The  white   pi-oph.    were    then    thorougiiiy    frighteneil.      They 
thought  that  the  aim  of  the  North  was  to  force  them  to  admit 
not  only  the  eivie  hut  the  social  <«iuality  of  the  freedmen,  and 
they  resolvnl,  if  one  can  api)ly  the  language  of  deliherate  pur- 
pose to  what   was  rather  an   unconsci-Mis  and   uiu-ontrollahlu 
impulse,  to  maintain  the  social  inferiority  of  the  negro  as  well 
as  to  exelu(h'   him   from    |>oiitica!    power.     The\    declare  that 
they  know  him  better  and  like  him  Letter  than  the  Northern 
people  do.     That   there  is   not   among  the  e(|ucate<l  whites  of 
the  South  any  hostility  to  the  race  as  a  race  is  true  enough. 
The  sons  of   the  jjlanters,  an<l    of   the  Letter  cla>s  generally, 
have  kindly  recollections  of  their  former  slaves,  and  get  on  well 
with  their  negro  .servants  and  workmen  ;  while  among  the  freed- 
men, now  comparatively  few,  there  is  still  a  loyal  attachment 
to  the   children  of  their   former  masters.     Tlie   |)oor  whites, 
however,  di.slike  the  negroes,  resent    the   slightest   assumption 
of  (H^uaUty  on  the  part  of  the  latter,'  aii<l  show  their  hatred  Ly 
violence,  sometimes  even   Ly  ferocity,   wlim  any  disturlwince 
arises  or  when  a  negro   fugitive  has  to  Le  pursued.      K.xcept 
so  far  as  it  is  involved  in  domestic  service,  the  servants  in   ;he 
South  being  nearly  all  negroes,  there  is  now  little  intercourse 
between  whites  and  Llacks.     In  many  States  the  law  re<iuires 
the    railroad    and    even    the    street-<;tr   companies    to   provide 
separate  cars  for  the  latter,  thougli   there  are  cities,  such  as 
Baltimore  an<l  Washington,  where  tlie  same  cars  are  used  Ly 
both  races.     In  most   parts  of  tlie  South  a  person  of  colour 
cannot   enter  a  public   refreshnw  Mt-roo?ii   used   by   the  whites 
except  as  tin-  .servant  of  a  white;  and  one  ni.iy  see  the  most 
respectable    and,    possibly,    even    educated    coloured    woman, 
perhaps  almost  white,  forced  into  tlie  cojnured  car  among  rough 
negroes,  while  the  black  nm<i-  m  vhav-io  of  a  wliitc  cliiiii  i.s  ;ul- 
mitted  to  the  white  car.     The  two  races  ■'-;>  everywhen-  taught 
in  distinct  .schools  and  colleges,  though  ui  one  or  two  places 

'  A  VirKiniiin  ()l)s<Tvc<t  to  iiic,  "Our  whites  don't  iiiolost  tho  ricRroow  so  long 
as  the  negroes  don't  prcsuiiu- 1" 


626 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


negroes  have  boon  allowod  to  stiuly  in  the  medical  or  law  classes. 
They  worship  in  difforont  churches.  Thounh  the  negroes  read 
the  ordinary  papers,  they  al.so  support  thoir  own  distinct  organs. 
They  have  distinct  Young  Men's  Christian  Associations.  With 
some  exceptions  in  the  ca.sc  of  unskilled  trades,  they  are  not  ad- 
mitted to  trade  unions.'  In  concert  halls  and  theatres,  if  the 
coloured  are  admitted  at  all,  it  is  to  an  inferior  part  of  the  cham- 
ber. They  are,  however,  sometimes  calle<l  to  serve  on  juries. 
Civil  justice  is  mostly  fairly  administered  as  lietween  the  races, 
but  not  criminal  justice.  In  mo.st  parts  ot  the  South  a  white 
man  would  run  little  more  risk  of  being  hangetl  for  the  murder 
of  a  negro  than  a  Mussulman  in  Turkey  for  the  murder  of  a 
Christian. 

Under  so  complete  a  system  of  .separation,  it  is  clear  that  the 
influence  of  social  intercourse  between  whites  and  blacks,  an 
influence  to  which  the  domestii;  slaves  before  the  war  owed 
much,  now  counts  for  little.  But  the  question  of  the  attitude 
of  the  whites  has  another  side.  It  means  more  than  th(>  .sus- 
pension of  a  civilizing  agency.  Some  Southern  observers  say 
that  the  coloured  generation  which  has  grown  up  .since  the  war, 
and  which  has  been  in  less  close  touch  with  the  white  people 
than  were  the  slaves  and  freedmen  of  the  last  generation,  is 
less  friendly  to  them.  It  has  lost  the  instinctive  sense  of 
subservience  and  dependence,  and  its  more  erlucateci  mem- 
bers feel  acutely  the  contra.st  between  their  legal  equality  and 
their  inequality  in  every  other  respect.  The  lower  class 
are  also  often  unfriendly,  prone  to  suspicion  and  violence. 
In  this  situation  there  lie  possibilities  of  danger.  The 
strained  relations  of  the  races  appear  most  frequently  in  the 
lynchings  of  negroes.  It  is  extremely  hard  to  ascertain  the 
truth  of  the  reports  regarding  these  lawless  act."  But  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  over  the  South  and,  tr  a  smaller 
extent,  in  the  North  also,  negroes  accused  of  assassinating 
white  men,  or  of  outraging  white  women  or  children  are  fre- 
quently seized  by  white  mobs  and  summarily  killed;  that 
occasionally,  though  probably  not  often,  an  "innocent  man 
perishes,  and  that  the  killing  is  sometimes  accompanied  by  cir- 
cumstances of  revolting  cruelty.  Nuw  and  then  (he  culprit 
is  burned  alive.     Often  his  body,  after  he  has  been  hanged,  is 

'  Their  unions  worp  however  adniittod  to  tho  fedpration  of  ;hc  Kiiit'hf.s  ot 
Liibor.  Soniotinies  thcro  is  u  (olound  union  M-t'ing  in  conjun.-tion  with  u  white 
one. 


CHAP,  xciv    PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  OP  THE  NEGRO        527 


riddlal  Avith  bullets,  a  piece  of  barbarism  akin  to  the  Eastern 
habit  of  mutilating  the  corpses  of  the  slain.  The  excuses  offered 
for  these  acts  arc  that  white  women,  especially  in  sparsely 
inhabited  regions,  are  in  considerable  danger  from  the  lust  of 
brutal  negroes,  and  that  the  swift  apprehension  and  slaughter 
of  the  culprit  not  only  strikes  greater  ilread  than  the  regular 
process  of  justice,  but  does  not  gratify  the  negro's  enjoyment  of 
the  pomp  and  ceremony  of  a  formal  trial  before  a  judge.  It  is 
also  declaretl,  and  with  truth,  that  whites  also  are  lynchecl,  though 
not  so  frequently  and  in  a  less  atrocious  way,'  that  the  negroes 
themselves  occasionally  lynch  a  negro,  that  it  is  hard  for  the 
executive  authority,  with  no  force  except  the  militia  at  its  com- 
mand, to  protect  prisoners  and  repress  disorder,  and  that  the 
lynchings  are  the  work  of  a  comparatively  small  and  rude  part 
of  the  white  population;  the  better  citizens  disapproving,  but 
being  unable  or  unwilling  to  interfere. 

Whatever  i  'iations  may  l)e  found  in  these  circumstances, 
—  and  it  is  qune  true  that  in  a  thinly  people<l  and  unpoliced 
country  white  women  d<  stand  in  serious  risk,  —  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  i)ractice  of  lynching  has  a  pernicious 
effect  on  the  whites  themselves,  accustoming  them  to  cruelty, 
and  fostering  a  spirit  of  lawlessness  which  tells  for  evil  on  every 
branch  of  government  and  pubhc  life.  Were  the  negroes  less 
cowed  by  the  superior  strength  and  numbers  of  the  whites, 
reprisals,  now  rare,  woulil  i;e  more  fretjucnt.  Yet  even  in  a  race 
with  so  little  vindictiveness  or  temper,  terrible  mischief  is  done. 
The  tondency  to  accept  the  leadership  of  the  whites,  and  to  seek 
progress  rather  by  industrial  and  educational  than  by  political 
efforts  has  been  damped,  and  the  establishment  of  good  feeling 
and  a  sense  of  public  security  retanhnl.  The  humble  negro  shuns 
contact  with  the  whites,  not  knowing  when  some  band  of  roughs 
may  mishandle  him  ;  and  sometimes  a  lynching  is  followed  by  a 
sudden  rush  of  coloured  emigration  from  the  State  or  district 
where  it   has  happene<l.'    The  educated   anrl   aspiring  negro 

'  There  was,  howi-ver,  an  instanc(>  Bonic  yonrs  aRo,  in  which  the  party  which 
was  htintine  for  a  wliid-  nuinlcrrT  !Uim>uiicc<l  their  intention  of  ImrninB  him. 
i  do  not  know  whether  he  wiu>  eauKhi.  I  ii;ive  even  read  in  tlio  newspapers  of 
p  vase  in  whieh  a  en)wi|  allowitl  two  women  to  flog  a  third  to  death,  Imt  this 
waa  in  a  wihl  mountain  n-nion.     All  thi-  parties  were  whites. 

'  When  tljc  Territory  of  Okhihonui  wan  o|>ened  for  H'ttlement,  neRroes  flocked 
in  from  Miaaouri  and  .\rkani«i.H  h<>i>inK  to  obtain  bettci-  seourity  for  themselvei 
by  their  prcseiMT  in  cuusidurablu  nuiatxira. 


528 


ILLPSTRATIOXS  AND  REPLKCTFONS 


PART    V 


resents  the  siiva,u;e  spirit  sIuavii  towards  his  colour,  though  he 
feels  his  helplessness  too  keenly  to  attempt  any  action  which 
could  check  it. 

This  social  repulsion  and  its  consequences  present  a  painful 
contrast  to  the  eflfecit  of  the  four  previous  influences  we  have 
examine<l.  As  respects  their  intelligence,  their  character,  their 
habits  of  industry,  the  eolouretl  people  are  in  most  States  mak- 
ing real  progress.  It  is  a  progress  very  unequal  as  regards  the 
different  regions  of  the  country,  and  perhaps  may  not  extend  to 
some  districts  of  the  so-calhnl  HIack  Belt,  which  stretches  from 
the  coast  of  South  Carolina  across  the  Gulf  States.  It  is  most 
evident  in  the  matter  of  education,  less  evident  as  respects 
religion  and  the  influence  of  literature.  Its  economic  results 
are  i)erceptil)le  in  the  accumulation  of  property  by  city  workmen, 
in  the  acquisition  of  small  farms  by  rural  cultivators,  in  the  slow, 
but  steady,  increase  in  the  number  of  coloured  people  in  the 
professions  of  metlicine,  law,  and  literature.  Were  it  accom- 
panied by  a  growth  of  gooil  feeling  between  whites  and  negroes, 
and  a  more  natural  and  friendly  intercourse  between  them  in 
business  and  in  social  matters,  the  horizon  would  be  bright,  and 
the  political  difficulties,  which  I  shall  presently  describe,  neetl 
not  cause  alarm.  This  intercourse  is,  I'jwever,  conspicuously 
absent.  The  progress  of  the  coloured  people  has  l)een  accom- 
panied by  the  evolution  of  social  cla.sses  \vithin  their  own  body. 
Wealthy  and  educated  negroes,  such  as  one  maj'  now  find  in 
cities  like  Baltimore,  Louisville,  Richmond,  Atlanta,  and  New 
Orleans,  have  come  to  form  a  cultured  group,  who  are  looked  up 
to  by  the  poorer  class.'  But  the.se  cultunnl  groups  are  as  little 
in  contact  with  their  white  neighbours  as  are  the  humblest 
colouriKl  labourers,  perhaps  even  less  so.  No  prospect  is  open 
to  them,  whatever  wealth  or  culture  they  may  acquire,  of  find- 
ing an  ent.ance  into  white  society,  and  they  are  made  to  feel  in  a 
thousand  ways  that  they  !)elong  to  a  caste  condemned  to  per- 
petual inferiority.  Their  spokesmen  in  the  press  have  latterly 
so  fully  realizjxl  the  position  as  to  declare  that  they  do  not  seek 
.social  equality  with  the  whites,  that  they  are  quite  willing  to 

'  The  iiiuiattiM-s  or  (luadnjoiiH  un-.  u»  a  nil*-,  more  advanred  than  the  pure 
blarks,  and  art*  alli-Ki'd  to  avoid  intemiarriaRc  with  the  latter.  Now  and  then, 
howi'ver,  a  pun'  hluck  may  he  found  of  n>marka>)le  intelligenre.  Hueh  a  one, 
a  Ix)uiHiana  farmer,  who  read  and  t.'ilked  with  senw  and  judgment  alx)ut  the 
(ireek  philosophcra,  is  denorilM-d  in  the  icraphie  and  inrtnietive  sketchca  ealled 
atudiai  in  the  tknilh.  —  Atlantic  MutUMy  for  February,  IbtU. 


cum:  x<  IV    PRRSEXT  AND  FUTUIIK  OF  TIIK  XKORO  r,29 

l)uil(l  up  a  st'parutc  sot-i.-ty  ot  tlicir  (mii,  am  I  seek  iinllifr  iiiter- 
niarriufic  nor  social  iiitcrcours..,  but  that  what  they  do  ask  ia 
fqual  opi)ortin.ity  in  business,  the  professions,  and  iwlities 
equal  reeogintion  of  the  worth  of  their  manhood,  and  a  discon- 
tniuanee  of  the  social  huniiUations  ti.ey  are  now  conipelknl  to 
emiiire. 

Fnmi  tliis  attempt  to  sketch  th(>  i)hen(niieMa  of  the  present 
I  pr(,ceed  to  consider  the  future.  Th.-  future  has  two  ,,rol)lems 
tosoive.  Oneispohticai;  the  „tiu-r  social.  Ihav  is  the  determ- 
mation  of  the  whites  to  rule  to  he  rec(,nciled  with  th<'  posse.s.sion 
\>y  tlie  n(>Kroes  of  ,.,,ual  ri-hts  of  suJVraKe?  How  can  the  social 
severance  or  anta.ij;oni,sm  of  the  two  rac(>s,  -  !,v  whichever  term 
we  are  to  de.scrihe  it,  -  the  haughty  as.sertion  of  superiority 
by  the  whites  and  tht'  suppressed  resentment  of  the  more  ad- 
vanced amons  the  coh.ured  j)eople,  he  prevented  from  ripening 
mto  a  settliHl  distrust  and  ho.^tility  which  mav  affect  the  peace 
and  prosperity  of  the  South  for  centurirs  to  come? 

The  methcMis  wherehy  the  negroes  have  been  prevented  from 
exercisuiK  the  riphts  of  sutTraKe  vested  in  them   hy  law  have 
'<M>n   described  in   the  last   prece<linK  chapter.     These  means 
become  less  violent  as  tlie  negroes  more  and  more  acquiesced 
m  ^hcir  exclusion  ;  but  whether  violent    or  i)acific,  they  were 
almost  uniformly  successful.     In  the  .«-o-called  liorder  States 
the  whites  have  Ix-en  in  so  great  a  majoritv  that  the-  do  not 
care  to  interfere  with  th<.  coloure<l  vote,  e.xcept  now  an.l  then 
by  the  use  of  money.     Through  th<'  rest  of  the  South  the  negro 
;-ame  to  realize  that  he  would   not    be   permitted   to  exercise 
any  influence  (.n  the  government  ;  and  his  interest  in  coming 
lo  the  polls  declined   accordingly.     The  main    cau.se  of  this 
resolve  of  the  whites  to  keep  ,K)wer  entirelv  in  their  own  hands 
IS  the  ala.m  they  feel  at  th..  po.ssibility  of  ,„.gro  domination 
A  stranger,  whether  from  the  North  or  from  Kurope,  thinks  thi.s 
alarm  groundless.     He  perceives  that  tlw  whites  liave  not  only 
the  habit  of  command.  i)Ut   als<i  ncarlv  all  the  property    the 
mtellig<.nce,   an.l    the    force    of   character  whi.h   exist   in'  the 
country.     He  reminds  his  Southern  hosts  that  the  balance  oven 
of  numbers  is  inclining  more  aiul  more  in  their  favour :   and 
that  the  probability  of  Northern  interventii.n  on  behalf  of  the 
exclud(>.l  negro  voter  has  become,  sine  the  failure  of  theFetleral 
Elections  liill  „f  1890,  extremely  slight,  while  the  other  con- 
ditions of  m\7  can  never  recur.     On  this  jwint,  however  the 
2  m  ' 


630 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


Southern  man  is  immovable.  To  him  it  is  a  simple  question  of 
self-preservation.  "We  Uke  the  negro,"  said  a  leader  among 
them  to  me  some  years  ago ;  "we  know  he  must  stay ;  we  de- 
sire to  treat  him  well.  But  if  he  votes,  we  must  vote  him,  or 
outvote  him." 

The  results  of  the  policy  followed  were  unfortunate.  The 
negroes,  naturally  docile  aiu'  Jisi)osed  to  follow  the  lead  of  their 
white  employer  or  neighbour,  felt  themselves  suspected,  and 
lived  in  a  terror  of  being  stripped  of  the  civic  rights  which  they 
were  not  suffered  to  exercise,  like  the  terror  which  for  a  time 
possessed  them  of  being  thrown  back  into  slavery.  So  far  as 
they  voted  at  all  they  mostly  clung  together,  and  voted  solid, 
intimidating  or  boycotting  any  one  of  their  number  who  was 
supposed  to  be  a  "bolter."  The  whiles,  accustomed  to  justify 
their  use  of  force  or  f •^ud  by  the  plea  of  necessity,  be- 
came callous  to  electoral  malpractices.  The  level  of  purity 
and  honesty  in  poUtical  methods,  once  comparatively  high, 
decUned ;  and  the  average  Southern  conscience  grew  to  be  no 
more  sensitive  than  is  that  of  professional  pohticians  in  North- 
em  cities.  Nor  was  the  mischief  confined  to  elections.  The 
existence  of  this  alarm  has,  by  making  the  South  regard  the 
negro  as  the  capital  question  in  national  as  well  as  State 
poUtics,  warpetl  the  natural  growth  of  political  opinion  and 
poUtical  parties  upon  all  those  other  current  questions  which 
engage  the  mind  of  the  peopl(%  and  has  to  that  extent  retarded 
their  reabsorption  into  the  general  political  Ufe  of  the  Republic. 

These  evils  were  generally  recognized.  Out  of  the  various 
remedies  that  were  proposed  for  their  cure,  three  deserve  to 
be  specially  note<l. 

The  first  was  (as  proposed  in  the  bill  t)f  1890)  to  give  protec- 
tion to  the  colouretl  vot  t  by  the  action  of  I'ederal  officers 
backed  by  Federal  troops.  This  could,  of  course,  be  done 
under  the  Constitution  at  Fetleral  elections  only,  and  would 
not  cover  the  equally  important  State  and  local  elections.  It 
would,  moreover  (as  the  discussions  of  1890  showetl),  provoke 
great  exasperation  at  the  South,  and  might  lead  to  breaches 
of  the  peace,  from  which  the  negroes  would  be  the  chief  suf- 
ferers. The  whole  South  would  resist  it,  and  no  small  part  of 
the  Northern  people  would  dishke  it. 

A  second  and  opposite  remedy  was  to  repeal  the  Fifteenth 
Amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  leave  each  State 


CHAP,  xciv    PHKSKNT  AND  FLTLHE  OP  THE  NEGRO       531 


free  to  exclude  negroes  from  the  suffrage.  This  plan,  although 
sometimes  put  forward  l)y  men  of  ability,  was  even  more  im- 
practicable than  the  preceding  one.  A  majority  of  three- 
fourths  of  the  Stat(!S  could  not  possibly  be  secured  for  the 
repeal  of  a  provision  whidi  the  Northern  people  regard  a& 
sealing  one  of  tlie  main  results  of  the  Civil  War. 

The  third  suggested  schem(!  was  to  limit  the  suffrage  by 
some  educational  or  even  some  i)ecuniary  qualification  —  al- 
though American  sentiment  dislikes  a  property  qualification, 
calculated  to  exclude  many  or  most  of  the  negroes,  not  as  ne- 
groes, but  because  they  were  ignorant  or  poor.  Such  a  scheme, 
though  proposed  by  den.  Wade  Hampton  in  South  Carolina  as 
far  back  as  1867,  was  not  triwl  until  1890,  when  Mississippi, 
by  her  Constitution  of  that  year,'  provided  that  a  person 
applying  to  be  registered  as  a  voter  "shall  be  able  to  read 
any  section  of  the  Constitution,  or  be  able  to  understand  the 
same  when  read  to  him,  or  to  give  a  reasonable  interpretation 
thereof." 

The  advantages  of  such  a  method  are  obvious,  and  have 
suggesttnl  its  adoption  in  a  British  colony  where  the  presence 
of  a  large  coloured  population  raised  a  problem  not  dis- 
similar to  that  w(  have  been  examiriing.2  Recognizing  the 
neetl  of  knowledge  and  intelligence  for  the  due  exercise  of  po- 
litical  power,  it  excludes  a  large  mass  of  confessetUy  incom- 
petent persons,  wJiile  leaving  the  door  open  for  those  negroes 
whose  instructed  capacity  brings  them  up  to  the  level  of  the 
bulk  of  the  whites,  and  who,  in  .some  places,  may  be  now  from 
one-fifth  to  one-fourth  of  the  whole  negro  population.  Thus 
it  may  operate,  not  only  as  an  improvement  in  the  electoral 
body,  but  as  an  incentive  to  educational  progress. 

The  obstacles  to  the  adoption  of  the  plan  were,  however, 
serious.  One  was  that  in  disfrancliising  their  negroes  for 
want  of  education,  most  Southern  States  would  have  also  to 
disfranchise  that  part  of  their  white  population,  which   was 

'  There  wm  ont-  nrgm  mrmhfr  in  tho  ronviiitioti  that  c-nartwl  this  Consti- 
tution, which  v,a!>  m-v.-r  ilx-  it  noted i  »ut)niitti<l  to  the  j)opular  vote. 

'In  <'■:}•,--■  <^V>!-,ijy  tlif  Frintrliisr  .iii.i  Haii.it  Art  of  1n;i_-  laiwd  (]i<-  (previ- 
ously very  low)  property  .]ii:ilifieati..ti  for  the  sufTniKc  and  provided  (|  6) 
that  no  iM-rsoii  shall  in-  registir.  d  a.-  an  elector  "  unless  ho  is  able  to  aiicn  hi^ 
name  and  writi'  his  address  and  oeenpation.  "  These  provisions  disqualify 
the  KTcat  hulk  of  the  nativi-  eoloiind  people,  few  of  whom  have,  as  may  be 
supposed,  Bn>-  interest  in  politics. 


532 


ILLUSTRATIONS   AND   IlKFLKCTIONS 


PART 


below  any  eilucational  standard  IurIi  cnoiish  to  cxc'lude  the 
mass  of  nogroos.  Tlu*  porcentaKc  of  illiterates  to  tlu^  whole 
I>opulation  over  ten  years  of  age  was  in  ISno  in  the  South- 
eastern States  14.5  and  in  the  South-western  15.  To  expect 
these  voters  (about  l,n2,()(X))  to  disfranehise  themselves  for 
th(^  sake  of  excluding  negroes  was  to  expeet  too  mueh.  The 
other  was  that  every  Hmitation  of  the  suffrage  might  diminisii  pro 
tnnto  (^Amendment  XIV.)  a  State's  representation  in  Fe<leral 
elections,  therel)y  weakening  its  inHuence  in  Federal  affairs 
and  mortifying  its  self-esteem.  The  State  of  Mississippi,  while 
facing,  as  it  safely  miglit,  this  jK)ssil)ility,  evailed  the  former  diffi- 
culty by  the  ingenious  loopliole  under  whicrh  the  registering 
officials  may  aihnit  wiiites  who,  thougii  illiterate,  are  al)le  to  give 
a  "reasonal)le  interpretation"  of  any  section  of  the  State  Con- 
stitution. Sucli  whites  haves  one  is  told,  been  able  to  satisfy 
the  officials  far  more  generally  than  have  the  negroes.  And  if 
this  particular  section  happens  to  be  put  to  them,  their  conunon 
sense  will  find  its  interpretation  obvious.  Other  States  have 
since  18!K)  tried  other  methods,  which  arc  mentioned  in  the 
following  chapter. 

Even  graver  than  the  political  difficulties  which  have  been 
described  is  the  social  problem  raised  by  the  coexistence  on  the 
same  soil,  under  the  same  free  government,  of  two  races  so 
widely  differing  that  they  do  not  intermingle.  Social  disparity 
or  social  oppression  cuts  <leeper  than  any  political  severance ; 
and  time,  so  far  from  curing  tlie  mischief,  seems  during  the 
last  thirty  or  forty  years  to  have  aggravated  it.  Politics  l(?av(! 
imtouched  large  parts  of  the  field  of  human  life,  even  in  the 
United  States;  and  the  political  inferiority  of  the  coloured 
race,  since  it  is  the  result  of  their  retarded  intellectual  develop- 
ment, seems  in  accord  with  nature.  Social  inferiority,  which 
is  felt  at  every  moment,  and  which  reduces  or  destroys  the 
sense  of  human  brotherh(K)d,  is  a  more  serious  matter. 

This  prol)lein  is,  moreover,  a  new  (me  in  history,  for  the 
relations  of  the  ruling  and  subj(>ct  races  of  iMirope  and  Asia 
supply  no  parallel  to  it.  Whoever  examines  the  records  of  the 
past  will  find  that  the  continued  juxtaposition  of  two  races 
has  always  been  followed  either  by  the  disappearance  of  the 
weaker  or  by  the  intermixture  of  the  two.  Where  race  antag- 
onisms still  remain,  as  in  parts  of  ?]astern  P^urope,  and  on  a  far 
larger  scale  in  Asia,  one  may  exi)ect  a  similar  solution  to  be 


CHAP,  xciv    PRKSKNT  AND   KITCKK  OF  TIIK   NKCiliO        .^33 

ulti.nut.ly    r..a.-lu.,l.     la   Transylvania,    lor   instan,,..    Sax<,ns 
Magyars,  and  Houn.ans  stan.l  apart  from  om- anoth.-r.  all  tlircc 
but  ..sp<.c.ally  tlu.  two  latt.-r,  mutually  suspicious  an.l  ,x,liti,-allv 
hos  lie     So  furtluT  c-ast  on-  finds  strong  religious  antagoni^ns 
(not  without  serious  attendant  eviM,  suc-h  :i.s  those  of  Sum.is 
hluahs    and    (  l.nstians   i,.  U-,.,er,.    Asia,  or   of   Hindus  an<i 
Mussulmans  m  India.  anla-.ui>M,s,   houever.  whirl,  only  par- 
tially   coincide    with    r.i,-,.   dilferen.rs.  and    have    thrown    tlu- 
latter  quite  into  th,.  shade.     In  all  such  rases,  how.-ver,  though 
one  race  or  religion  may  he  h.r  tl...  mom.nt  .lominant    then- 
is  no  necessary  or  p,.nn.m,Mt    distin.tion  helweii  them;  and 
here   is,  il    the  reliKious  dilhrulty  ean    I,,-   ovemm.e,   a  ,M3ssi- 
..l.ty  ot  mt,.rmaiTiag<-.     Oth.-r  eases  n.ay  he  suggested!  where  a 
fusion  is  improl.ahle,  as  hetwec-n  the  Hritish  and  th.-  natives  in 
India,  or  the  colonists  Mn<l  the  natives  in  South  Africa      Hut  the 
European  riil.rs  of  India  aiv  a  mere  h:,n<lful  in  comparison  with 
the  natives,  nor  <l..  they  s.-ttl.'  in  India  so  as  to  form  a  part  of 
Its  permanent  population.     In  New  Zealaml.  tlu- Maoris,  hitherto 

adiminishinghody.thougl w  just  m.iintaining  their  numhers 

live  apart  on  their  own  lands,  hut  seem  likelv  to  he  ultimately 
ahsorhed  l,y  the  whites.  In  Western  S.iuth  Ameri.-a  the 
Spanish  settlers  have,  in  some  regi<,„s,  verv  luruclv  mingled  their 
I)Io(kI  wnth  that  of  the  native-  Indians,  an.l  inav  ultiniatelv  become 
as  much  blent  with  the  latter  as  has  befallen  in  Mexico  The 
IM'Cuhar  feature  of  the  race  problem  as  it  i)resents  itself  in  the 
Unit<Hl  States  is,  that  the  negroes  are  in  many  districts  one- 
third  or  even  one-half  of  tin-  population,  are  force<l  to  live  in 
the  clos".st  local  contiguity  with  the  whites,  and  are  for  tin- 
purpo.ses  ».«f  industry  indispensable  to  the  latter,  yet  are  <o 
sharply  cut  oflf  from  the  whites  by  colour  and  all  that  colour 
means,  that  not  merely  a  mingling  of  blood,  but  anv  social  ap- 
proximation, is  regarded  with  horror,  and  perpetual  severance 
is  deenuHl  a  law  of  nature. 

From  such  a  ))osition  what  issue?  One  hears  little  said  in 
.America  of  any  |)ossible  issue,  partly  because  the  nation  is 
tired  of  the  whole  subject,  which  has.  in  one  form  or  another, 
vexed  it  ever  since  the  early  d.iys  of  !.,4  renturv.  jmrtiv  lu- 
cause  every  plan  that  has  been  suggested  is  opj-n  to  patent 
objections.     Several,  however,  may  deserve  to  be  mentioned. 

Even  long  before  the  war.  and  often  since,  it  has  been  pro- 
postHl  that  the  negroes  should  be  retrans|)orted  to  Africa.     The 


S34 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   T 


ir 


lay 


petty  and  stagnant  Republic  of  Liberia  owes  its  origin  to  the 
idea  that  it  might  furnish  a  home  for  Afro-Amerieun  freedmen, 
and  a  centre  whence  they  might  be  dispersed  in  larger  and 
larger  numbers  through  their  ancient  home.  But  in  1910  the 
more  or  less  civilized  population  of  Liberia  of  American  origin 
was  only  some  18,00(),  the  million  of  other  inhabitants  being 
aborigines,  and  the  badly  administered  State  was  unable  to  pay 
its  way. 

There  are  two  fatal  objections  to  the  plan  of  exporting  the 
Southern  negroes  to  Africa.  One  is  that  they  will  not  go ;  the 
other  that  the  whites  cannot  afford  to  let  them  go.  There  is 
nothing  to  attract  them  in  the  prospect  of  being  uprootetl  from 
their  homes  in  a  country  where  the  comforts  of  civilization 
are  attainable  by  industry,  and  thrown  upon  a  new  shore, 
already  occupied  by  savages  of  whose  very  languages,  except 
in  the  few  spots  where  English  is  spoken,  they  are  ignorant.' 
The  Southern  whites,  so  far  from  encouraging,  would  resist 
their  departure;  for  it  would  mean  the  loss  of  the  lal)our  by 
which  more  than  half  the  crops  of  the  South  are  raised,  and 
a  great  part  of  her  mining  and  iron-working  industries  carried 
on.  Much  of  the  country  might,  for  a  time  at  least,  remain 
untilled  and  useless  were  the  negro  to  disappear ;  for  of  the 
introtluction  of  coolie  labour  from  India  there  can  be  no  talk 
in  a  nation  which  has  so  strictly  forbidden  the  entrance  of 
Chinese.  The  negro,  in  short,  is  essential  to  the  material  pros- 
perity of  the  South,  and  his  departure  woukl  mean  ruin  to  it. 
Even  now,  the  Atlantic  States  do  what  they  can  tc  prevent 
their  coloured  labourers  from  leaving  them  to  go  west.^ 

Apart  from  these  obstacles,  the  transference  of  many  mill- 
ions of  people  from  one  continent  to  another  is  beyond  the 
horizon  of  the  possible.  Their  annual  irvrea-se  exceeds  200,000, 
quite  as  large  a  number  as  could  be,  in  a  single  year,  conveyed 
to  and  provide<l  for  in  Africa.  How  many  emigrant  ships,  and 
at  what  cost,  would  be  needed  even  for  this,  not  to  speak  of 
the  far  larger  expenses  needed  to  keep  them  from  starving 
till  they  had  begu.;  to  scatter  themselves  through  the  interior 
of  Africa !    To  proceed  by  transporting  even  200,000  a  year, 

•  A  variation  of  this  suggestion  has  been  that  while  the  pure  blacks  should 
be  exported  to  Africa,  the  (usually  more  advanced)  inulattoos  and  quadroons 
might  go  to  reclaim  the  Antilles.     See  An  Apixnl  to  Pharaoh;   New  York,  1890. 

'  Some  States  punish  with  fines  or  imprisonment  any  one  entering  the  Stat« 
for  the  purpose  of  eudeavuuriug  tu  draw  the  negroes  to  States  further  west. 


CHAP,  xciv    PRESENT  AND  FUTURE  OF  THE  NEGRO        535 


would  bo  to  try  to  empty  a  runaiiiK  streur  i  by  a  latlle.  The 
notion  of  such  a  solution  has  been  abandoi..fI  by  all  sensible 
men  in  America,  though  here  and  there  a  belated  voice  repeats 
it. 

Easier  seems  the  alternative  plan  of  setting  apart  for  the 
coloured  people  certain  districts  of  the  country,  such  as,  for 
instance,  the  southern  i)art  of  tlie  Atlantic  coast  region  and 
the  lowlands  of  the  CJulf,  and  moving  them,  into  the.se  dis- 
tricts from  the  rest  of  the  country,  as  Oliver  Cromwell  drove 
the  wild  Irish  into  Connaught.  But  neither  does  this  solution 
find  any  favour  in  America.  No  State  would  consent  to  see 
even  a  part  of  its  territory  cut  off  and  allottetl  to  the  negroes, 
to  be  by  them  a(hninistere<l  in  their  o\v7i  way.  The  rest  of  the 
country  would  hardly  admit  a  purely  black  State  to  be  repre- 
sented in  Congress  and  to  vote  in  Presidential  elections  on 
equal  terms.  And  in  many  parts  of  the  South,  which  are 
better  suited  for  whites  than  for  negroes,  and  in  which,  there- 
fore, the  white  [wpulation  is  now  much  larger,  the  leading  in- 
dustries would  suffer  severely  from  the  removal  of  negro  labour. 
Northern  Alabama,  for  instance,  is  in  point  of  climate  a  region 
well  fitted  for  whites.  Hut  the  iron  works  there  employ  great 
numbers  of  negroes  who  are  found  efficient,  and  whose  place 
might  not  be  easily  filUnl.  Virginia  is,  in  the  main,  a  white 
State.  But  not  only  the  growing  of  tobacco,  but  also  its  prep- 
aration for  the  market,  is  a  negro  industry;  and  it  would  be 
no  simple  matter  to  find  white  work-people  to  do  it  equally 
well  and  cheafjly.  This  scheme,  tlierefore,  may  also  be  dis- 
miss(Hl  as  outside  the  range  of  practical  poUtics. 

There  remains  the  suggestion  that  the  method  by  which  race 
antagonisms  have  been  so  often  removtMl  in  the  past  in  the 
Okl  Workl,  and  to  some  extejit  (jis,  for  instance,  in  Mexico)  in 
the  New  Work!  also,  may  ev(>ntually  be  applied  in  the  United 
States ;  that  is  to  say,  that  the  two  races  may  be  blent  by  in- 
tennarriage  into  one.  To  some  Europeans,  and  to  a  very  few 
old  survivors  of  the  Alx)Utionist  party  in  the  North,  this  solution 
appears  possiiile  and  even  natural.  To  all  Southern  sentiment 
it  is  shocking.  I  have  never  met  a  Southern  man,  whether 
bom  there  or  an  incomer  from  the  North,  who  would  even  dis- 
cuss the  possibility  of  such  a  general  commixture  of  whites  and 
blacks  as  Brazil  has  begun  to  show  or  as  exists  in  some 
Mussulman   countries.      In  no  Southern   State   can   such  a 


536 


ILLUSTHATIONH  AND  liKFLKCTIONS 


PART   V 


marriage  bo  loRally  contractod ;  and  what  is  more  romarkahlc, 
in  every  Southern  State  such  unions  are  excessively  rare. 
Kven  at  the  North,  where  tlie  aversion  to  negro  l)i(KMl  is 
now  less  strong,  "miscegenation,"  as  they  call  it,  is  deemwl 
such  a  disgrace  to  the  white  who  contracts  it  that  one  seldom 
liears  of  its  occurrence.  Enhghtene<|  Southern  men,  who  have 
themselves  no  dislike  to  tlu'  l)l;ick  race,  justify  this  horror  of 
intermarriag(>  hy  arguing  that  no  benefit  which  might  thereby 
accrue  to  the  negroes  could  balance  the  evil  which  woukl  befall 
the  rest  of  the  comnumity.  Tiie  interests  of  the  nation  and  of 
humanity  itself  would,  in  their  view,  suffer  by  such  a  ix-nnanent 
debasement  of  the  Anglo-American  race  as  would  follow.  Our 
English  blood  is  suffering  enough  already,  they  say,  from  the 
intrusion  of  inferior  stock  from  Continental  Europe;  and  wo 
should  be  i)rouglit  down  to  the  level  of  San  Domingo  were  we 
to  have  an  infusion  from  Africa  added.  This  is  the  argument 
to  which  reason  appeals.  That  enonnous  majority  which  does 
not  reason  is  swayed  by  a  feeling  so  strong  and  universal  that 
there  set'ms  no  chance  oi  its  abating  within  any  assignable 
time.  Revolutions  in  sentiment  are,  no  doubt,  conceivable,  but 
they  are  more  rar(>  than  revolutions  in  politics. 
We  arrive,  therefore,  at  three  conclusions. 

I.  The  Negro  will  stay  in  North  America. 

II.  He  will  stay  locally  intermix(><l  with  the  white  population. 

III.  He  will  stay  socially  distinct,  as  an  alien  element,  unab- 
sorlvd  and  unabsorbable. 

His  position  may,  however,  change  from  what  it  is  now. 

He  may  more  and  more  draw  southwards  into  the  lower  and 
hotter  regions  along  the  coast<  of  the  Atlantic  and  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  Whether  in  tli(>  iFiorc  northerly  States,  such  as  Mary- 
land and  Missouri,  lie  wil,  decrease,  may  be  douI)tful.  Hut 
it  is  certainly  in  those  southerly  regions  that  his  chief  future 
increase  may  be  expect«"d.  In  other  words,  he  will  be  a  relatively 
smaller,  and  probably  much  smaller,  element  than  at  pres(>n"t 
in  the  whole  jjopulation  north  of  latitude  .36°,  and  a  relatively 
larger  one  south  of  latitude  33°,  and  east  of  longitude  94°  W. 

This  change  would  have  both  its  good  and  its  evil  side.  It  mav 
involve  less  frequent  occasions  for  collision  between  the  two 
races,  and  may  dispose  the  negroes,  where  they  are  compara- 
tively few,  to  ac(iuiesc(>  less  reluctantly  in  white  predominance. 
•  But  it  will  afford  scantier  opportunities  for  the  gradual  elevation 


CHAP.  x<  IV    PRK8ENT  AND  FUTURK  OF  TFIR  NKORO         M? 

of  thr  race  in  the  (listricts  where  they  ure  most  numerous. 
Contact  with  the  whiten  is  the  ehief  (•(MuUti.*!!  for  the  progress 
of  the  negro.  Where  he  is  isolated,  or  where  he  greatly  out- 
numbers the  whites,  his  advunre  will  Ih'  retarded,  although 
nothing  has  yet  oi-curred  to  justify  the  fear  that  he  will,  even 
along  the  (Julf  roast,  or  in  the  sea  islands  of  Carolina,  sink  to 
the  level  of  the  Hjiytian. 

The  Negro  may,  indetu,  in  time  he  (loul)tless  will,  though 
more  rapidly  in  some  r««gions  than  in  others,  continue  to  ad- 
vance in  etlucation,  intelligence,  and  wealth,  as  well  as  in 
habits  of  thrift  and  application.  Such  progress  may  seem  an 
unmixed  g(MKl.  Yet  it  can  hardly  fail  to  be  accompanicil  in 
that  small  minority,  who  advance  most  quickly,  by  a  grow- 
ing discontent  with  the  social  disabiUties  imposed  upon  the 
race.  It  will  give  them  greater  capacity  for  organization, 
possibly  greater  tenacity  and  courage,  than  they  now  possess ; 
and  these  very  things  might,  by  alarming  the  wliites,  tend  t<l 
widen  the  chasm  between  the  races.  Whether  th(>  coloured 
people  will  be  any  better  able  to  give  effect  to  any  resentnH«nt 
they  may  feel,  is  doul)tful,  .so  great  is  the  disparity  in  stren^  h. 
But  they  might  be  more  embitterefl,  ami  this  embitterment,  re- 
acting upon  white  .sentiment,  might  retard  the  working  of  thos(> 
healing  influences  which  the  progress  t)f  civilization  generally 
brings  in  its  train.  Already  one  h<>ars  the  younger  whites  of  the 
South  talk  of  the  growing  "uppi.shness"  and  impertinence  of  the 
negro,  as  things  to  be  resented  and  puni.shwl. 

That  .sense  of  haughty  superiority  which  other  nations  note  in 
the  English  has  in  their  Indian  dominions  done  much  to  destroy 
the  happy  effects  of  the  enormous  .social  and  economic  improve- 
ments which  the  rule  of  Rritaln  has  effected.  A  young  indig*. 
planter,  or  a  lieutenant  only  ju.st  relea-sed  from  school  at  home, 
will  treat  with  wanton  insolence  or  contumely  natives  of  the 
highest  caste,  perhaps  of  dignified  .social  position  and  aiuien' 
lineage  ;  and  though  Ciovernnu  nt  pimishes  these  off.-nces  ia  the 
rare  ca.ses  when  they  are  Imnjght  to  its  knowledge,  the  .sentiment 
of  Anglo-Indian  .society  .scarcely  condemns  them.  Thu.>.  the  very 
classics  whom  rank  and  education  might  havf-  bee?i  oxpecttn!  to 
render  loyal  to  Briti.sh  authority  are  alienated.  \M\on  similai 
tendencies  appear  in  the  .Vnglo-American  of  the  South,  the 
Englishman,  who  knows  how  not  a  few  of  his  own  .  uuntrymen 
behave  to  the  ancient  and  cultivat<'d  races  of  the  ICast  whoni  they 


638 


ILLUSTRATIONR  AND  REFLECTIONS 


pAnT  V 


have  conquered,  feeln  that  ho  w  not  entitled  to  sit  in  judR- 
ment. 

I  do  not  BURjcest  that  there  iH  any  present  iM^Iitical  dtinRer 
to  the  Republic,  or  even  to  any  particular  Southern  State,  from 
the  phenomena  here  deseribNl.  But  the  evil  of  th«'se  thin^H  in  to 
be  measured  not  merely  by  any  Huch  menaee  to  ixilitical  stability 
as  they  may  involve,  but  a'so  by  the  diminution  of  happiness 
which  they  cause,  l)y  the  passions  hurtful  ♦«  moral  progress  they 
perpetuate,  by  the  spirit  of  lawlessness  they  evoke,  by  the  con- 
tempt for  the  rights  of  man  us  man  which  they  euRender.  In  a 
world  already  so  full  of  strife  and  sorrow  it  if  grievous  to  »ve 
added  to  the  other  fountainsof  bitterness  a  sconiof  the  strong  for 
the  weak,  and  a  dread  by  the  weak  of  the  strong,  grounded  on  no 
antagonism  of  inten-sts,  for  each  needs  the  other,  but  solely  on  a 
difference  in  race  and  colour. 

Be  these  evils  what  they  may —and  serious  as  they  seem  to 
an  observer  from  without,  they  are  in  most  parts  of  the  South 
not  keenly  felt  in  daily  life  —  legislation  and  administration 
can  do  comparatively  little  to  remove  them.  It  is,  indexed,  to 
be  wished  that  lynching  should  bo  sternly  repressed,  —  some  of 
the  Southern  State  governors  are  doing  what  they  can  for  that 
purpose, —  and  that  the  State  statutes  or  local  regulations 
enforcing  separation  of  blacks  from  whites  in  travelUng  or  in 
places  of  public  resort  should  be  at  1  ist  modified,  for  they 
press  hardly  on  the  educated  negroes.  But  the  real  change  to 
which  the  friends  of  the  South  and  of  the  negro  look  forward  is 
a  change  in  the  feelings  of  the  white  people,  and  especially  of 
the  ruder  and  less  educated  part  of  them.  The  political  troubles 
I  have  descril)ed  have  been  tending  to  pass  away  under  altere<i 
poUtical  conditions.  For  the  social  difficulty,  rooted  deep  in  the 
characters  of  the  two  races,  none  but  moral  remetlies  have  any 
promise  of  potency,  and  the  working  of  moral  remedies,  sure  as 
we  believe  it  to  be,  is  always  slow.  Neither  will  compulsive  meas- 
ures quicken  that  working.  In  the  United  States,  above  all  other 
countries,  one  must  place  one's  hopes  on  what  physicians  call  the 
healing  power  of  Nature,  and  trust  that  the  forces  which  make 
not  only  for  equaUty,  but  also  for  peace  and  good-will  amonjr 
men,  will  in  du;  time  reduce  these  evils,  as  they  have  reducett 
many  others.  There  is  no  ground  for  despondency  to  any  one 
who  remembers  how  hopeless  the  extinction  of  slavery  seemwi 
in  1820  or  even  in  1850  and  who  marks  the  progress  which  the 


CHAP,  xnv    PRKSKNT  A\D  FITITre  np  TIIK  NFORO      539 

noRroos  hav<'  made  sinco  their  Hudden  lilMTution.  Still  less  in 
there  reaw)n  for  impatience,  for  questions  like  this  have  in  some 
countries  of  the  Old  World  rwiuired  ages  for  their  solution. 
The  prol)|(>m  which  confronts  the  South  is  one  of  the  great 
secular  prohlcins  of  th(>  world,  presented  here  under  a  form  of 
peculiar  difficulty.  AntI  as  the  pnsent  difT<'rences  between  the 
African  and  the  European  are  the  pnMluct  of  thousands  of 
years,  durinR  which  one  race  was  ncinR  in  the  ten>i)erate, 

and  the  other  remainiuR  station  t  ii.  mo  torrid  zone,  so  cen- 
turies may  pass  before  their  re'  hui  "<■  \  .'i^i  ,,,,1,  •  and  fellow- 
citizens  have  been  duly  adjust    1 


CHAPTER  XCV 


FURTHEn  REFXECTIONS  ON  THE  NEORO  PROBLEM 

TiiE  position  of  the  nogro  race  in  the  United  States  is  so 
p<'(u!'ur  und  raises  so  many  (juestioas  of  the  gravest  scxrial  and 
economic  kind  that  ahhouKh  the  last  |)nH'<'dinK  chapter  has  l)een 
revise<l  and  adapted  to  the  changes  that  have  oecurred  since  it 
was  first  written,  it  s<'ems  projx'r  to  devote  some  additional 
pagi-s  to  a  consideration  of  those  aspects  of  the  subject  which 
strike  the  ohs<>rv<'r  <•'  to-day.' 

The  changes  of  tlie  last  seventeen  years  have  not  affected 
the  main  features  of  the  situation.  The  larger  any  problem  is 
and  the  more  din^pW  nnyUni  in  the  past  are  the  factors  which 
cletennine  it,  the  more  slowly  do  those  main  features  alter. 
There  has,  however,  Imh-u  not  only  an  ampler  hut  also  a  more 
teniix-rate  discussion  of  the  whole  matter  during  the  last  decade 
than  there  ever  was  before.  This  discu.ssion  has  In-en  tununl 
into  new  channels  by  the  material  development  of  the  South, 
and  has  n-vealed  in  new  lights  the  spirit  that  now  per\'ades  the 
Southern  peo|)le. 

The  recovery  of  the  South  from  the  abyss  of  ruin  into  which 
t|»'  f'ivil  ^\ar  had  thrown  large  sections  of  it,  and  especially 
Virginia,  South  (  aroiiua,  and  Georgia,  In'gan  a  litth'  before 
1880  and  has  pr<Mced(Hl  with  growing  sikhhI.  The  assessed 
yaluaiion  of  taxal)lf  property  in  the  former  Slave  States  was 
in  llMKi  just  what  it  had  Im-cu  in  18<K),  so  long  was  the 
time  needed  to  ref)air  the  loss<'s  of  the  long  struggle.  That 
recovery  is  now  visible  in  all  directions,  in  the  bringing  of  new 
lands  tuuler  cultivati(»n.  in  the  ojM'ning  of  mines,  in  the  creation 
of  iron  and  ste<'l  works,  in  the  extension  of  cotton  aiul  other 
fact()ri«'s,  in  tlu-  ri^iiifj;  value  of  real  estate,  and  the  parallel  in- 

'  AnudiK  ri iit  l)<).)k.«  to  wliicli  rrfcniuf  iimv  1m-  iiiu<I«'  u\A>n  the  topic.*  d.-ilt 

with  111  this  chiipl.T  uri'  Mr.  Hay  S.  Itak.  i'.-.  F„ll,„rniy  Ih,  Color  I.im. Mr.  .Stou.-'s 
Amrnr,,,,  H.ir,  FrM.m,  Mr.  K.  C.  Murphy  x  I'ns.nt  South  and  Bam»  of  A„. 
cen,hi,,r„.  Dr.  HiHik.T  T.  \V  ixhiiiKtoii  .-^  Slorj,  of  Ih,-  AVtfro,  mid  Froff«8or  AIImtI 
Uiirl  .s  77„  S.mllirni  South.     Sii-  .-iLso  Ihi-  I'.S.  C{niiu.s  liutUtin,  So.  S. 

.-.40 


CHAPX(V.  REFMCTIONS  ON  THK  NK(5RO  PROBLEM        541 

crease  of  the  revenues  of  States  and  cities,  in  the  fotnwlation  of 
agricultural  and  technical  whools,  and  tlu*  exfx'nditure  of  larger 
and  larger  sums  upon  puhlij-  instruction,  in  the  building  of  new 
railroads  and  the  coasolidation  of  many  small  lines  into  a  few 
great  systems  which  give  a  (luicker  and  U'tter  service.  The 
growth  of  population  has  not  l)een  so  nmrke<l  as  in  the  Northern 
and  Western  States,  hut  that  is  largely  Ix'caus*'  very  few  inuni- 
grants  from  the  Old  World  have  hitherto  come  to  the  South,  ex- 
cept into  Texas.  For  .some  time  past  tin-  Itackward  |M'oi)le  who 
dwell  in  the  Alleghany  highlands  have  Iwgim  to  move  downwards 
into  the  manufacturing  and  mining  n'gions.  And  latterly  a 
movement  has  In'gun,  evident,  though  not  yet  larg<>,  of  native 
Americaas  migrating  from  thos<'  parts  of  tlie  North  and  West 
in  which  g(K)d  farming  land  has  U'come  scarcer  and  dearer. 
The  stream  whi<'h  ran  to  the  West  for  so  many  years  is  now 
no  longer  able  to  spread  itsi-lf  out  there,  and  tending  to  flow 
Southward.  Thus  the  increase  of  iH)pulation  is  in  the  South 
of  a  wholesome  kind,  and  it  promi.ses  to  continue. 

A  result  of  this  progrms  is  to  Ix-  s<'<'n  in  the  che«>rful  and  hoi)eful 
spirit  now  visible.  Men  fe<«l  that  they  have  turneil  the  comer, 
and  expect  an  expanding  pro.s|H'rity.  I^'gislatun-s  are  more 
willing  to  speml  money  on  <Mlucation  ;  and  legislation  is  more 
enlightemnl,  though  in  some  States  it  still  lags  iM'hind  the  prog- 
ress of  the  North.  This  brighter  view  of  things  has  affecte*! 
the  Southern  view  of  the  negro,  between  1870  and  19(K)  his 
presence  was  to  many  {mtsous  a  sort  of  nightmare.  All  sorts 
of  almml  dangers  were  pnHlicled  ;  all  .s<»rts  of  absurd  exixnlients 
for  gettnig  rid  of  him  pnnxMnKh-*!.  A  calmer  and  saner  view 
now  prevails.  The  evils  of  flu.  |{cconstruction  iM-ricHl  are  n<.'t 
forgotten,  but  as  no  one  thinks  they  will  ever  recur,  men  can 
di.scu  s  the  situation  qui«'tly  and  reasonably,  fj^'jing  lluit  as  tin' 
negro  cannot  Im;  eliminat«Hl,  the  whitj-s  must  learn  to  live  with 
him  and  turn  his  presence  to  the  Ix^st  account. 

Whatever  cause  the  whites  may  have  had  for  alarm  twenty 
or  thirty  years  ag(>,  when  the  negnx^s  were  sup|x)s(Hl  to  be  increas- 
ing fa.ster  than  the  wliitj's,  has  now  vanish<-<l.  They  show  in 
each  ct'nsus  a  smaller  |XTcentag«'  not  only  «)f  the  whole  ix)pulati«)n 
of  the  Union,  but  even  of  the  fonner  Slave  States.  In  HUO  tin- 
|X'r(vntag«>  of  negroes  tit  the  whole  |H)pulation  of  the  Tniled 
States  was  10.0;  in  ISSO  it  was  j.J.l. 

This  is  attributabl(>  partly  to  a  slightly  declining  i>irth  rate, 


542 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND   RKFLECTION8 


PART   V 


but  more  to  the  still  high  rate  of  ncRro  mortality.  Infants  are 
carelessly  or  ignorantly  treatetl,  and  much  havoc  is  wTought 
by  diseases  which,  like  tuberculosis,  are  the  result  of  bad  sani- 
tary conditions. 

The  old  controversy  as  to  the  capacity  of  the  negro  for  prog- 
ress still  rages.  But  about  the;  fact  that  he  has  progressed  there 
can  be  no  dispute.  What  are  the  figures  ?  When  emancipated 
in  1862-1865  the  ex-slaves  had  no  property  at  all.  In  1910  they 
were  cultivating  as  owners  or  tenants  893,384  farms.  They  o  wncc  I 
in  the  sixteen  Southern  States  218,467  farms ;  and  their 
aggregate  property  wsw  estimated  as  being  in  1910  iM'tween 
$400,000,000  and  .$500,000,000  ( £80,0(K),000  to  £100,000,000). 
Their  churches  are  stated  to  own  property  to  the  value  of 
$56,000,000,  raise<l  almost  eritir-.'ly  by  themst'lves. 

So  late  as  IIKJO  there  were  only  two  negro  l)anks  in  the  United 
States;   in  1909  there  were  believed  to  i)e  fifty.' 

They  have  entered  all  the  i)r'-fessions.  In  1900  there  were 
more  than  22,00i)  negro  teacher  in  schools  and  colleges,  more 
than  15,000  ministers  of  religion,  more  than  1700  physicians 
and  surgeons,  more  than  700  lawyers.  The  luunbers  are  doubt- 
less now  much  larger.  ,\bout  two  hundred  negro  newspaiM'rs 
are  now  published,  besides  weekly  and  monthly  magazines. 
Many  negriMs  are  filling  official  posts  with  cr<>dit,  and  not 
a  few  have  earned  the  resjX'ct  and  confidence  of  tiiiir  whit«> 
neighbours. 

Their  progress  in  '(lucatioii  has  been  net  less  remarkable. 
At  the  date  of  emiineipaliori  probably  ler  ban  lOjiercent  of  the 
freedmen  could  read  ami  write.  In  1«V0  the  iwrcentage  of  illit- 
erate negro  adult  males  was  83..').  In  1910  it  had  fallen  to  33.3. 
This  is  naturally  by  no  means  so  great  a  reductifm  as  among 
the  Southern  whites  of  native  parentage,  among  whonj  tlie  il- 
literates had  sunk  in  1910  to  7.7  imt  cent.  Hut  it  represi-nts  an 
immense  advance,  when  the  coiuHtions  of  a  backward  country 
and  a  very  pot»r  population  are  con>i(lere(l.-'  The  negroes  have  a 
remarkable  desire  for  iustruetion,  and  tiieir  cliurelies  have  .since 


I  Thr  Sf'rj/  i,f  lh<  .Wyni.  \\.\.  !I.  p.  _•(> (  It  ,„;|\  !,<'  aiidid  tli:it  thr  ilirliis- 
triiil  prditriAs  nmiM  ■louhtlrs,  h.ivr  l«(ri  ■<lill  LT'iifcr  iiiit  for  thr  |iriviil>ti.-r  of 
tulxTfuloHin  ami  '.tlicr  |>rrvrtifal)li-  ilinca.scs  which  i|c|iris>.  thi-  I'lliriciicy  of  thr 

riiri'. 

'  Nowh.ri  ill  Ihr  Smith  i-  -.  Ii.ml  atti'mliiicc  i  iiiupulson  .  and  th(  iirnvisinii 
of  schools  fr.r  iiciff.  chihlfi  II  i>  -till  iiKi.|.'.|ii:ii.'  ill  ii|..s<  |.;irt-  of  the  iounfr,\ . 
There  is  an  uigi-nt  uccl  for  niim"  ami  lifttcr  fducatcd  tcwlKTa. 


.•HAP  xcv    REFLECTIONS  ON  THE  NEUIIO  PROBLEM        543 


1880  oontributwl  $1(),()(K),(K)0  to  Rive  to  their  schools  aid  over 
an(i  ahovr  the  .supix)rt  from  puhlif  funds.  The  attendance  at 
the  universities  and  coileKe.^  and  technical  schools  has  continued 
to  grow  steadily.' 

That  tliis  proRrcss  should  have  Ikh'u  ver>'  unccjual  in  different 
parts  of  the  country,  and  that  it  shouki  leav<!  Motions  of  the 
population  still  far  behind,  is  no  more  than  was  to  Ik;  expected. 
That  natural  differentiation  of  the  stronger  from  the  weaker, 
of  the  brigliter  from  the  duller,  whii  h  goes  on  in  everj-  com- 
munity iM'gan  among  the  ntw-(H's  as  .soon  as  the  extinction  of 
8lav<'ry  starte*!  the  normal  social  procmses  by  which  conunuui- 
ties  develop.     The  kidnapixnl  unfortunatx-s  who  wen^  brought 
from  Africa  in  slave  ships  had  belonge<l  to  different  negro  triljes 
in  different  stages  of  civilization,  and  to  different  ranks  and 
clas.ses  in  the  same  tribe,  for  few  if  any  of  these  tribes  wei-e  in 
that  lowest  kind  of  savagery  which  knows  no  ranks  at  all.     The 
hold  of  the  slaveship  jumbled  them  all  together,  and  the  planta- 
tion life  of  toil,  enforced  by  the  whip,  pres.s(Hl  them  all  down  to 
the  same  level,   though  the  few  who  obtainetl  free<lom  soon 
showcxl  an  aptitude  to  rise.     As  .soon  as  that  pressun-  was  rtv 
moved,   natiiral  inefjualities  of  capacity  U'gan  to  have  their 
legitimate  eflect  in  raising  some  faster  than  others.     Fortunate 
accidents  of  enviromnent,   the  lu>lp  of  friendly  fn«t>  negrot^s, 
the  Iwnevolent  encouragement  ei  a  white  e.\-ma.st<'r  or  neigh- 
bour, the  accident  of  admission  to  a  scIuh)!,  h«'ighten«l  the  action 
of  the  advantages  which  tiiosc  who  were  [torn  more  capable 
possessed  ;  until  now.  aftt  r  nearly  fifty  years  of  free<iom.  social 
classes  have  begim  to  form,  and  the  gap  b<-twe<'ii  tln'  !)est  etlu- 
catcd  negroes  practi.-iim  a  profession  or  conducting  a  large  imsi- 
ness  and  tht^  ignorant  field  lalKMin-r  has  Ix'come  a  wide  one. 
Inequalities   have   reapixvinMl.    ;ilt hough   those   which   w««   find 
among  the  .Vmerican  neijnM's  to-day  are  dilVerent  from  tho.s<i 
that  existed  between  their  African  ancestors  before  the  heavy 
roller  of  servitude  had  |).'is>mm!  over  t!ie  captives. 

Though  a  large  part  of  the  (dloured  population  is  still  ignorant 
and  backward,  esnecialiy  in  the  !i  -nest  parts  of  the  (hilf  States 
and  along  the  coasts  of  South  ("uroiiiia  and  (ieorgia,  the  general 
atlvance  is  by  no  means  conhned  to  the  townsfolk.  On  the  con- 
trary, one  is  often  told  that  tlu    le-;^t  deNira!)le  negroes  are  the 

'  Th.'  iiu|,.Tlf.tiun  of  thr  sti.tisti,  ~.  ,,«  ,in  to  th,'  ii.K!,.if  of  sonir  iiiittitutioM  to 
«up|)ly  stutiuHiits,  niak.  s  it  .IlUH,^Ml,|,.  t„  ^ivt;  (.jniplcte  figurea  ou  ttm  8ubj«al> 


^: 


r»44 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  UKFLKCTIONS 


I'AKT   f 


lower  class  who  live  in  tlu*  cities,  while  the  mast  solid  and  imlus- 
trious  are  the  small  fanu  owners  and  the  artisans  in  the  villages. 
There  has  certainly  IxH'n  a  real  and  general  progress  among 
these  l)etter  classes.  It  is  visible  in  the  better  houses  they  in- 
habit, in  the  iK'tter  method  of  cultivation  some  of  them  employ, 
in  the  figures  that  record  the  savings  they  place  in  the  banks. 
Nor  should  the  instances  l)e  forgotten  in  which  the  Negro  has 
shown  his  capacity  to  do  things  for  himself  in  a  practical  way. 
At  Calhoun  in  Aluhamu  there  were  lately  nearly  one  hundred 
wlio  had  Ixjught  or  were  buying  fanns,  having  saved  $80,0(X)  for 
the  pur|H)s('.  The  purely  negro  town  of  Mound  Bayou  in  the 
Mississippi  delta,  with  j.  fxjpulation  of  2000,  is  well  govemeil, 
orderly,  and  i)rosi)erous,  and  there  is  a  co-operative  organiza- 
tion calltnl  the  Fanners'  Improvement  Society  in  Texas,  whose 
members  have  helped  one  another  forward  in  many  ways  till 
they  came  to  own  71,000  acres  of  land  and  were  al)le  to  erect 
an  agricultural  college  to  give  fann  training  t«  their  children. 
There  are  many  associations  among  the  negroes,  Ixrth  co-opera- 
tive and  charitable,  and  by  them  much  goo<l  has  l)een  eflfecteti. 
Though  there  are  some  whites,  jwliticians  and  others,  who, 
taking  their  notion  of  the  coloured  i)eople  from  the  illiterate 
plantation  lalM)urers  and  the  shiftless  criminal  loafers  of  the 
cities,  deny  that  the  negro  has  advanced,  and  though  there  are 
others  who  think  that  In*  is  advancing  more  than  is  compat- 
il)le  with  white  asci'ndancy,  still  the  majority  of  the  wlucated 
white  jM'ople  in  the  South  see,  recognise,  anci  gladly  recognise, 
that  the  stanilard  of  industry,  thrift,  and  e<lucation  is  rising 
and  that  it  is  for  the  bem-fit  of  the  South  as  a  whole  hardly 
less  than  for  the  negroes  that  it  should  rise.  Stea<ly  and  efficient 
labour  is  one  of  the  most  urgent  neetls  of  the  country.  The 
more  the  negro  uilvunces.  the  more  he  accjuires  ;  the  larger 
become  his  wants,  so  much  the  In-tter  is  his  lalnmr ;  the  more 
industrious  and  educated  he  is,  the  less  pn)ne  is  he  to  vagrancy 
and  to  crime.  It  is  among  the  ruder  and  more  ignorant  .sort 
of  white  j)eopl«>  that  nearly  all  of  the  opixwition  to  the  educa- 
tion of  the  coloured  is  to  Iw  found. 

But  all  the  Southern  whites,  however  they  may  otherwi.se 
dilTer.  agree  in  desiring  to  eliminate  the  Negro  as  a  factor  in 
|H)litics.  In  ISIM).  Mississippi  led  the  way  in  this  direction  by 
her  m-w  Constitution.  Six  otlu'r  States  have  followed  in  her 
steps,  viz.,  Stjuth  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  Alabama,  Virginia, 


CHAP.  x<  V   UKFLK("ri()NS  ()\   TIIK   XKOIU)   PROBLKM        .Vl.', 


Louisiuim,  aiul  ('u-i»r{>;iii.      In  ||i,.  n,.\v  coiistiiiiioiial  prnvisioii.- 
of  tUvM'  States,  iiiti'iidcd  to  t-xcluilc  (lit-  Imlk  «>f  tlic  ni'jtr.M'is. 
there  is  not  a  word  regurdinR  "  race,  colour,  or  previous  eou- 
dition    of   servitude,  "    as  a  ground  of  discriiniimtion.   so  the 
Fifteenth    Amendment    to    the    Fedt-ral    ("(nistitution    is    not 
ilireetly  infringed.     The  aim  in  view,  an  aim  frankly  avowwl 
and  justifieil,  has  Imh'U  attaintMl    hy  provisions  re<iuiring  the 
person  who  applies  to  Ik'  registered  as  a  voter  to  have  paid  his 
taxes  and  to  prove  his  |Ktss<'ssion  of  an  edueational  or  pro|M'rty 
(|Uahtieation.      Sucii  tests  (low  as  they  were  '  ■«'d),  while  ex- 
eluding  the  hulk  of  the  negnx'S.  would  exelude  a  giMxl  many 
whites  also,  so  it   Ixraine  neees.sary  to  o|M'n  .some  other  door 
through   whieh   whites   with    neither    education    nor    profH-rty 
might  enter.     Thi-  was  (h)ne  in  North  Carolina  and  Louisiana 
by  the  so-eaUed  "  grandfather  clause  "  uhich  admitted  any  one 
whose  father  or  grandfather  had  heeii  a  voter  before  18G7,  while 
wveral  other  States  granted  registration  to  war  vj'terans  or 
their  (h>seendant.s.'     Things  were  so  arranged  that  by  one  door 
or  another  nearly  all  the  whites  could  find  their  way  in,  while 
the  control  of  registration  by  white  officials  made  it  easy  to 
exclude  negr«M"s  whose  claim  was  at  all  doubtful,  or  whom  it 
was  desired  to  keep  out.     In  Alabama  it  was  estimated  that 
only  5  per  cent  of  the  negroes  would  under  her  new  Constitu- 
tion k«'ep  the  suffrage,  and  in  Ijouisiana  the  numi>er  was  re- 
duceil  froni  i;iO,(KJO  to  thUM.      In  the  remaining  four  of  the 
States  that    seceded,    viz.,  Tennessee.  Arkansas,   Florida,  and 
Texas,  no  ccmstitutional  change  has  Iwen  deemed  needful.     In 
them  the  negroes  are  a  smaller  p.art  of  the  jjopulation,  and 
have  not  U-en  in   practice    a    voting    force.        Any    attempt 

'  Iti  1910  Okhilinniii  aiiiftnl.'*!  h.-r  roiisiituti.m  \,y  insiTtiiiii  tli  followiiiR 
|>ri.vi»i(.ti  ■•  \i.  iMis,,!!  shall  l.f  n^ui-lcriil  as  an  .lictrir  or  \<)t,.  m  :,n,\  ilcliuii, 
iliilcsM  lie  1)|.  ahlr  to  na.l  and  write  any  siH'tion  of  tlic  Constitution  of  tli.'  .Statii 
liut  no  |»Tson  who  was  on  .lanuary  1st.  l.stWi.  or  iit  any  lime  prior  th.r.to.  .n- 
titl.-il  to  vote  inxhr  an.\  form  of  uovcrniniiit  or  who  at  that  titnr  nsiil.il  in 
Honii'  forciun  nation.  an<l  no  linral  il<  .sr.mlant  of  suili  prrson.  shall  lie  ihniol 
the  rinht  to  vote  l>.'.aiisc  of  hi.s  inability  so  to  nad  ami  write  s.ctioii.s  of  su<li 
('otistitiitii)n." 

The  I'laictnicnt  of  such  a  provi.sion  in  Oklahoma,  which  was  not  a  State  till 
VM)7.  anil  in  whieh  then  w,  re  never  any  -Lives  ev.ept  a  few  l.elon«iiitf  to  th.' 
•{'■•I  Iniliaim  who  Wire  its  .ii.ly  inhalMlatits  till  lon«  after  he  Civil  War,  is  the 
more  remarkalile  heeausr  the   negroes  an    a  small   minoritv  of  the   |H,pii'lation 

It  has  heeii  all  -e.|.  With  what  tnilh   I   know  n.it.  that    irrenularilies   o.riiin-,1 

m  the  t.ikiiis:  of  the  popular   voic  on   thi.-i  .(Uistion  ;  ami   th.-  re«ult   see i   t.. 

exeil.    aur|)rise. 

2n 


S46 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART    T 


I'.. 


JJ?V 


on    their    part    to    assert    themselves    would    be    promptly 
checked. 

The  broad  result  of  these  measures  has  been  to  reduce  the 
number  of  coloured  electors  on  the  register  in  the  States  aforesaid 
to  an  average  roughly  conjectured  at  not  more  than  10  per  cent 
of  the  total  number  of  adult  males.  It  is  larger  in  some  States 
and  in  some  districts  of  each  State  than  in  other  States  and  dis- 
tricts, and  no  one  seems  to  know  exactly  how  large  it  is  in  any 
given  area.  Of  those  who  might  get  their  uumes  on  the  register 
very  many  do  not  care  to  do  so  —  where,  for  iiLstance,  a  {X)ll  lux 
is  required,  they  omit  to  pay  it.  And  of  ilK)se  comparatively 
few  negroes  who  are  on  the  register,  many  do  not  iu  fact  vote, 
partly  from  heedlessness,  partly  be(;au.sc  they  know  that  in  Fwl- 
eral  elections,  and  to  a  large  extent  in  State  elect  ioits  alno,  their 
votes  would  make  no  difference,  except  in  the  rare  cai^c  of  a 
division  in  the  dominant  Democratic  party.  That  party  is  so 
strof  5?  in  nearly  all  the  Southern  States  '  that  the  voting  or 
absi  ntion  of  the  coloure<l  voti^rs,  now  everywhere  so  unimpor- 
tar     (!ould  seldom  affect  the  result  of  an  election. 

:k1*t  these  conditions  the  negroes  have  ceastnl  to  take  much 
»-«t  in  politics.    They  are  generally  reckonetl  as  Ixilonging 
"  Republican  party,  but  th(!  organization  of  that  party  is 
ip  not  so  much  in  the  hopt^  of  carrying  elections  as  for  the 
of  securing  representation  iu  the  National  Convention  of 
ty  at?  ;  establishing  a  claim  to  some  Federal  offices,  ol)jects 
may       legitimate  in  themselves,  but  from  the  attainment 
lU'h  t\      rdinary  negro  has  nothing  to  eain.     He  is  accord- 
-ui«=  -i'  !  to  have  lost  such  interest  in  ix>litics  as  he  once 
lo  accept  without  compla'uts  that  civic;  passivity 


ke| 

^k( 

th« 

wh 

of  V  . 

ingtv 


tuii 


evmei 

to  whii"      IS  race  has  beiMi  reduc(><l. 

With  ills  result  the  whites  are  drubly,  nay,  trebly,  satisfied. 
They  are  relieved  from  :uiy  fear  of  negro  dominanci".  They 
declare  that  the  negro  is  growing  to  be  nu)re  industrious, 
orderly,  and  generally  aseful  now  when  he  lias  dropptnl  all 
thoughts  of  politics,  ami  tlicy  add  that  friendly  relations 
between  th(>  races  have  becoiiic  easier,  h((  aiLse,  as  ihv  netrro  is 
no  longer  challenging  e<iuality,  tliey  i\n\  less  called  upon  to 
proclaun  superiority. 

It  is  easy  to  call  these  disfranchising  pn)visions  evasions  of  the 

'  This  is  I»>s8  tnie  of  Min*)nri.  Ki'tilU(  ky,  Touneasof.  aud  North  Ctroliiia 
than  of  the  ritau-s  furthur  south. 


OHAP.  X(V   REFLECTIONS  OX  THE  NEORO  PROBLEM        M7 


Fifteenth  Aracndmont  which  was  intended  by  its  framers  to 
siecure  the  vote  to  the  ucjfnM's  on  th«'  same  teniiM  us  the  whit«*8. 
But  the  state  of  things  in  tlie  pericnl  In'tween  1873  and  the 
adoption  of  these;  new  constitutions,  u  {mtIchI  duriuK  which,  first 
by  violence  and  afterwards  by  various  tricks  in(l  devices,  the 
negroes  were  over  almost  Ju;  whole  Smth  practically  deprived 
of  thc'ir  legal  voting  |K>wer,  was  worse  than  is  the  present  legal 
exclusion  of  the  great  majority  of  them.  It  was  flemoralizing  to 
the  whites;'  it  exacerl)at«'d  ftH'ling  betwin-n  the  races;  and  as 
the  negnxs  were  gaining  nothing  in  th(»se  years  i>y  their  nominal 
right  to  the  sulTrage,  the\-  have  lost  little  by  its  curtailment. 
This  is  so  generally  understood  by  thi;  p<H)ple  of  the  North  that 
few  have  protJ>sted  against  the  disfranchisement,  and  no  attempt 
has  been  made  to  restore  the  Imm)!!  which  the  nation  was  in 
1870  supposcxl  to  l)e  iM^stowiiig. 

Among  the  leaders  of  the  negnM-s  tln'mseives  there  is  a  differ- 
ence of  view  and  policy  on  the  matter.  Some,  bitterly  resenting 
the  disfranchising  provisions,  try  to  ke<'i)  up  an  opposition  to 
them,  although  they  se<>  little  or  no  prosjwct  (tf  getting  them 
refX'ale*!.  OtI'era  think  it  U'tter  to  acc<'pt  facts  wliicli  they  are 
powerless  to  alt<'r,  consoling  them.selves  by  the  rellection  that 
provisions  which  make  the  suffrage  de|K'nd  on  education  and 
proiM'rty  teiul  to  stimulate  the  neftro  t<»  raise  himself  to  th.e  tests 
prescrilxsl  for  active  citizenship.  The  bulk  of  the  coloured 
pe-ople  who  live  on  tiie  ;)I;uitati(ms  take  no  interest  in  the  matteif. 
Among  the  !iiore  (Hlucattnl,  i\w  autiiority  of  Dr.  Ikniker  Waah- 
ingtou  iius  gone  some  way  to  commend  t!ie  |M»licy  of  preferring 
industrial  prog^^'^■s  to  fK)litical  agitation  ;  not  to  add  that  it  is 
h.ird  to  see  what  agitalicm  couM  accomplish.  It  would  not 
rou.se  the  Republican  jmrty  at  the  Xortli,  fur  since  1890  they 
have  concluded  tha»  it  i^  Iw'xter  to  leave  the  S^Mith  alone,  while 
8<»  fiu"  as  State  legislafion  is  concerned,  it  might  actually 
darkefi  the  pro8|)ects   of    the    negro    by  exciting  more   alarm 

'  ThotiKlifful  mon  ami>iii:  fh''  nhitcs  frit  fhix.  Mr.  .1.  A.  HsiPiilton,  iti  his 
pamphli'l  Sei/ri)  >iiffrnjr  unit  ('oin/rrxniDii'il  Hriirrrieulatum.  gucitcu  anioiiit 
othfT  dflivoranc'tHK  to  thU  <fff'i  f  the-  follnwir.a  v.onls  of  Mt.  ( 'Inrfrin-  Poc  of 
.North  Carolina  '  Thrf  is  tii^ihiinf  ire n-  iiiiri  i(r<>!lKl>li'  than  liiwIi'ssncuB. 
Sow  the  '.viiid  Mint  ri';i|>  tli.  wl'.irhviii<l.  Wink  at  your  circtirm  f)ffiiirV  thi<'\'- 
iTy  in  limos  of  !»irf)w  ;tn«i  pttil  an;i  nfXt  you  may  h:ivi'  diction  thii'vcry  to  aiii 
in  phiniiiTini:  si-hrnuH  r  to  s;i\i'  tUr  rinns  ami  'liiim-*  lo  whii-li  thi'  I'Icctioii 
offircr  iu'ione^i.  <  iive  rem  to  mob  violiTicc  at  a  littn  whrn  you  lliink  tMii-h 
action  juRtiiin)>lr.  and  you  will  tiiid  yuur  reward  iu  j  popiilur  contempt  for  the 
restraint  of  law." 


548 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   ¥ 


and  hostility  in  the  breasts  of   the  less  kindly  among  the 
whites.' 

Although  the  coloured  people  are  not  tlirectly  a  factor  in 
Southern  politics,  because  few  of  tlicni  are  allowwl  to  vote, 
their  presence  has  had  indirect  eff(>ct8.  The  qualificatioas  for 
the  suffrage  introduce<l  to  disfranchise  tln'iu  have,  in  some 
States,  incidentally  disfranchised  a  few  of  the  |KH)n'r  and  more 
ignorant  whites.  For  the  purpos<?s  of  the  apportionment  of 
representation  among  the  States,  all  the  negroes,  the  disfran- 
clii.se<l  included,  are  reckoned,  and  thus  contribute  to  make 
reprraentation  larger  than  it  would  othcrwi.s<'  l)e  in  the  very 
States  which  have  by  their  constitutions  cut  down  the  num- 
ber of  coloured  voters."  The  resentment  which  is  felt  by  those 
negroes  who  live  in  the  North  at  the  action  of  the  Southern 
DenKK-rats  has  ensured  their  sturdy  supix)rt  of  the  Republican 
F)arty  in  States  like  Indiana,  Ohio,  and  New  York,  where  they 
constitute  an  appreciable  vote.  The  (lisf|uiet  which  the  pres- 
ence of  the  black  man  caus<'s  in  the  South  holds  the  va.st  bulk 
of  the  Southern  whites  together  in  the  Democratic  party,  and 
ha.s  so  fur  frustrated  the  efforts  frequently  made  to  build  up  a 
solid  party  of  Southern  white  Republicans.  Thus  some  one 
has  observwl,  with  the  exaggeration  dcH-med  nee<le<l  to  enforce; 
a  neglected  truth,  that  the  Negro,  fwwerless  a.s  he  is,  still 
dominates  the  South,  for  his  presence  is  never  forgotten,  and 
makes  many  things  different  from  what  they  would  ()ther>\'ise  Im'. 

No  person  of  colour  has  for  a  long  time  past  sat  in  Congress, 


Is." 


'  It  18  not ,  howcviT.  to  \>c  suppose*!  that  any  nrgro  loadors  umlorvaliio  the  suf- 
fnijec  orhavr  cxpn-swcl  an  approval  of  fhi-c-nartmciita  which  withhold  it  from  tht- 
»rnat  iiuiks  of  th.ir  raii-.  SpcakiiiK  of  the  aim  of  tin-  Tiutkrucf  ARriiultnral  Insti- 
Inr.'.  Dr.  H<«>k<r  Washiimton  writis.  "  Wr  did  not  "crk  to  kIvo  f)ur  people  tlm 
idea  that  |M.litieal  rinhf!*  wire  not  valu;il>le  or  necessary,  l.ut  rather  to  iinprens 
upon  Ihcrn  that  econoiuie  efficiency  wan  the  foundation  for  i-very  kind  of  miecess  " 
iThr  Stnru  ,.f  Ih.  .\,,ini.  Vol.  II,  p.  ;.><t2).  "If  oujzht  to  I m'  clearly  reooBnizii] 
that  in  .'i  repuhlnan  form  of  government  if  any  group  of  people  im  left  perma- 
nently without  the  franchise,  it  is  placed  at  a  serious  di:<advantaKe.  I  do  not 
ol>j.rt  ti>  restrictions  IxinR  placed  on  the  use  of  the  l)allr>t,  hut  if  any  portion  of 
the  population  is  prevented  frotn  taking  part  in  the  Kovernnient  l.y  reason  of 
these  ii'strictiiins,  they  should  have  held  out  l)efore  them  the  incentive  of  secur- 
iiiK  the  liallot  in  proportion  as  they  grow  in  property-holdinc,  intelliKcnce,  and 
c-hara<ter"  (\'ol.  II,  p.  ;{7()). 

-  It  has  been  soin. times  pro|>oseil  hy  \orthern  politicians  to  exclude  these 
disfratiihisi'.l  negroes  from  the  computition  in  the  maimer  contemplated  hy  the 
I'ourtc.iith  Amendment  to  the  Fed  il  Constitution,  l.ut  this  has  not  U-en 
done,  riiere  would  he  vehement  op;,  .^iliou,  and  any  |Militiral  gain  would  not 
lie  Worth  the  trouble. 


CHAP.  .\(  V   ItKKLKCTIONS  ()\   TIIK  NK(iU()   PKOBLKM 


>t9 


nor  ill  the  l('KiHlatur(>  of  uiiy  SoiitluTii  Stutc.  tliouKii  iittw  and 
tlu'ii  uiw  may  find  his  way  into  si  NortlH-m  MaW  Icgislutun*. 
A  few  liulil  tiinuli  county  offiirs  in  tl.o  Soulli,  and  a  few  have 
bei'n  api)ointf<l  hy  Pit'sidtMita  to  Federal  j)ost8,  huvh  an  eolIi«c- 
tora  of  ijortw  or  j)ost masters,  in  the  South.' 

The  difficulty  of  corrtn-tly  jleheribinn  tlio  s(K'ial  relations  of 
blacks  and  whites  in  the  South  is  liue  not  only  to  he  very 
tlitTerent  accounts  which  different  ol»s<'rvers.  ohvn  prejudicetl, 
have  niven,  Imt  also  to  the  nieat  divi-rsities  ltetwe«'n  the 
various  parts  of  the  po)>ul:ition  and  various  rcKions  of  si  wide 
country,  stretching  from  the  I'otoniuc  to  the  Hio  (irunde. 
But  some  salient  facts  may  l)e  stati-d  as  almost  universally  true. 

The  absolute  social  separation  of  the  two  races  continues 
everywhere  just  as  descril>ed  in  the  la.st  preceding  chapter. 
Karely  does  any  person  of  colour  sit  down  to  meat  in  a  white 
man's  house,  or  is  in  any  <»ther  way  recognized  us  an  equal.  The 
Southern  whites  coiu'cive  al>solute  separation  to  lie  es.sential  in 
order,  as  many  of  them  say,  to  a.ssert  and  «>mphasize  ine(|uality, 
and,  as  all  of  them  say,  utterly  to  bar  intermarriage.  To  the 
question  wlu'ther  so  stringent  an  enforcement  is  u»'ces,sary,  the 
invariable  reply  is  that  nothing  less  would  suffic*'  to  avert  the 
fatal  dang<-r  of  an  intermixture  of  bl(M)d.  How  nmch  illicit 
iutenuixture  gtx's  on  cannot  Ih'  detennined,  but  the  numU'r  of 
light-coloured  negroes  shows  how  large  it  nmst  have  been.  It 
has  by  no  means  cea.sed. 

In  all  States,  though  happily  not  in  all  parts  of  any  State, 
there  is  friction  l)etween  the  races.  In  the  North  it  exi.sts 
chiefly  In'tween  members  of  the  lalxuiring  class.  White  work- 
ing men  and  their  laUtur  unions  generally  refuse  to  work  with 
coloured  men,  and  the  entrance  to  employment  is  s«)  largely 
c1o.s<hI  to  them  that  one  may  say  that  the  large  majority  of  the 
Northern  negnw^s  are  conBneHl  to  UMskille<l  or  unsettled  avoca- 
tions. In  the  Southern  States  the  friction  is  perhaps  less 
marked,  and  is  least  when  one  element,  whether  i)lack  or 
white,  is  in  a  large  majority,  less  also  in  the  rural  districts 
than  in  the  cities,  where  the  negro  work-|)e«t|)le  are  supjK)seil  to 
Im'  less  sulnnissive,  where  the  pro|M)rtion  of  l)ad  characters 
among  them  is  largest,  and  wlu-re  the  white  working  men  are 
most   rude  and  .suspicious,  the  jeulou.sy  of  labour  competition 

'  A  good  many  arc  rni|)li>.vi"il  in  the  FttiiTul  (k'partnu'iitu  at  Wushingtun 
■ome  of  tht-se  having  cntcnil  by  i-omiH'titiou. 


ft.'iO 


ILLlSTRATIONH  AND  HKPLErTrONS 


PART  V 


f  fl 


I. 


f)elng  added  to  th««  jpulouny  of  colour.'  It  w  in  tlu'w  nt»>n 
that  race  (luarrcls  hikI  race  riots  such  a-*  thow  which  unhap- 
pily occuroHl  in  VVihninRton,  N.C.,  in  1898,  and  in  Atlimta,  in 
1906,  are  most  to  In?  feawHl.  In  1910,  a  prize  fight  -which  took 
place  in  Nevada  h'tween  ti  whiti-  man  and  a  negro  in  which 
the  latter  prevailed  produced  <iitl)reHkH  of  rac<'  t-nniity  all  over 
the  country  (incIudinR  New  \  ork  City).  In  the  c«mflict.s  and 
riotH  at  least  one  white  man  and  nine  or  ten  (hy  some  accounts 
many  more)  negrcM's  were  killed. 

The  extreme  form  of  race  friction  is  seen  in  Ijiiching,  a  prac- 
tice not  confimnl  to  the  South,  though  more  conmion  there  than 
in  the  West,  and  more  foniuently  attende<l  by  circumstances  of 
horror.  As  some  I^-nchings  are  not  reported,  and  some  are 
falsely  reported,  it  is  hard  to  detennine  the  numlx-r  that 
happen,  hut  apparently  they  are  iM-coming  less  fre<|u<«nt,*  and 
they  are  more  and  more  condenmeti  by  the  opinion  of  the 
bent  citizens. 

Deplorable  as  the  practice  is,  and  s.  riously  as  it  aggravates 
race  friction,  l)ecause  every  instance,  even  if  it  se<>ms  excasablo 
under  the  particular  circumstances,  is  apt  to  be  followed  by 
a  crop  of  minor  outrages,  still  one  mast  not  ascril)e  it  solely  to 
racial  hatred,  for  whites  also  are  lynclnHl.  though  less  frequently. 
It  is  largely  the  outcome  of  a  defntive  administration  of  criminal 
justice.  Homicide  often,  in  soine  regions  usually,  go<>s  unpun- 
i.she<l,  iM'cause  courts  are  weak  or  partial,  juries  fail  to  convict. 
even  in  dear  cases,  while  the  j'xtreme  technicalities  of 
procedure,  couph>d  with  the  timidity  of  State  judges,  iwnnit 
legal  points  to  Im'  taken  by  which  trials  are  protracted,  cases 
are  appealed  on  tri\'ial  grounds,  and  the  carrying  out  of 
sentences  is  in  one  way  or  another  <lelaye<l  until  somehow 
or  other  the  criminal  escapes  altogether.  This  distrust  of 
the  regular  organs  and  regular  process(>s  of  law  is  the  most 

'  S«"rir)U8  trout.lc  arose  in  (w  .>nri:i  in  I'HIO  10  ovnr  th<-  alt.mpt  of  u  railwiiv 
company  to  promote  ncuro  finiiuii  to  l)c  hxoinoiivr  <  nKiupcrii. 

«Prof..«s<ir  Ciitl.T.  who  has  .ar.fr.lly  <  xaiiiiu.d  the  .suhjeet,  «ives  tUv  total 
niimlxr  of  perxons  l.vnehe.1  in  the  Inite.l  States  from  Is.s2  to  I'MKi  at  :«;t7  of 
whom  1997  were  kilh'il  in  the  Southern,  .Ui.i  in  th.^  Western,  and  KW  in  "the 
Eastern  Statist.  The  laritest  nunil«r  in  any  one  year  wa^  2;{.1  in  1h9i.>.  More 
than  one-thir<l  of  tlie  i.ersons  lyiM  hed  were  whites.  In  1!M)3  th.  number  (for 
the  whole  I'nited  Statics)  is  «iv.  as  SO.  in  1<K)7  as  G;j.  onlv  2  of  theso  in  the 
North.  .\t  CoatcsMll,.  in  I'eni.- Jvania  a  nogro  was  in  1911  iynehed  hy  lieing 
burnt  to  death,  and  nolxxly  wa-  punished. 


CHAP,  xc  V  REFLKfTIONS  ON  TlIK  NKdRO  PROBLKM        Ml 


fertile  parent  of  tlM*«e  <>utiHtaut  nworts  t»)  violent  and  illegal 
methods  of  punishment.' 

The  racial  antuKonism  which  breaks  out  in  lynching  has 
pnHluccd  in  many  parts  of  the  South  an  utniosph«"re  of  suspicion 
and  disquiet  on  the  part  of  the  whit<'s,  of  suspicion  and  terror 
on  the  ]>art  of  the  negnn's.  This  is  l«>ss  noticeable  in  those 
auriculturul  districts  which  are  almost  entirely  black,  than  in 
the  towns.  Y«*t  it  ha.s  \'nmw  its  part  in  pnMlucing  an  inflow  of 
neffroes  from  rural  districts  to  the  larger  cities  as  well  a.**  from 
the  South  generally  toward  the  North.  In  many  places 
planters,  even  those  who  treat  their  vvork-p«'ople  kindly,  com- 
plain of  the  difficulty  of  RettiuR  neuro  lalMmr,  though  it  is 
almost  the  only  lalx)ur  that  can  Im>  hired  for  field  work.  Wages 
have  IxHm  tending  to  ris«s  but  it  is  said  that  with  the  more  back- 
ward negrcH's  the  result  is  not  always  goo<l,  lor  they  work  less 
regularly  when  they  can  cam  tus  much  by  f«'w<'r  days  of  toil. 

This  hasexciteil  so  rj'stless  jmd  migratory  a  spirit  that  several 
Southern  Stall's  have  |)ass(Ml  laws  intended  to  keep  the  negro 
on  the  soil  by  throwing  difficulties  in  the  way  of  his  going  out  of 
the  State,  wliile  bills  have  Imhmi  intnMluced  to  exclude  him  from 
mcH'hanical  trades  in  order  that  he  may  stick  to  farm  lalwur. 
Sometimes,  like  the  ryot  of  Imlia.  he  falls  into  the  toils  ttf  the 
usurious  money  lender;  and  in  all  his  disputes,  h-gal  or  extra 
legal,  with  the  whites,  the  chances  are  against  him.  It  is  also 
allege*!  that  when  he  works  on  the  systi'm  of  receiving  part  of 
the  pnMluce  of  tlu^  fann,  he  is  sometimes  cozentnl  out  of  his 
prop<'r  shan^  by  his  landlord,  or.  if  he  works  for  wages,  is  held  in 
a  sort  of  servitude  througli  the  debts  he  is  forced  to  incur  for 
the  articles  sui^pliiMl  to  hin»  by  the  employer.  This  |H>onagc 
(as  it  is  callcil)  is  facilitated  by  law  and  in  some  places  has 
growni  to  \ni  a  system  which,  where  employ«'rs  and  creditors 
are  harsh  in  i'liforcing  their  claims,  makes  the  negro  more  un- 
restful  and  drives  him  away  from  the  plantations  to  the  cities 
or  even  into  the  North.  Yet  \w  is  often  no  better  off  at  the 
North,  where  the  white  lalM)urers  may  refuse  to  work  with  him, 
and  where  he  has  no  more  chance  than  in  the  S)uth  of  receiv- 
ing, except  in  very  exceptional  cases,  any  sort  of  social  recog- 


'  upon  this  mil>jiot.  gi<  p  H  of  the  AddnsM  of  Mr.  Tnft  (ninci>  Prosident)  to 
thf  lVniis.vlviini:i  Stiitr  Mar  A.HMiiciiitiDii  il(livcri-<l  in  I'.KHi;  and  uImo  ii  piiiM-r  by 
Prnfcswir  ./.  W.  Corner  ctilitlcd  Crimt  dii'l  .liidiiiiil  I  m  fiiitintij  (  Aniiikls  of  Amor. 
Ac«d.  of  Polit.  Science.  1007). 


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552 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLPXTIONS 


PAllT   V 


uition  from  any  class  of  whites,  while  in  the  cities  everywhere 
he  is  met  by  the  competition  of  the  generally  more  diligent 
and  more  mteUi«ent  wiiites.  So  the  negro  is  after  all  better 
off  in  the  South  and  on  the  land  than  an^-Avhere  else;  and  in 
the  Soutli,  where  the  need  for  lal)ourers  is  great  and  he  is  not 
generally  discriminated  against  in  business  matters,  a  wider 
door  is  open  to  him  both  in  town  and  in  country. 

At  tlu^  lH)ttom  of  all  the  labour  question  there  stands  the  fact 
that,  as  compared  with  the  white  man,  whether  he  be  a  native 
or  an  Italian  or  Polish  immigrant,  the  average  negro  is  an  in- 
efficient worker.  He  cannot  be  dei)ended  to  come  regularly 
to  his  work,  and  he  does  k-ss  in  a  given  time.  He  plies  his  .shovel 
with  less  vigour  than  an  Irishman,  ami  he  is  not  .s(,  steady  as  a 
Chinaman.  He  has  a  still  unchecked  liking  for  vagrancy,  and 
the  negro  vagrant  is  i)ron(>  to  crim(>;  thesi-  after  all  are  the  faults 
that  depress  him  in  the  struggle  for  life.  All  that  can  be  .«aid 
is  that  they  are  the  natural  result  of  the  previous  conditions, 
that  he  is  le.^s  lazy  m  tlie  l'nite<l  States  than  in  the  West  Indies, 
and  that  he  is  improving  steadily  if  slowly,  —  improving  in  the 
way  which  is  surest,  viz.  i)y  his  own  exertions  and  l)y  the  example 
of  a  few  of  the  Ix'st  among  his  own  race.  A  solid  ground  of 
liope  lies  in  ihv  fact  that  the  evils  described  will  naturally 
dimmish  as  lu>  grows  more  efficient,  and  that  with  th(>  extension 
of  agricultural  and  manual  instruction,  his  lal)our  will  doubtless 
become  more  efficient. 

Broadly  speaking,  there  are  two  tendencies  at  work  among 
the  Southern  whites,  which  corresiwnd  to  the  two  classes  of 
which  Southern  society  consists. 

Tlu^  lower  and  mon^  ignorant  whites,  including  both  th(! 
descemlants  of  thos(>  who  b(>fore  tlu^  War  wen^  call(>d  "mean 
wutes,"  and  thos.^  who  have  come  down  out  of  the  mountains 
where  the  peoj)le  had  remained  comparativelv  rude,  dislike  the 
negroes,  dc'siring  to  thrust  them  down  and  to  keep  them  down, 
and,  so  far  as  they  legally  can.  to  donv  them  civil  rights  as  weU 
as  social  opportunities.  With  this  class,  the  jealousy  of  labour 
competition  has  reinforced  the  repulsion  of  colour  sentiment. 
From  tiMs  class  come  not  only  the  l>iichings  but  the  petty  out- 
rages practised  on  the  weaker  race  :  and  it  is  in  order  to  captures 
the  vot(>s  of  this  class,  which  is  unwilling  to  pav  for  negro  educa- 
tion and  will  sometimes  l.,.vcott  a  wliit(>  woinan  who  devotes 
herself  to  teaching  the  negroes,  that  anti-negro  harangues  are 


Ail  I, 


CHAP,  xcv  REFLF:rTI()NS  OX   THK   NEGRO   PUOBLKM        553 


delivered  and  anti-negro  l)ills  are  introduced  by  ])()litician.s 
of  the  less  worthy  tyjie.  The  enmity  is  more  collective  than 
personal,  for  even  where  prejudice  and  je:dous\-  ;ire  stronf^cst, 
there  are  often  friendly  relations  he1\ve(>n  iudividuid  while  men 
of  this  class  and  their  negro  neighbours,  and  althougii  men  of  the 
kind  described  are  not  generally  anienaltlc  to  hujiuinitariaa 
appeals,  yet  those  democratic  (luclriucs  which  are  engrained  in 
the  American  mind  haw  a  certaiii  ])()wer  even  over  them,  re- 
straining hnpulses  toward  tyranny  which,  miglit  in  other  coun- 
tries he  irresistible.  They  might  wi^h  that  the  negro  was  not 
a  citizen  at  all,  but  as  he  is  a  citizen  even  when  not  a  voter, 
his  citizenship  cannot  be  ignored. 

The  cultivated  and  progressive  white  j)eoi)l(>  of  the  South, 
including  most,  though   not   ([uite   all,  of  the  leacUng  business 
men  and  professional  m(>n,  and  many  of  the  large  landowners, 
cherish  more  kindly  feelings.     Tli(>re  are  of  course  ()i)timists  and 
pessimists  among  them.     Some,  noting  tlie  progress  which  the 
negro  has  already  made,  expect  nnich  from  the  etTects  of  educa- 
tion and  sv-mpathetic  help.    ( )thers.  struck  by  the  inferior  (piality 
of  most  negro  labour,  think  he  will  Jiot  in  :iny  assignal)le  time 
l)e  equal  to  the  white  as  a  skilhvl  or  reliable  workman.     Hut  all 
agree  in  recognizing  that  as  he  is  ihere  and  his  labour  is  indis- 
pensable they  must  make  the  best  nl  tlie  i)osit ion  l)y  giving  him 
instruction,  especially  of  an  industrial  kind,  and  by  helping  him 
to  rise.    Accordingly  they  advocat(^  more  liberal  grants  for  negro 
schools,  and  do  their  best  to  secure  ])ractical  cniuality  of  civil  rights 
and  an  administration  of  the  law  honestly  impartial  as  between 
the  races.     They  dislike  Ivniching  ,)ust  as  much  as  people  in  the 
North  do.     After  the  lamentabl<>  outbreak  at  .\tlanta  in  Sep- 
tember, 1   (Hi,  the  best  white  citizens  fnrme<l  a  committee  for  the 
protection  of  the  negroes,  and  this  <leveloped  into  the  .\tlanta 
Civic  Ix^ague,  under  the  influence  of  which  comlitions  showed 
a  marked  improvement.     The  same  wish  to  secure  protecti(jn 
for  the  negro  has  been  conspicuous  among  the  most  energetic 
and  thoughtful  white  men  in  other  cities. 

As  this  opjMisition  of  twoclass(>saud  two  ten<leucies  in  the  South 
is  the  key  to  the  present  position,  so  the  Ixst  i)ros])ect  for  the 
future  Hps  in  the  incrc-isn  of  the  more  enlightened  class  and  the 
growing  strength  of  the  more  fr'cudly  sentiment  tlicy  represent. 
Hut  it  must  be  remembered  (iiat  upon  some  lliings  .all  Southern 
whites  are  agreed.   They  all  divad  iaternuuriage.    They  all  deem 


i.  .-..= 


■iv. 


554 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  1 


Ji'J 


li-i 


I  1  -/  ' 
-J  i 


'r 


absolute  social  separation  as  necessary  to  prevent  mixture  of 
blood.  They  all  wisii  to  keep  strong  drink  away  from  the  negro/ 
and  most  of  them  are  willing  even  to  forego,  for  that  purpose, 
facilities  for  getting  it  themselves.  They  all  desire  to  prevent 
the  negro  vote  from  In'ing  a  factor  in  politics,  though  some 
would  concede  the  suffrage  to  the  few  who  hav  education  and 
property.  And  tliey  would  all  alike  resent  t!ie  slightest  inter- 
ference by  the  National  (lovernment  in  any  matter  which  con- 
cerns their  State  legislation,  political  or  social,  upon  questions 
affecting  the  '-oloured  race. 

When  one  comes  to  speak  of  tlie  views  and  attitude  of  the 
negroes  themselves,  it  is  necessary  to  premise  that  only  a  small 
percentage  have  any  views  at  all.  Even  among  tho.se  who  can 
read  and  write,  the  number  with  sufficient  knowledge  or  intelli- 
gence to  comprehend  the  whole  situation  is  small.  The  average 
negro  is  a  naturally  tlioughtless,  light-hearted,  kindly,  easy-going 
being,  whose  interests  in  life  are  of  the  most  elementary  order, 
and  whose  vision  is  limit(>d  to  the  few  miles  around  his  house! 
When  he  had  a  vote,  he  used  it,  unless  influenced  by  a  white 
employer  or  patron,  at  the  bidding  of  a  local  leader  of  his  own 
race,  probably  a  preacher.  In  those;  cities  where  it  is  worth  buy- 
ing, he  is  said  to  be  ready  to  sell  it.  In  some  places,  and  espe- 
cially where  outrages  have  recently  occurred,  he  lives  in  terror  of 
violence  from  tiie  ruder  wliites.  But  he  has  no  racial  enmity 
to  the  whites,  and  on  tiie  contrary  is  naturally  deferential  and 
submissive,  responding  quickly  to  any  kindness  shown  to  him, 
dangerous  only  when  he  is  one  of  a  mob,  ami  trebly  dangerous 
when  the  mob  is  drunk. 

Among  the  small  class  of  educated  and  reflective  negroes 
one  may  distinguish  two  tendencies.  Keforence  has  already 
been  made  to  the  opposite  views  of  those  who  counsel  acquies- 
cence in.  and  of  those  who  would  agitate  .igainst,  the  restriction 
of  the  suffrage  to  a  small  section  of  tlieii  race.  The  divergence  of 
views,  however,  goes  further.  There  are  thosi^  led  by  Dr.  Booker 
Washington,  who  see  no  use  in  resisting  patent  facts,  and  there- 
fore hold  that  all  the  negro  can  at  present  do,  and  the  most 
effective  thing  tliat,  with  a  view  to  the  future,  he  could  in  any 
ease  do,  is  to  rai'^o  himself  in  intelligi^jico,  knowledge,  indu^trj-, 
thrift,  whatever  else  makes  for  self-help  and  self-respect.     When 

'    '•  ?¥o  upon  thiii  siihjort  an  aitic  h    l,y  the  Rev.  Dr.  Whito  of  Atlanta  in  the 
Soulh  .Ittnntk  Qitartcrli/.  April,  VMH. 


fHAP.  xcv  REFLECTIONS  ON  THE  NEORO  PROBLEM 


he  lias  gainwl  tlioso  things,  when  h(<  is  folt  to  he  a  valuahle  part 
of  the  community,  his  colour  will  nol  cxcludi;  him  from  the  oppor- 
tunities of  advancement  which  business  presents,  nor  from  the 
suffrage,  nor  from  a  share  in  public  office.  Complaints  of  in- 
justice, well  grotmded  as  many  of  them  may  be,  will  profit  little, 
and  may  even  rouse  further  autaKoiiism,  i)ut  industrial  capac- 
ity and  the  possession  of  jiroperty  are  sure  to  tell. 

Others  there  an\  such  as  Prof(>ss()r  Du  Hois,'  who  find  it  hard 
to  practise  this  patience;  and  some  are  beginning  to  organize 
themselves  in  a  more  aggressive  spirit  for  common  help  and 
^>rotection.  The  only  political  ix)wer  tliey  can  exert  is  through 
the  votes  of  the  negroes  in  some  Northern  States,  and  it  has  not 
yet  Ijcen  shown  that  these  will  follow  any  leaders  of  the  type 
described.  They  can,  however,  both  in  Norch  and  South,  act 
together  for  trade  purposes,  can  patronize  stores  kept  by  mem- 
bers of  their  race,  and  in  other  ways  render  material  aid  and 
make  their  presence  felt. 

One  thine  is  now  commf)n  to  l)oth  these  sections  of  the  educated 
men  of  colour,  —  a  growing  s(>nse  of  race  solidarity  and  a  percep- 
tion that  instead  of  s(>eking  favours  from  the  whites  or  trying  to 
cling  to  their  skirts,  the  negro  must  go  his  own  way,  make  his 
own  society,  try  to  stand  on  his  own  feet,  in  the  confidence  that 
the  more  he  succeeds  in  doing  this,  the  more  resjM'cted  will  he 
be.  This  race-consciousness  finds  ('xpressiou  in  various  organi- 
zations which  have  been  fonned  among  the  negroes  for  helping 
themselves,  as  well  as  in  appeals,  not  always,  however,  responded 
to,  to  give  their  patronage  by  i)refercnce  to  members  of  the  race 
in  business  relatioTis  and  in  professional  work. 

This  feeling  of  Race  Consciousness  has  in  most  places 
included,  and  now  more  and  more  includes',  th(>  people  of 
mixed  blood,  about  whom  a  word  may  l)e  said,  \\hereas  in 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  countries  persons  who  are  not  evi- 
dently black  are  ivckoncvl  as  white,  in  tiie  United  States  any 
trace  of  African  blood  marks  a  man  as  a  negro  and  subjects 
him  to  the  disabilities  attadiing  to  the  race  In  Latin  America 
whoever  is  not  black  is  white  :  in  T(Hitonic  America  whoever 
is  not  white  is  black.  The  n\nnber  of  this  mixed  papulation, 
though  it  cannot  bo  exactly  ascertained,  i'^  (>-<tiinat<>d  at  not 
quite  one-third  of  the  total  colouretl  population,  that  is,  alx)ut 

'  His  book.  The  Soiih  of  lilack  Folk,  presents  in  a  striking  manner  the  hard* 
3hip  of  the  coloured  man's  lot. 


'    5r 


if" 


} 
I- 1' 


ii 


.VAi 


ILLrSTIlATIOXS  AND  liKFLKCTIOXS 


I'AKT   V 


llin'c  millions.     I'hc  proportion  is  Imm'st  in  the  XortJuTii  uml 
MitMIc  Stiitt's,  suuillcst   in  South  Carolinii,  (IcorgiH,  und  l\w 
(Julf  Stiites.      While  in  sonic  far  Southern  districts  it  does  not 
reach  one-fifth,  theri'  are  parts  of  Missouri,  Kentucky,  Virginia, 
and  Maryland  where  it  is  two-fifths.     All  these  persons,  even 
if  there  he  only  an  eiglith  or    i  sixteenth  of  negro  blo(id,  and 
there  he  nothing  in  face  or  accent  to  imlicate  their  origin,  an* 
held  to  belong  to  the  negro  race.i     To  what  extent  children 
continue  to  ho  lx)rn  from  parents  of  different  races   no  one 
knows.      In  eleven  Xorthern  and  Western  States,  as  well  as  in 
all  the  Southern  and  in  Arizona,  intermarriage  is  illegal,  and  in 
some  States  a  punishal)le  offence,  hut  illicit  connections  are  said 
to  he  still  freciuent,  though  sonu-  State  laws  have  tried  to  re- 
press this  practice  also  hy  penalties.      One-eighth  is  in  some 
States  taken  as  the  infusion  which  makes  a  man  legally  a  negro  ; 
but  less  than  that  would  affect  him  socially.     There  is  much' 
controversy,  and  so  far  no  scientific  certainty  because  no  ade- 
quate data,  regarding  the  physiological  effect  of  race  mixtur(>. 
The  common  vi(>w  holds  the  mixed  race  to  be  sujx'rior  in  intel- 
ligence but  rather  inferior  in  physical  stamina  to  the  pure  black. 
It  dwells  on  the  fact  tliat  lu-arly  all  the  negroes  who  have  risen 
to  distinction  have  been  nmlattoes.      But  there  are  men  of 
large  experience  who  think  diffi'rently.'-     In  some  cities,  espe- 
cially in  the  Xorth,  mulattoes  and  quadroon^!  are  said  to  have 
formerly  looked  down  on  the  pure  blacks,  and  sought  to  create 
an  exclusive  society  of  their  own.     But  that  racial  conscious- 
ness to  which   I  have  already  referred  has  been  drawing  all 
s(>ctions  of  the  African  race  together,  dis}K)sing  the  lighter  col- 
ouretl,  since  they  can  get  no  nearer  t(»  the  whites,  to  identify 
themselves  with  the  mass  of  those  who  In-long  to  their  own 
stock. 

Among  these  light-coloured  people,  it  is  on  those  who,  know- 
ing their  white  relatives  by  sight,  and  forced  to  feel  that  per- 
sons by  nature  their  cousins  —  pi-rhaps  even  their  brothers  or 
sisters  -  ar(>  placed  ab(»ve  them  (jn  a  level  to  which  they  cannot 
climb,  that  the  sense  of  social  inequality  presses  most  cruelly. 
But  it  presses  on  (>very  (>(lucat<'d  negro.     He  may  have  stuilied 

■  Th(  laws  uf  soiin-  stiil.s  Ileal  u  iimti  with  at  least  ono-oighth  of  negro  blood 
aa  a  neuro;  others  speak  merely  of  "  visible  admixture." 

-  The  authorities  of  Hampton  histitute  report  that  their  pure  black  pupils 
pass  just  as  liisrh  in  the  examinations  as  do  the  mulattoes.  If  the  latter  ara 
frwiuentlv  (luicker,  the  former  are  more  perscveriiiK. 


CHAP.  x<v  REFLFXTIOXS  OX  THK   \K(JK<)  PUOHLKM        r,57 


at  a  Northern  university,  may  hav  •issoriatcd  tlicrc  in  a  friendly 
if  not  intimate  way  with  white  students,  may  liave  passed  his 
examinations  with  eciuai  credit.'  In  face  and  li'^nrc  he  may 
be  scareely  distinRiiishabh!  from  them.  Hut  in  after  life  an 
iinpa.ssable  barrier  will  stand  bet\v<'en  him  and  them.  That 
under  such  conditions  there  should  be  bitterness  can  excite  no 
surprise.  The  wonder  rather  is  that  not  more  bitterness  finds 
expre.s.sion  ;  and  this  may  be  ascribed  i)artly  1o  the  simple 
faith  and  religious  resignation  which  lie  deep  in  the  negro 
character,  partly  also  to  the  fact  that  the  coloured  i)eople 
have  from  childhood  grown  up  accustomecl  to  it.  so  that  th(; 
contrast  becomes  k(>eiily  i)ainful  only  to  a  few.  It  is  iVtrtunate 
that  the  African  race  is  not  naturally  sullen  or  vin<lictive,  and 
that  its  gaietv  of  temper  finds  many  alleviations  for  th(>  trials 
of  life. 

Whoever,  revisiting  a  country  after  a  long  interval,  seeks  to 
form  a  sound  judgment  on  the  changes  that  are  i)assing,  does 
well  to  check  the  statistical  facts  by  his  jiersonal  impressions 
and  his  personal  impressions  by  t!ie  statistical  facts.  .\s  regards 
the  position  of  the  negnx's,  the  fact-^  that  can  be  expressed  in  fig- 
ures are  generally  encouraging.  They  must  be  growing  more 
industrious,  because  they  own  far  more  land,  and  their  total 
property  has  increased  nuich  faster  than  their  numbers.  Their 
sanitary  condition  is  still  in  many  places  deplorable,  but  the 
efforts  which  are  being  made  to  reduce  disease,  and  particularly 
tuberculosis,  offer  a  prospect  of  improvement.  lulucationally 
too  there  is  visible  ])rogn>ss,  not  merely  in  the  re<luction  of 
illiteracy,  but  in  the  increased  ]iro])ortion  who  receiv*-  industrial 
training  and  in  the  numb(>r  who  enter  occupations  requiring  a 
cultivated  intelligence.  The  statistii-s  of  <Mime  are  still  regret- 
tably high,  but  it  must  be  remembeicd  that  the  i)oorcst  part 
of  a  population  is  always  that  from  which  iiy  far  the  largest 
proportion  of  otTenders  comes,  and  otTences  conunitted  by 
negroes  are  in  some  parts  of  the  country  more  constantly  and 
severely  dealt  with  than  those  committed  by  whites,  f.ynchings 
are  less  frequent.  The  prohibition  of  the  use  of  intoxicating 
drinks,  which  has  now  been  enacted  in  nearly  every  State  of  th(! 

'  .\t  oiip  larnc  ami  iloiinshiim  Sl:it.-  I'liUrrsiTy  r,;  th.-  N'nrth.  st-riim  ^. ;!;:-•  trii 
or  fiftoon  oolourod  studi-iits  uradiiato,  I  was  told  lliat  tiny  were  treated  with  due 
courtcay  by  their  f<ll<)W-stii<li'iits  and  in  mi  way  discriininatrd  ak'ainst,  lait  it 
was  added  that  if  tliere  hail  been  in  the  University  luuidleds  instead  of  Wm  of 
them,  things  would  have  been  (hiTerent. 


ti 


4i 


658 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


III 


South,  vnW,  if  strictly  carried  out,  do  much  to  diminish  l)oth  the 
volume  of  negro  crime  and  the  risks  of  violent  white  reveuRe. 

When  one  turns  from  the  tangible  facts  to  the  less  tangible  im- 
pressions which  the  traveller  receives,  the  strongest  among  these 
is  the  sense  of  a  revival  of  lift;  and  energy  among  the  whites 
over  nearly  all  the  South.  The  spirit  of  this  generi'tion  is  a 
different  spirit  from  that  of  the  generation  which  fought,  and 
largely  perished,  in  the  Civil  VV'ar  ;  but  it  retains  some  measure 
of  the  dignity  and  largeness  of  view  which  adorne<l  the  old  South- 
em  aristocracy.  And  although  sectionalism  is  passing  away,  the 
Southern  mini  of  to-<lay  have  along  with  their  jjride  in  the  Union 
a  special  pride  in  their  own  land,  an<l  a  Southern  i)atriotism  of 
their  own,  like  the  Scottish  jiatriotism  which  Scotsmen  superadd 
to  the  allegiance  they  owe  to  the  United  Kingdom.  This  love 
of  the  South  is  an  inspiring  motive.  It  not  mi-rely  spurs  men  to 
the  development  of  the  material  resources  of  a  rc'gion  whose 
wealth  in  such  nwources  is  scarcely  even  yet  ai)j)reciated,  but 
it  makes  them  strive  to  build  uji  a  community  with  high 
standards  in  public  and  private  life,  and  with  an  intellectual 
culture  al)reast  of  that  of  the  older  Northern  States.  There 
have  been  many  evidences  (notably  in  the  progress  of  the  tem- 
perance movement  and  of  the  LajTtien's  Missionary  Move- 
ment) of  the  strength  of  moral  and  religious  sentiment  in  the 
South.  Such  an  enlargemcnit  of  view  and  sense  of  what  befits 
a  great  peojile  naturally  disposes  the  l)est  citizens  to  a  more 
generous  and  sympathetic  treatment  of  the  Negro  and  a  wiser 
handling  of  the  negro  question  as  a  whole  than  was  possible 
in  the  days  inmiediately  following  the  Reconstruction  pt^riod. 
Thus  one  finds  among  the  most  thoughtful  Southern  men, 
the  men  whose  moral  leadership  is  recognized,  a  more  hopeful 
and  cheerful  spirit  than  formerly,  a  si:)irit  wliich  s(!es  that  justice 
and  tenderness  towartl  the  weak  and  backward  race  will  make 
for  the  good  of  the  stronger  race  also. 

Nor  is  this  more  friendly  attitude  visible  only  among  the  lead- 
ers of  thought.  Although  the  mass  of  the  poorer  and  more  igno- 
rant whites  remain  suspicious  and  unfriendly,  the  visitor  discerns 
all  through  the  (Hlucated  class  in  the  South  a  greater  disjwsition 
to  lie  indulgent  to  iht^  negroes,  to  protect  and  to  help  them  in 
their  (Ufficult  upward  path.  This  is  most  visible  where  there 
is  evident  activity  and  prosperit}',  —  one  is  struck  by  it  \\  North 
Carolina,  for  instance.     Nor  is  the  reason  hard  to  find,  for  when 


CHAP.    XLV 


UKFLECTIONS  ON  THK  NbXHlO  PROBLKM        o 


-.9 


people  fw«l  themselves  advanciiiK,  their  hearts  expand,  and  when 
they  are  l)usy  they  cease  to  brixxl  glmnnily  over  a  problem 
which  has  Ix-eu  for  many  years  a  sort  of  obsession  in  many  parts 
of  the  country.  They  feel  with  S<"nator  John  Sharp  Williams 
of  Mississippi  when  lie  said,  "  In  the  face  of  this  ^reat  problem 
it  would  be  well  that  wise  men  think  more,  that  Rood  men 
pray  more,  and  that  all  men  talk  less  and  curse  less."  So 
lately  spoke  another  eminent  Southerner,  '"  Not  another  word 
alxmt  the  negro  problem,     (ict  to  work." 

Thus  if  we  compare  1870  with  18iH)  and  1H90  with  1910,  there 
are  grounds  for  hoix>.  But  if  we  regard  th«>  actual  state  of  thin>?s, 
and  note  how  slowly  changes  for  the  better  have  been  moving, 
we  shall  realize  how  much  remains  to  be  done.  As  the  pessimist, 
fixing  his  eye  only  on  existing  evils,  fails  to  allow  for  the  forces 
whi(^  are  tending  to  lessen  them,  so  the  oi)timi»it,  who  sees  tlw'se 
forces  at  work,  is  always  in  danger  (jf  expecting  them  to  work 
too  quickly.  In  such  a  cas(f  as  this,  where  the  scale  is  enonnous 
because  in  the  South  nearly  ten  million.s  of  black  men  are 
scattered  over  nearly  a  million  of  s(iuare  miles,  and  where  the 
real  improvement  to  be  itTected,  that  from  whi<'h  all  the  rest 
must  spring,  is  an  improvement  in  the  character  anil  habits 
which  a  race  has  formed  during  thousands  of  years,  progress 
must  needs  be  slow. 

It  was  observeil  in  the  last  preceding  chapter  that  forecasts 
are  unusuallv  difficult  in  a  case  to  the  iihenomena  of  wliich  no 
parallel  can  be  found.  All  prediction  nuist  rest  on  an  observa- 
tion of  sunilar  facts  observed  b<>fore  elsewhere  and  on  the  his- 
torical ilevelopiuent  those  facts  have  taken.  Now.  though  there 
have  been  endless  instances  in  history  of  the  contact  of  advanced 
and  backward  ra<-es.  none  of  these  instances  i^resent  phenomena 
sufficiently  resembling  those  of  the  South  to  enable  us  to  con- 
jecture the  future  from  the  past. 

The  case  most  nearly  res(>ml)ling  that  of  the  Southern  States 
is  to  l)e  found  in  South  Africa  at  the  present  day.  There  we  8e<> 
a  large  iK,pulatiou  of  black  jx'ople.  iho  s.>ttled  part  of  whom 
enjoy  privp+e  -ivil  rights  equal  to  those  of  the  whites,  while  in 
one 'part  ot  ne  country  ((^ape  (\>lony)  a  small  number,  who 
have  attained  a  ccrt.-iin  stamlard  of  education  and  property, 
enjoy  political  rights  also.  There,  as  in  the  South,  we  note  a 
complete  social  separation  b(>tween  the  rac(>s,  with  no  prospect 
of  any  fusion  between  them,  and  a  tendency  also  on  the  part  of 


EN 


•ii 


rMO 


ILLISTRATIOXS  AND   rtKPLKCTIONS 


PART  V 


It 


is?; 


the  ruder  section  of  tlie  whites  to  disUke  the  l)lacks  and  treat 
them  scornfully.  The  outlook  iu  South  Africa  is  in  m)  far 
darker  than  it  is  iu  the  Southeru  States  that  the  Kafir  population 
inuiieusely  outnumhers  the  whites,  and,  though  the  hulk  of  it 
still  renuiins  in  u  triluil  condition,  far  behind  the  American 
negroes  in  point  of  ("ducation,  it  is  naturally  of  a  more  vigor- 
ous character  and  more  martial  spirit  than  are  most  of  the 
latter.  However,  the  native  proi)lem  in  South  Africa  is  still  so 
far  from  heing  soht'il  that  one  can  only  begin  to  conjecture 
the  fonns  it  is  likely  to  take  when  the  Kafirs  Inrome  more  civil- 
ized. It  is  in  an  earlier  phase  than  the  American  problem,  and 
does  not  hel|)  us  toward  a  solution  of  the  latter. 

That  latter  was  nevei  more  tersely  and  forcibly  stated  than 
by  th(>  late  Mr.  Henry  \V.  (Jrady  of  Atlanta  when  he  said:' 

'.'The  problem  of  the  Soutli  is  to  carry  on  within  her  l)ody 
politic  two  separate  races,  eiiual  iu  civil  and  political  rights, 
and  nearly  ('(jual  in  numbers.  She  nmst  carry  these  races  in 
peace,  for  discord  means  ruin.  She  nmst  carry  them  sepa- 
rately, for  assimilation  means  (lel)asement.  She  mast  carry 
them  in  equal  iustice,  for  to  this  she  is  pledged  in  honour  and 
in  gratitude.  She  nmst  carry  them  even  unto  the  end,  for  in 
human  i)rol)ability  she  will  never  be  (|uit  of  either." 

All  that  wl  jcver  wishes  to  forecast  the  future  of  the  Southern 
r-irroes  can  do  is  to  study  the  forces  actually  at  work  in  the 
South  and  try  to  form  an  estimate  of  the  power  they  will  respec- 
tively exert  hereafter.  Those  forces  are  curiously  intertwined, 
and  while  some  promise  to  work  for  the  bettering  of  existing 
conditions,  others  may  work  for  their  worsening.  Many  of  the 
wiser  minds  in  tlie  South  tliink  that  their  coml)ined  effect  will 
on  the  whole  be  for  good.  Some,  however,  think  otherwise. 
The  best  way  of  statiny;  the  case  is  to  present  each  view  sepa- 
rately, and  the  more  hopcliil  view  may  come  first.  I  give  it  in 
the  five  paragraphs  tliat  fcillow. 

The  growing  material  i)rosperity  of  tlu^  South,  a  prosperity 
likely  to  increase  still  further,  will  make  the  labour  of  the  negro 
more  and  more  ne(>(l(Hl,  and  will  t!i<Tefore  make  the  Southern 
whites  feel  more  and  more  anxious  to  retain  him,  to  encourage 
him,  to  improve  th<'  (luality  of  his  work. 

The  Negro  will  shar<>  in  this  ]irosperity ;   and  as  his  material 

•  These  words  of  ii  tirilli;iiit  Southirncr.  too  soon  lost  to  his  Country,  are 
quoted  from  Professor  Hurt's  Suiitlarn  iiouth,  p.  101. 


CHAP,  xrv 


REFLECTIONS  ON  THE  NKdRO  PROBLEM        Ml 


coiulitiou  improves,  us  l»>  is  better  housed  an.l  elotlieU  uii.l 
acduires  a  taste  for  the  comforts  of  life,  he  will  be  mon-  uuhis- 
trioas  aiul  more  effieient.  Thus  will  he  heeome  more  self- 
respecting ;  and  therewith  also  more  resiJectiHl.  In  l)ecommR 
more  educated,  a.ul  especially  better  trained  for  mdustnal 
pursuits,  the  u.'gro  will  not  only  1m'  abU-  to  hold  his  own  m  handi- 
crafts even  in  those  which  at  present  he  seems  m  danner  of 
losiiiK,  but  will  gcMierally  begin  to  awaken  to  the  duties  and  re- 
s|H)nsibilities  of  citizenshi|).  As  he  will  be  more  eager  to  quality 
himself  for  the  sutTrage,  by  reaching  the  prescribed  standard  of 
knowledge  and  i)roperty,  so  tliere  will  Im-  less  objection  to  his 
enjoying  the  suffrage  when  it  is  iK-rceived  that  he  has  grown 

fitter  for  it.  .  ,  ..    xi     i      i 

As  more  and  more  among  the  colourt>d  people  rise  to  the  level 
which  the  more  advanced  have  now  re-»ch»Hl,  ami  as  they  form 
higher  aims  in  life  than  physical  enjojanent  aiul  amusement, 
they  will  gain  more  self-control  and  steadiness  of  puriM)se. 
Crime  will  tend  to  diminish,  and  the  occasions  for  friction  l)e- 
tween  the  races  will  be  fewer. 

As  negro  society  becomes  more  settled,  and  more  of  the  more 
ambitious  and  capable  men  rise  to  positions  of  influence  in  the 
occupations  of  merchants  and  bankers,  lawyers  and  physicians, 
the  educated  African  will  feel  less  iliscontentiHl  and  less  resent- 
ful at  his  social  isolation  from  the  whites,  because  he  will  have 
a  better  societv  of  his  ovm.  To  stand  well  in  that  society  will 
be  a  legitimate  subject  for  pride.  His  nascent  race-consciou.s- 
ness  will  then  take  the  direction  not  of  antagonism  to  the  whites, 
but  of  showing  what  the  African  can  do  wh(>n  he  has  got  his 
chance,  and  the  current  that  might  have  been  dangerous  m  one 
channel  will  be  harmless  and  fertilizing  in  another. 

The  growing  agricultural  and  industrial  progress  of  the  whole 
South,  accompanied  bv  a  scarcely  less  marked  (Mlucational  j.rog- 
ress,  will  reduce  both  the  enmity  and  the  suspicion  which  now 
fill  the  breasts  of  so  manvof  the  ruder  and  more  ignorant  Southern 
whites.  Uvn  are  more  kinilly  when  they  arc  more  comfortable 
When  they  come  to  l)e  occupied  with  pushing  themselves  forward 
in  the  world  as  are  native  Americans  in  the  North,  they  will 
not  let  the  presence  of  the  Negro  darken  their  sky  and  embitter 
their  feelings  as  he  has  done  for  the  last  forty  years.  Ihe 
memories  of  the  Reconstruction  period  will  in  time  pass  away. 
People  will  see  the  present  as  it  is  and  not  in  the  light  of  a  dis- 
2o 


Ml 


■3, is 


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»      fri   f 


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PABT  V 


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mal  past.  The  Ik's!  part  of  the  South  hiw  already  recovered  its 
old  life  ami  Hprinn ;  and  as  this  renovation  spreads  tunong  the 
hitherto  backward  classes,  they  too  will  come  to  see  the  African 
and  the  difficulties  his  presence  causes  with  a  calmer  and  less  un- 
friendly eye,  and  will  recognize  that  harshness  or  scorn  toward 
a  weaker  race  tells  harmfully  on  the  stronger  itself,  as  every  one 
now  recognizes  that  slavery  hurt  the  character  of  the  slave- 
holder more  than  it  did  that  of  the  slave. 

Against  these  sanguine  anticipations  let  us  set  a  pessimist's 
view  of  the  probabilities,  though  Southern  pessimism  finds  its 
grounds  less  in  philosophic  or  historical  reasonings  than  in  an 
instinctive  race;  antagonism  which  is  quite  compatible  with 
kindliness  to  the  individual  negro.  These  also  must  b<>  stated, 
and  as  far  as  possible  in  the  words  of  the  men  who  hold  them. 

If  the  negro  shares  in  the  prosperity  of  the  South,  if  he  grows 
richer  and  enters  the  professions  nioro  largely,  he  will  become 
more  "uppish,"  will  be  quicker  to  claim  social  equality  and  more 
resentful  of  its  denial.  What  the  whites  deem  his  insolence  will 
provoke  the  reprisals  from  them.  This  will  increase  the  tension 
between  the  two  colours.  And  as  the  upper  section  of  the 
negroes  find  that  all  their  advance  in  knowletlge  and  material 
well-being  brings  them  socially  no  nearer  to  the  whites,  their 
feelings  will  grow  more  bitter  and  the  relations  of  the  races 
more  strained. 

So  too,  assuming  that  race-consciousness  grows  among  the 
coloured  people,  may  it  not  lead  them  to  organize  themselves  in 
a  way  calculated  to  alarm  and  .irovoke  the  whites  ?  The  dtwirt? 
of  the  bulk  of  the  whites  to  "keep  down"  the  negro  and  make 
him  "know  his  place,"  may  l)e  unchristian.  But  it  exists,  and 
any  display  of  increasing  strenf(,«^h  on  the  part  of  the  weaker  race 
will  aggravate  it. 

This  tendency  may  show  itself  especially  where  the  suffrage 
is  concerned.  If  the  negroes  so  advance  in  prop<'rty  and  in  the 
capacity  to  pa.ss  the  education  tests  now  prescribed  as  to  n.ake 
them  constitute,  in  some  States,  or  counties,  or  cities,  one-half  or 
even  one-third  or  on; -fourth  of  the  voters,  the  old  alarms 
regarding  their  political  influence  will  recur,  possibly  with  in- 
creased force,  because  they  will  be  more  iuteiligent  and  better 
organized  than  they  were  before  1890,  when  electoral  rights 
began  to  be  withdrawn.  If  such  a  largely  increased  body  of 
coloured  voters  should  possess  the  franchise,  the  politics  of  the 


CHAP,  xcv   RKFI.KCTIONH  (.N   THK  NKdUO  IMIOBLKM        .VW 

South  will  IMJ  (UflturbtHi  and  wanM'il  l.y  the  pros.-iut'  of  a  Inxly 
likely  to  vote  all  toRother  a»  a  rac^  im^iK-ctive  of  Ih.'  on  imu-y 
political  issues,  au.l  l.urteriiiK  thi-ir  votes  (not  nc'essarily  for 
money)  to  one  party  or  th.'  othe.  as  teinimrary  a^lvautaRe  «uk- 
Kests.  Probably  an  effort  woul.l  un.U-r  such  cireunistanct^  bt, 
made  to  devise  new  methods  for  excluding  at  least  the  bulk  of  the 
colourtHl  men ;  but  such  m..tho<ls  would  s,.em  more  objection- 
able and  would  excite  more  resistance  when  ar>l)luMl  to  nlucated 
p«.r9ons  than  tliey  have  done  as  applied  in  reccMit  years  to  the 
ijrnorant  multitude  which  has  little  or  no  property. 

The  difficulties  attendant  on  contpi-tition  in  the  lalH)Ur  market 
which  have  already  caused  trouble  in  a  few  places  or  trades  are 
likely  to  1h.  aKKravattHl  as  a  larRer  number  of  ne«roes  en  er  the 
mure  skiUetl  e.nployments.     ThouRh  white  workmen  are  <leen»Hl 
more  efficient,  the  difference  in  e(fici(>ncy  is  less  than  tlie  differ- 
ence in  the  V  apes  paid  to  th(*  negroes,  who  at  present  accept  much 
less  than  whit<>s  will.     Irritation  may  follow  similar  to  that  which 
arose  when  Chinese  ccmtent  with  lower  wages  competed  with 
Americaas  in  California  aiul  witli  Australians  m  Victoria  and 
New  South  Wales.     In  those  countries  tlie  ("hme.se  were  at  last 
excluded.    But  the  African  cannot  be  prevented  from  seekinR  to 
impr.)ve  his  position  merely  because  his  eompetition  will  dis- 
please the  white.  .  , 
Already  it  is  a  thing  without  precedent  in  the  world  s  annah 
that  two  races  enjoying  (Hiual  civil    and   to  some  extent  equal 
™,litical  rights  should  live  si.le  by  side  in  elos(>  juxtaposition 
vet  never  intermingling,  om'  of  them  stronger  than  the  other 
'and  umler  constant  temptation  to  abuse  its  strength.     The  more 
completelv   the   weaker   race   absorbs    the   civilization   of   the 
stronger  race  a.ul  rises  to  its  level,  the  mon>  extraonlinary  vvmU 
the  situation  bm.me.     Can  anytlnng  but  trouble  be  exi).>cte.l 

Though  it  is  right  to  let  the  pessimist's  case  be  fully  sta  ("I, 
and  though  his  gloomy  prognostications  cannot  b(.  dismissed  as 
visionary,  for  there  niuy  be  an  elem.'ut  of  future  conflict  in  the 
strengthening  of  African  ra.^e  ,-ons.-iousness  still  the  njore  hope- 
ful of  these  two  views  of  the  situation  will  commend  it  sell  to 
one  who  compares  the  present  with  the  past  and  who  notes  that 
the  be.st  men  in  the  South,  the  men  v.hoso  intimato  knowledge 
and  freedom  from  prejudic.>  gives  weight  to  their  ju.lgment, 
incline  to  the  hopeful  side.  The  matter  may  be  summed  up  by 
these  final  observations. 


564 


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PART   \ 


The  white  population  increases  faster  than  the  negro  not  only 
over  the  whole  Union,  but  in  the  South.  The  negro  therefore 
is  not  a  political  Danger. 

The  Negro  is  needed  as  a  labourer,  and  the  more  he  advances, 
the  more  useful  is  his  labour  to  a  country  which  urgently  nee<ls 
labour.  To  treat  the  negro  fairly  and  help  him  to  progress  is 
therefore  the  Interest  of  the  whites. 

The  question  whether  the  races  can  live  ix;atjably  together 
is  at  bottoni  a  moral  question,  a  question  of  good  feeling,  of 
humanity,  of  the  application  of  the  principles  of  the  Gospel. 
Race  antagonism  is  no  doubt  a  strong  sentiment.  Many  a  time 
it  has  shown  its  formidable  power.  Yet  it  may  decline  under 
the  influence  of  reason  and  goo<l  feeling.  In  1810  slavery 
existed  over  nearly  the  whole  of  the  American  continent  and  its 
islantls.  Those  whom  it  shocked  were  few,  and  still  fewer 
contemplated  its  abolition.  Even  so  late  as  1860  it  was  defended 
on  principle  and  defended  out  of  the  Bible.  When  the  senti- 
ment of  a  common  humanity  has  so  grown  and  improved  within 
a  century  as  to  destroy  slavery  everywhere,  may  it  not  be  that 
a  like  sentiment  will  soften  the  bitterness  of  race  friction  also  ? 
It  is  at  any  rate  in  that  direction  that  the  stream  of  change 
is  running. 


CHAPTER  XCVI 

FORKIGN   POLICY  AND  TERRITORIAL   EXTENSION 

So  far  I  have  had  to  say  nothhig,  and  now  I  nood  say  but  • 
little    of  a  subject  which  would  have  been  constantly  obtriul- 
ius  itself  hatl  we  been  dealing  with  any  country  ni  Eunn.  -. 
To  every  country  in  Europe  foreign  relations  are  a  matter  of 
primary  importance.     The  six  Great  Powers  of  that  contnient 
•dl  think  it  necessary  to  protect  themselves  aganist  one  an- 
other by  armies,  fleets,  and  alliances.     Great  Britam,  seekmg 
no  extension  of  territory  and  comparatively  safe  from  attack 
at  home,  has  many  colonies  and  one  vast  dependency  to  pro- 
tect, and  is  drawn  by  them,  far  more  than  by  her  European 
position,  into  the  tangknl  web  of  Okl  World  diplomacy.     To 
all  these  Powers,  and  not  less  to  the  minor  ones,  the  friendly 
or  hostile  attitude  of  the  others  is  matter  of  vital  consequence. 
Not  only,  therefore,  must  immense  sums  be  spent  on  warlike 
preparations,   but   a  great  establishment  of  officials  must  be 
maintained  and  no  small  part  of  the  attention  of  tlie  Adminis- 
tration and  the  legislature  be  given  to  the  conduct  of  the  inter- 
national  relations   of   the   State.     These   relations,    moreover, 
constantly   affect    the   internal   politics   of   th(>   country ;  they 
sometimes  cause  the  triumph  or  the  defeat  of  a  party  ;  tliey 
influence  financial  policy ;  they  make  or  mar  the  careers  of 

statesmen.  ,      _,         i,     T»f    • 

In  the  United  States,  nothing  of  the  kind.  From  the  Mexi- 
can war  of  1845,  do^^^l  to  the  Spanish  war  of  1898,  externa 
r(>lations  very  rarely,  and  then  only  to  a  slight  extent  affected 
internal  political  strife.  As  they  di<l  not  occupy  the  public 
mind  thev  did  not  lie  within  the  sphere  of  party  platforms  or 
party  action.  We  have  hitherto  foun.l  no  occasion  to  r.'fer  to 
them  save  in  describing  the  functions  of  the  Senate;  and  I 
mention  thorn  now  as  the  traveller  did  the  snakes  in  Iceland, 
only  to  note  their  absence,  and  to  indicate  some  ot  the  results 

ascribable  thereto. 

565 


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At 


hi! 

liJ 


i-i 


Though  the  chief  and  obvious  cause  of  this  striking  contrast 
between  the  great  Western  Repul)lic  and  the  Powers  of  Europe 
is  to  be  found  in  her  geographical  position  on  a  continent  where, 
since  she  bought  out  France  and  Spain,  she  has  had  only  two 
neighbours,  one  comparatively  weak  on  the  south  and  one  natu- 
rally friendly  on  the  north,  much  must  also  be  set  down  to  the 
temper  and  convictions  of  tlie  people.  They  are,  and  have 
usually  been,  pacific  in  their  views,  for  the  unjustifiable,  because 
neetUess,  war  with  Mexico  was  tlie  work  of  the  slave-holding 
oligarchy  and  opposed  to  the  general  sentiment  of  the  people. 
They  have  no  lust  of  conquest,  possessing  already  as  nmch  land 
as  they  want.  They  have  always  been  extremely  jealous  of  a 
standing  army,  the  necessary  support  of  ambitious  foreign 
policies.  They  have  been  so  much  absorlied  by  and  interested 
in  the  development  of  their  material  r(>sources  as  to  care  very 
little  for  what  goes  on  in  other  countries.  As  there  is  no  mili- 
tary class,  so  also  there  is  no  class  which  feels  itself  called  on 
to  be  concerned  with  foreign  affairs,  and  least  of  all  is  such  a 
class  to  be  found  among  the  politicians.  Even  leading  states- 
men are  often  strangely  ignorant  of  European  diplomacy,  much 
more  the  average  senator  or  congressman.  And  into  the  mind 
of  the  whole  people  there  has  sunk  deep  the  idea  that  all  such 
matters  belong  to  the  bad  order  of  the  Old  World  ;  and  that 
the  true  way  for  the  model  Republic  to  influence  that  world  is 
to  avoid  its  errors,  ami  set  an  example  of  pacific  industrialism. 

This  view  of  the  facts  may  appear  strange  to  those  who  re- 
member that  the  area  of  the  United  States  proper,  which  in  1783 
was  about  one  million  square  miles,  is  now  something  over  three 
and  a  half  miUions.'  .\11  tliis  added  territory,  however,  except 
the  cessions  made  by  Mexico  in  15^17,  came  peaceably  by  way 
of  purchase  or  (in  the  case  of  Texas)  voluntary  union  ;  and  all 
(with  the  possible  exception  of  Alaska)  consists  of  regions 
which  naturally  cohere  with  the  original  Republic,  and  ought 
to  be  united  with  it.  The  limits  of  what  may  be  called  natural 
expansion  have  now  (subject  to  what  will  be  said  presently) 
lieen  reached  ;  and  the  desire  for  annexation  is  no  stronger 
than  at  any  preceding  epoch,  while  the  interest  in  foreign  rela- 
tions generally  has  not  inoroase<i  For  a  time  a  sort  of  friendship 
was  profes  ?d  for  Russia,  more  for  the  sake  of  teasing  England 
than  from  any  real  sympathy  with  a  despotic  monarchy  very 

'  As  to  the  new  transmarine  dominions,  see  next  chapter. 


rHAP.   XCVI 


TERRITORIAL  KXTENSION 


567 


aUen  to  the  American  spirit .  Hut  at  present  absolute  neutrality 
and  impartiality  as  re^anls  the  Old  World  is  observed;  and  a 
remarkable  proof  of  the  desire  to  abstain  from  engagements 
affecting  it  was  given,  when  the  United  States  (.ovemment 
declined  to  ratify  the  International  A<-t  of  the  Berlin  (  onference 
of  1885  regulating  the  Congo  Free  State,  although  its  muuster 
at  Berlin  had  taken  part  in  the  deliberations  of  the  (onference 
by  which  that  Act  was  pre|)ared.  And  it  was  after  much  delay 
and  some  hesitation  that  they  ratified  (in  1892)  even  the  Brussels 
International  Slave  Trade  Act.' 

Such  abstinence  from'  Old  \N  orld  affairs  is  the  complement  to 
that  declaration  of  a  purpos,>  to  prevent  any  European  power 
from  attempting  to  ot)tain  a  controlling  iuHuence  m  New  World 
affairs  which  was  made  by  President  Monroe  in  his  Message  of 
1823      The  assertion  is  less  needed  now  than  it  was  ui  Monroe  s 
day 'because  the  United  States  have  grown  so  mnnensely  in 
stre'ngth  that  no  European  power  can  constitute  a  danger  to 
them     It  would  no  doubt  lead  the  (Government  to  consider 
international  questions  arising  even  in  South  ^nierica  as  much 
more  within  the  scope  of  their  influence  tl\-^^7:';'^,;^:^;^*/,y 
affecting  their  o^vn  citizens,  which  might  arise  in  the  Old  World, 
but  the  occasions  for  applying  such  a  principle  are  compara- 
^vely  few,  and  are  not  likely  to  involve  serious  difhculties  with 

^"CnS  t'hTihe  Unite<l  States  ought  .o  i-lude  at  lea^ 
all  the  Enghsh-  and  French-speaking  communities  o    North 
America  is  an  old  one.     Repeated  efforts  were  "-1^  ^-fore  ^-l 
during  the  War  of  Independence  to  indu.-e  (  anada,  Nova  Scotia, 
and  even  the  Bermuda  Islands  to  join  the  revol  al  colomes^ 
For  many  vears  after^vanls  the  view  continucHl  to  be  expressed 
that  no  durable  pea<-e  v^ith  Great  Britain  could  exist  so  long 
S    h'etainecl  ii.ssessi<,ns  on  the  N-'^^^^^-"';-  ^llll^!;! 
When  by  degrees  that  belief  died  away,  the  eyes  of  ambitious 
ItesmeV  turned    to    the    ^-^h.     The    slave^hoUliii^    party 
sought  to  acquire  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  hoping  to  turn  them 
nrslave  States;  and  President  Polk  even  *"-!  to  b^s  w^^^^^^ 
from   Spain.     After  the   ab(.lition   of   slavery,    attempts  were 

made  under  President  Johnson  i^f 'V'"  "r'Tt'r'nt  S" 
and  St.  John's  from  Denmark,  and  by  I'.v^Hl.-r.t  (..ant  (ISbJ- 

I    tl,,,i.irli  witli  •<  line  reservations,  thn 
.  In  1006  the  r    S.  Governn.ent  -;'";    ■;';,:'    ,,.  .„airs  of  Moroooo. 
general  act  of  the  Alueeiras  Coiife.eue  fm  v  ml  .m.-, 


'  0 


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-.1 
I  i 


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.5,, 


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::\ 


73)  to  acquire  San  Domingo,  —  an  indonondent  republic,  —  but 
the  Senate  frustrated  both.  Apart  from  these  incidents,  the 
United  States  showed  no  (h'sire  to  extend  its  territories, 
save  by  the  purchase  of  Alaska,  from  the  Mexican  war 
down  to  1898. 

The  results  of  the  pen(>ral  indifference  to  foreign  poliucs  -.iie  m 
so  far  unfortunate  that  they  have  often  induced  carelessness  in 
the  choice  of  persons  to  represent  the  United  States  at  European 
Courts,  tlie  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain  being  usually  the  only 
one  who  has  really  important  negotiations  t  ^  conduct,  and 
cause  very  inadequate  appropriations  to  be  voted  for  the  sup- 
port of  such  envoys.  In  other  respects  her  detachment  has  been 
for  the  United  States  an  unspeakable  blessing.  A  very  small 
army  sufficed,  and  it  was  employed  chiefly  in  the  Far  West  for 
the  repression  of  Indian  troubles,  troubles  which  have  now  come 
to  an  end.  In  1890  the  army  consisted  of  about  25,000  private ; 
and  a  little  over  2000  officers.  The  officers,  admirably  trained 
at  West  Point,  the  famous  military  academy  which  has  main- 
tained its  high  character  and  its  absolute  freedom  from  political 
affiliations  since  it*--  first  foundation,  have  been  largely  occupied 
in  scientific  or  en,  iiH  ring  work.  Only  a  small  navy  seemed  to 
be  required,  —  a  i^rtunate  circumstance,  because  the  navy 
yards  have  sometimes  given  rise  to  administrative  scandals. 
The  cry  sometimes  raised  for  a  large  increase  in  the  United  Stat(>s 
f^eet  surprised  and  still  surprises  European  observers ;  for  the 
])ower  of  the  United  States  to  protect  her  citizens  abroad  is  not 
to  be  measured  by  the  number  of  vessels  or  guns  she  possesses, 
but  by  the  fact  that  there  is  no  power  in  the  world  which  will 
not  lose  far  more  than  it  can  possibly  gain  by  quarrelling  with 
a  nation  which  could,  in  case  of  war,  so  vast  are  its  resources, 
not  only  cr(\ite  an  armoured  fleet  but  s'^'>oiily  equip  swift  vessels 
to  attack  the  commerce  of  its  ant.  ■•■■•  .  The  possession  of 
powerful  armaments  is  apt  to  inspire  a  tvish  to  use  them.  For 
many  years  no  cloud  rose  on  the  external  horizon,  and  one  may 
indeed  say  that  the  likelihood  of  a  war  between  the  United 
States  and  any  of  the  great  naval  powers  has  appeared  too  slight 
to  be  worth  considering. 

The  freedom  of  the  coimtry  from  militarism  of  spirit  ;uid 
policy  here  described  conduce*!  not  only  to  the  slightness  of  a 
branch  of  expenditure  which  Eurojx'an  States  find  almost  in- 
supiK)rtal)le,  but  also  to  the  exemption  of  this  Republic  from  a 


(;hai>.  xcvi 


TERRITOUIAL  EXTENSION 


r>G9 


source  of  danger  which  other  republics  have  found  so  serious, 
—  the  ambition  of  successful  generals,  and  the  interference  of 
the  army  in  political  strifes.     Strong  and  deep-rooted  as  are  the 
constitutional  traditions  of  the  United  States,  there  have  been 
moments,  even  in  lier  history,  when  the  existence  of  a  great 
standing  anny  might  have  menaced  or  leo  to  civil  war.     Pa- 
triotism has  not  suffered,  as  Euroi)eans  somc'times  fancy  it  must 
suffer,  by  long-contiiuied  i)eace.     Manliness  of  spirit  has  not 
sufTeri'd  "because  so  few  embrace  the  profession  of  arms ;    and 
th(>  internal  politics  of  the  country,  already  complicated  enough, 
are  relieved  from  those  further  complications  which  the  intru- 
sion of  issues  of  foreign  policy  bring  with  them.     It  need  hardly 
be  added  that  those  issues  are  the  very  issues  which  a  democ- 
racy, even  so  intelligent  a  democracy  as  that  of  the  United 
States,  is  least  fitted  to  comprehend,  and  which  its  organs  of 
government  are  least  fitted  to  handl(>  with  promptitude  and 
success.     Fortunately,  the  one  princijile  to  which  the  people 
have  learnt  to  cling  in  foreign  policy  is,  t)at  the  less  they  have 
of  it  the  Ix'tter;    and  though  aspiring  politicians  sometimes 
try  to  play  upon  national  pride  l)y  using  arrogant  language  to 
other  powers,  or  by  suggesting  schemes  of    annexation,  such 
language  is  generally  reprobated,  and  such  schemes  are  usually 

rejected. 

To  state  this  tendency  of  national  ojiinion  does  not,  however, 
dispose  of  the  question  of  territorial  exiiansion ;  for  nations  are 
sometimes  forced  to  increase  their  dominions  by  causes  outside 
their  own  desires  or  volitions.  The  possit)ilities  that  lie  before 
America  of  such  expansion  des(Tve  a  hr'ivi  discus.sion. 

Occupying  the  whole  width  of  their  continent  from  ocean  to 
ocean,  tlie  Americans  have  neighbours  only  on  the  north  and  on 
the  south.     It  is  only  in  these  dirc'ctions  that  they  could  extend 
themselves  bv  land  ;   and  extension  on  land  is,  if  not  easier,  yet 
more  tenipting  than  by  sea.     ( )n  the  north  they  touch  the  great 
C'ana(Uan  Confederation  with  its  nin(>  provinces,  also  extend- 
ing from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  bound  together  by 
transcontinental  railwavs.     Its  population   is    rapidly  mcreas- 
ing.  especiallv  in  the  Xorth-West.  and  although  legally  sub- 
iect  to  the  British  (Vnwn  and  le!:i>^l;itur(>.  it  is  admittedly  mis- 
tress of  its  own  destinies.     It  was  at  one  time  deemed  a  matter 
of  course  that  the  United  States  would  seek  to  annex  (^anada, 
peaceablv  if  possible,  but  if  not,  then  l)y  force  of  anus.     Even 


f^l 


-  'I 

I'" 'I 

3         (1   V 

hi 


570 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   \ 


I  if 


SO  late  as  18()4,  Englishinon  were  constantly  told  th?it  the  first 
result  of  the  triumph  of  the  Fwlcrul  armies  in  the  War  of  Seces- 
sion would  be  to  launch  a  host  flushiMl  with  victory  against  the 
Canadian  Dominion,  Ix'cause  when  the  passion  for  war  has 
been  once  rouaetl  in  a  nation,  it  clamours  for  fresh  conquests. 
Many  were  the  arguments  from  history  by  whicli  it  was  sought 
to  "onviiice  Britain  that  for  her  own  safety  she  ought  to  accede 
to  tiie  wily  suggestions  which  Ijouia  Napoleon  addressed  to  her, 
deliver  the  Slave  States  from  defeat  and  herself  from  a  formid- 
able rival.  Since  those  days  (yanada  hjis  become  a  far  more 
tempting  prize,  for  part  of  her  north-western  t(>rritories  between 
Lake  Superior  and  the  Rocky  Mountiau.^,  then  believed  to  bo 
condemned  to  sterility  by  their  climate,  hjis  proved  to  be  one 
of  the  richest  wheat-growing  districts  on  the  continent.  The 
power  of  the  United  States  is  now  far  greater  than  in  1865, 
nor  would  it  be  easy  for  Britain  and  Canada  effectively  to  defend 
a  frontier  so  long  and  so  m^turully  weak  as  is  that  which  sepa- 
rates the  Dominion  from  its  neighbours  on  the  south.  Yet  to- 
day the  possibility  of  absorbing  Canada  is  seklom  mentioned 
in  the  United  States.  Were  it  ever  to  come  about,  it  would 
come  about  at  the  wish  and  by  the  act  of  the  Canadians  them- 
selves, not  as  the  result  of  any  external  force. 

There  are  several  reasons  for  this.  One  is  the  growing  friend- 
liness of  the  Americans  to  Britain.  Considering  how  much 
conunoner  than  love  is  hatred,  or  at  least  jealousy,  between 
nations,  considering  the  proverbial  bitterness  of  family  quarrels, 
and  considering  how  intense  was  the  hatred  felt  in  the  United 
States  towards  England  in  the  earher  part  of  last  century,^  re- 
kindled by  the  unhappy  war  of  1812,  kept  alive  by  the  sensitive- 
ness of  the  one  people  and  the  arro^>ii''e  of  the  other,  imprinted 
afresh  on  new  generations  in  America  l)y  silly  school-books  anil 
Fourth  of  July  harangues,  inflamwl  anew  by  the  language  of  a 
section  of  English  .-.)ciety  during  the  Civil  War,  it  is  one  of 
the  remarkable  events  of  our  t'luw  that  a  cordial  feeling  shoultl 
now  exist  between  the  two  chief  branches  of  the  EngUsh  race. 
The  settlement  of  tlie  Alabama  claims  has  contributed  to  it. 
'The  democratization  of  Britain  and  the  growth  of  literature  and 

'  Tocqupvillc,  fi)r  iiiotanop,  jS  (vol.  ii.  rh.  10):  "On  ne  saursit  voir  <ii- 
hainc  plus  eiivciiiinfec  iiuc  ("cllc  ((ui  oxiste  <'ntre  los  Ain6ricains  des  fitats  I'nis 
et  Ifs  Anglais."  And  very  old  men  will  toll  you  in  America  that  their  reooUcc- 
tion?  are  to  the  sanio  (.'ffcrt. 


riiAP.  xcvi 


TKHHITOHIAL   KXTKNSION 


571 


scionce  in  America  have  contrihutt'd  to  it.    The  greater  respect 
which  Europeans  have  come  to  show  to  America  has  contrib- 
uted to  it.     Th(!  occasional  appearance  of  illustrious  men  who, 
like  i)r.  Phillips  Brooks  and  Mr.  J.  R.  I^iwell,  become  dear  to 
both   countries,   has  countecl   foi    something.     But    the  ocean 
steamers  liave  <lone  perhaps  most  of  all,  because  they  have 
enal)led  tlu?  two  peoples  to  know  one  another.     Such  unfriendly 
language;  towards  Britain  as  still  appears  in  the  American  press 
has  been  chiefly  due  to  the  wish  to  gratify  a  (now  small)  section 
of  the  Irish  population  and  will  vanish  when  the  last  traces  of 
enmity  in  Ireland  to  England  have  pnsseil  away.     Thus  the 
old  motives  for  an  attack  ujx)!!  Canada  are  gone.     But  there  is 
reason  to  think  that  even  if  Canada  were  separated  from  the 
British  Empire,  the  Americans  would  not  be  eag(>r  to  bring  her 
into  th(!  Union.     They  would  not  try  to  do  so  by  ft)rce,  because 
that  would  be  contrary  to  their  doctrines  and  habits.     They 
have  a  well-groimded  aversion,  strengthened  by  their  experience 
of  the  difficulties  of  ruling  th(>  South  after  1805,  to  the  incor- 
poration or  control  of  any  community  not  anxious  to  be  one 
with  them  and  thoroughly  in  harmony  with  their  own  body. 
Although  they  might  rejoice  over  so  grcMt  an  (extension  of  ter- 
ritory and  resources,  they  ar(>  well  satisfied  with  the  present 
size  and  progress  of  tht'ir  own  country,  which,  as  some  remark, 
is  at  least  big  enough  for  one  Congress. 

As  respects  Canada  herself,  her  material  growth  might  possibly 
be  quickened  by  union,  and  had  the  plan  of  a  commercial  league 
or  customs  union  formerly  discussed  been  carried  out.  it  might 
have  tended  towards  a  political  union  :  but,  the  temper  and 
feelings  of  her  jieople,  and  the  growth  of  a  vigorous  national 
sentiment  among  them,  have  not  been  making  for  their  union 
with  the  far  larger  mass  of  the  I'nited  States,  which  they 
regarded  with  a  jealousy  that  has  declined  f)nly  as  they  felt 
themselves  to  be  rising  to  the  stature  of  a  nation  holding  an 
assured  ami  respected  place  in  the  eyes  of  the  world.  Their 
life,  and  that  not  as  respects  politics  only,  may  seem  less  intense 
than  the  life  of  their  neighbours  to  th(>  South.  But  it  is  free  from 
some  of  the  blemishes  which  affect  t  h(>  latt«T.  Municipal  govern- 
ments arc  more  pure.  Party  nrsani.^atious  have  not  fallen  under 
the  control  of  bosses.  Public  order  has  been  less  tlisturbetl ;  and 
criminal  justice  is  more  effectively  adniinisteretl. 

This  is  not  the  place  ft)r  considering  what  are  the  interests 


f^'^a 


f 


572 


ILLl'STKATIONS  AND  UKFLKCTIONS 


PAHT  y 


■  .Kir 
14 


"-■1 


in  the  niattiT  of  (Jrrat  Britain  and  her  other  coUniics,  nor  tho 
prospects  of  the  schemes  suRKCsted  for  a  ch)ser  practical  uni«)n 
between  the  niotlier  country  and  lier  swiftly  advancinjj  progeny. 
As  regards  the  ultiinate  interests  of  the  two  peoples  most 
directly  concerned,  it  may  l)e  su^Kested  that  it  is  more  to  the 
advaniiige,  both  of  the  I'nited  States  and  of  the  Canadians, 
that  they  should  contimie  to  develop  indepi^ndent  types  of 
political  life  and  inteUectual  progress.  Each  may,  in  working 
out  its  own  institutions,  have  something  to  teach  the  other. 
There  is  already  too  litth-  variety  on  the  American  continent. 

Fifteen  hundrtnl  miles  south  of  British  Columbia  the  United 
States  abuts  upon  Mexico.  The  position  of  Mexico  ofTers  a 
striking  contrast  to  that  of  Canada.  The  peoj)le  are  utterly 
unlike  those  of  the  Tnited  States;  they  are  Homan  Catholics, 
more  than  half  Indian  in  blood  and  preserving  many  Indian 
superstitions,  easy  going,  uncultured,  making  little  advance  in 
self-government,  whether  local  or  national,  increasing  but  slowly 
in  numbers,'  making  very  slender  contrii>utions  to  literature  or 
science.  They  have  ilone  little  to  develop  either  the  mineral 
or  agricultural  wealth  of  their  superb  territory,  much  of  which, 
in  fact  all  the  interior  plateau,  enjoys  a  climate  more  favour- 
able to  physical  e.xertion  than  that  of  the  southernmost  States 
of  the  Union.  The  export  and  import  trade  of  the  ports  on 
the  Gulf  and  the  Pacific  is  in  the  hands  of  German  and 
English  houses  :  the  mines  of  the  north  are  work{>d  bj'  Ameri- 
cans, who  come  across  from  Texas  and  Arizona  in  greater  and 
greater  numbers.  Two  railways  cross  Northern  ^lexico  from 
United  States  to  the  Pacific  and  others  traverse  the  great 
plateau  from  the  Rio  Grande  as  far  as  the  city  of  Mexico.  In 
the  northernmost  States  of  the  Mexican  federation  the  Ameri- 
can interests  are  already  large,  for  much  of  tlie  capital  is  theirs, 
their  language  spreads,  their  pervasive  energy  is  everywhere 
felt.  As  the  mines  of  Colorado  and  Arizona  become  less  aii<l 
less  attractive,  the  .stream  of  immigration  may  more  and  more 
set  out  of  the  United  States  across  the  border.  It  has  long  been 
feared  that  if  American  citizens  should  be  killed,  or  their  prop- 
erty attacked,  the  United  States  Government  would  r)e  in- 
voked, and  should  the  government  of  Mexico  relapse  into  that 

'  The  population  of  Mexico  i.s  alxmt  14,(MM».()()0,  of  whom  I  bolicve  less  tliun  10 
per  cent  to  be  pure  whites,  perhaps  .'<()  per  cent  of  mixed  race,  and  the  rest  Iii- 
diaiLs  mostly  quite  illiterate. 


It  n 


CHAP.    X«VI 


TKUHITOItlAL  KXTKNSION 


r,7:i 


weakness  out  of  \vhi<h  Presidents  Juarez  and  Diaz  raised  it,  a  dif- 
ficult position  would  arise.  American  settlers,  if  their  numbers 
grow,  might  in  such  a  case  he  tempted  to  establish  order  for 
themselves,  and  ixrliaps  at  last  some  sort  of  Kovernment.  In 
fact,  the  y)ro<css  hy  which  Texas  was  severed  from  Mexico  and 
hrought  into  the  I'nion  niinht  conceivably  l)e  repeated  in  a  more 
|M-aceful  way  by  the  steady  infiltration  of  an  American  popula- 
tion. Traveller  after  traveller  used  to  repeat  that  it  was  all  but 
impo.ssiblo  for  u  comparatively  weak  State,  full  of  natural  wealth 
which  her  i)eo[)le  do  tiot  use,  not  to  crumble  un<ler  the  inijiact 
of  a  stronger  and  more  enteri)ri<inn  race.  It  was  argued  that  all 
experience  poiiit<'d  to  the  d<'tachnient  of  province  after  provinc** 
from  Mexico  an<l  its  absorption  into  the  American  I'nion  ;  and 
that  when  the  process  had  once  begun  it  would  not  stop  till, 
in  a  time  to  be  measured  rather  by  decades  than  by  centuries, 
the  p<'tty  republics  of  Central  America  ha<l  been  also  swallowe<l 
up  and  the  prnlominant  influence,  if  not  the  territorial  frontier, 
of  the  United  States  advanced  to  the  isthnuis  of  Panama. 

If  the  United  States  were  a  monarchy  like  Russia,  this 
might  well  happen,  happen  not  so  much  from  any  delil)erato 
purpose  of  aggression  as  by  the  irresistible  tendency  of  facts, 
a  tendency  similar  to  that  which  led  Rome  to  conquer  the 
East,  England  to  conriuer  India,  Russia  to  comiuer  North-west- 
ern Asia.  But  the  Americans  are  most  unwilling  that  it  should 
happen,  and  will  do  all  th(>y  can  t(i  pn^vent  it.  They  have  non(! 
of  that  earth  hunger  which  burns  in  the  great  nations  of  Europe, 
having  alrea<ly  dominions  which  are  still  far  from  fully  peo- 
pled. They  are  proud  of  the  capacity  of  their  present  pop- 
ulation for  self-government.  Their  administrative  system  is 
singularly  unfitted  for  the  rule  of  dependencies,  because  it  has 
no  proper  machinery  for  controlling  provincial  governors  ;  so 
that  when  it  found  regions  which  were  hardly  fit  to  be  estab- 
lishcil  as  States,  it  gave  them  a  practically  all  btit  complet(> 
self-government  as  Territories.  A<lministrative  posts  set  up  in 
a  dependent  country  might  be  jobbed,  and  the  dependent  coun- 
try itself  maladministen-il.  Hence  the  only  form  annexation 
can  with  advantage  take  is  the  admission  of  the  annexed  district 
as  a  self-governing  State  or  Territory,  the  difference  between  the" 
two  being  that  in  the  latter  the  iidiabitants,  though  they  are 
usually  permitted  to  administer  their  domestic  affairs,  have  no 
vote  in  Federal  clection<.     If  Chihuahua  and  Sonora  were  like 


m 


'  m> 


A7-I 


II-U'STHATIONS  AND  UKKLKCTIONS 


IMHT    V 


\:f 


^  - 


Dakutn,  th<'  tciniitation  to  uniu'X  tln'»f<  provinrcM  hihI  turn  ihvm 
into  StatoM  or  'IVrritorics  would  Im'  i-inmR.  Hut  thr  Indo-Hpan- 
ianls  of  Mrxic*)  liavt*  not  an  yet  hIiowh  much  litiU'Ns  for  tlii'  vxvr- 
oisr  of  {Hilitinil  |M)\vcr.  Tlu'V  would  hr  not  only  un  infrrior 
and  divors«>  doniont  in  the  I'nion,  Imt  an  cIcnH-nl  likely,  if  ad- 
mitt(Hl  t«)  FiHlcrnI  suffrage,  to  injure  iM'derul  iMilities,  to  demor- 
alise the  otfi(*ials  who  miKlit  l>e  sent  unions  thcui,  and  to  supply 
a  fertih*  soil  for  all  kinds  of  ronuery  and  rascality,  which,  so  far 
as  they  lay  within  the  spheri"  of  State  action,  t  he  Federal  ( lovern- 
ment  could  not  interfere  with,  atui  which  in  Federal  affairs  would 
(huiiage  Congress  and  hring  another  swarm  of  johs  and  johhers 
to  Washington. 

One  still  finds  in  th»'  United  States,  and  of  course  especially  in 
Arizona.  New  Mexico,  and  Texas,  some  iM'oj)le  who  declare  that, 
Mexico  will  In*  swallownl,  first  the  northern  provinc(>H,  ami  the 
whole  in  time.  It  is  "manife>t  destiny,"  and  the  land  and 
mining-claim  .sproulators  of  thes«>  border  lands  would  be  gla<i  to 
hel]>  Destiny.  Hut  the  feeling  of  the  nation  diHaj)pr()ves  a 
forward  iM>licy,  nor  has  either  party  any  such  interest  in  |)r(i- 
moting  it  as  the  Southern  slave-holders  had  long  ago  in  bringing 
in  Texas.  The  ipiestion,  which  had  seemed  remote,  cime  sud- 
denly to  the  front  when  the  fall  of  I'resich-nt  Diaz  wiiN  .succeeded 
by  confu.sitin.  civil  war.  and  brigandage  in  Mexico.  Disorder 
was  rampant  wlien  these  jjuges  were  pa.s.sing  through  the  press. 
nor  could  the  issue  bi>  foreseen.  It  was  however  cl(?ar  that  all 
the  best  opinion  in  tlie  Tnitecl  States  desired  to  avoid  armed 
intervention,  fearing  to  l)e  thereby  dniwn  into  an  occupation 
of  the  country  which  would  throw  upon  the  United  States  grave 
responsibilities  and  involve  its  government  in  many  difficulties. 

I  have  already  observed  that  the  United  States  (Jovernment. 
formerly  desired  and  seemed  likely  to  acquire*  some  of  the 
West  India  islands.  The  South  had  a  strong  motive  for  adding 
to  the  I'nion  regions  in  which  slavery  prevailed,  and  which 
would  have  been  admitted  as  Slave  States.  That  motive  has 
long  since  vanished.  The  objections  which  apply  to  the  in- 
corporation of  Northern  Mexico  ai)[)ly  with  greater  force  to  the 
incorporation  of  islands  far  less  fit  for  colonization  by  the  Anglo- 
American  race  than  an*  the  Mexican  table-lands.  Till  the  aiiqui- 
sition  of  Puerto  Rico  in  1898-9  one  islet  only,  Navassa,  between 
Jamaica  and  San  Domingo,  belonged  to  the  United  States.' 

'  As  to  Puerto  Rico,  see  iirxt  chapter. 


riiAP    X(  VI 


TKklinniM  \L    KXTKNSION 


One  -<p'it  fh»Ti'  hiul  Imiiu  liiin  slnwn  :i  ilispnsilioii  to  in  which 
Ihf  ArrKrifiiii^  hinl,  iv<r  >iii(c  IS|;{  (whin  ihrrc  w.is  lor  :i  tiim- 
!i  risk  of  it^  Ixiti^ 'Mciipiril  \,y  |'',nul;inih,  tlrclnrftl  that  thi\  ffll 
<lin'tlv  iriff  r<  -ti<l.  'I  li!-^  i-<  the  isLunl  ^rmip  ul'  ll,i\v;iii,  which 
lirs  '^'XK)  mil'  -  to  thi  southwest  uf  S;m  I'ljincisco.  'I'hcy  ••on 
(•(■iv<f|  tli.'it  till  pic^ilinn  of  llii'^i'  i-^lcs  over  ;m,iin->1  tlnir  own 
\V'<-tirri  cfi;!  f  woul'l  l)c  -o  tliir:il(nin>j;  («•  llnir  conuncicc  in 
!i  war  h<f\v<<ri  th»'  rnitcd  St;if<-<  .•mhI  miiv  ii;iv.'iI  power.  (IkiI 
th'-y  coul'l  tiof  -iifff  r  tlir'  i-l;iM<!-  to  lie  occnpii'tl  liy,  or  even  to 
fall  iin'l' r  th<  itifiM'ricf  of,  any  liiiropcan  nation,  jnul  though 
no  nation  had  of  late  y<ar>  ^iich  an  inlincncr,  the  rnitnl  Stairs 
f ifiVfmrri'rit  wi-i  con^idcrint;  thf  purchase  of  lami  for  a  naval 
i-tatifjri  ^it  I'-iri  Hivcr  in  <);iliii  whiii  the  events  of  IHUM  led  to 
their  annexitiif  the  whole  of  if.' 

Th'-  f;it"  of  W'r-terii  South  America  l»eIon(j-i  fo  a  still  more 
di-tant  future.  \Vh< n  eafiital,  which  is  accunnilatinn  in  the 
("niterl  Strife-  with  extraordinary  rapidity,  is  no  lonn'T  altle 
to  find  hit^hly  jirofitjihle  emfiloymenl  in  the  development  of 
We-iteni  North  America,  it  will  -fek  <ither  (lelds.  When  popu- 
lation ha-"  filler!  up  the  [»re-erit  territory  of  the  I'nited  Stales. 
eriterj)n*'inK  spirit-  will  overflow  into  undevelopi-d  reirions.  The 
neare-ft  of  the-e  i-  We-tern  South  Atnerica,  the  elevated  plateaux 
of  which  nre  h'lKit'ihle  hv  Nortliern  r;ices.  The  vast  territorieK 
in  f'olomhia.  K'-uador.  I'eru.  and  I'lolivt.i,' for  which  the  Span- 
i.-rd.-*  have  dorc-  -o  little  urid  which  «  ui  hardiv  renijiti  for  ever 
neglecterl.  offer  '1  '' rfi;<tiri[;  field  for  the  r>\teii  ion  ol  the  com- 
mercial ind  rKtli'i''!!  iufhiefice  fif  the  I'nited  St^ii'  ,  lail  the 
growth  of  .\rirer.tin.t  lirizil  ;irid  (  hile  into  powerful  Stales,  and 
their  jea'ou-v  of  -irr.'  -ictirin  I'l'A-.iii:'  t  i  u'li  extinsion,  have 
created  a  nfv  f  :ct.,r  in  th-     itu'iiion       Thev  alreadv  resent  the 


tiKj  frefjU'-n'  :•■:'•  .'•■ri^'  -  itt  ■■''•'  '•>:■  j.  ditici;!!!-  aid  the  |)ress  in  the 
T'nir.ed  *T;-;rf-.  *f,  f\.<-  Monroe  hoctrine  w-  applieal.le  to  the 
Southern  '"'.•mner/  irid  Uic  wi  e.t  nmotiK  North  Amerir'an 
-taT.esmen  hav^-  now  recr,[fnlzed  'hit  the  U-a  tliey  dwell  upon 
that  do'-rnn'-  ''he  'Setnp  -.viii  'U'-  Uf  relation-;  of  their  own 
counT;;.'  ^th  'hf-  zr^'!^  repuhli'-  of  the  South,  and  the  Kr*"'it.'T 
her  inft^it^nre  '!<,r  ^>'-:i.c'-  -ind  f)roirre--'  in  ttie  W'e-'.tcrn  hemisphere. 


J  ■jTjf>««»  f-'jr   -r,i;r.*r^»   ha-'-   •»   •'.•il    ir-i   'if    it.'.'i»    I  '.SO 'KK*  a.|i|>ir''   rriil<'«, 
::.iimb»'r  A  iacr-.i.K*.;  r.'i:..i.'. -■ 


CHAPTER  XCVII 


THE    NKW   TUANSMAUINK    DOMINIONS 


■  Ifl 


The  last  preccdiiiR  chapter,  written  in  1H9 1,  luis  Ixh'u  aWoswd 
to  stttiul  !)t*caus«>  it  (U'scHIk's  what  was  llifii  the  cluiriict-r  of  \\ni 
foreign  policy  of  tho  rnitod  States  and  tlie  attitude  of  the  nation 
towards  otiier  Powers. 

Much  has  happt>ned  since  then,  —  much  which  nohotly  ex- 
pected,—and  in  ordjT  to  present  a  view  of  the  facts  as  ll.ey 
stand  in  1910,  some  iniiH)rtant  events  that  have  iM'fallen  in  and 
since  1898  must  W  hrieHy  s<'t  forth  but  without  the  comments 
which  might  l)e  proiwr  if  the  events  were  more  nnnote.' 

For  many  years  iK'fore  1898  the  disturlwHl  condition  of  th(! 
island  of  Cuba,  where  risings  against  the  Spanish  government 
occurred  from  time  to  time,  had  engagi'd  the  attention  of  the 
American  public  Suggestions  wj-re  often  made,  but  always 
rejected,  that  the  I'nited  States  should,  as  the  nearest  neighl)our, 
interfere  to  set  things  right.  At  last  an  insurrection  which, 
sometimes  .smouldering  and  sometimes  blazing  out,  had  con- 
tinued for  many  montli^  the  Simnish  troops  In'ing  apparently 
unable  to  stamp  it  out,  aroused  public  sentiment  and  lecl  the 
United  States  government  into  a  correspondence  with  Spain 
which  endeil  in  a  war  l)etween  the  two  nations.  Ho.stilities 
Ix'gan  on  April  21,  1898,  and  were  virtually  over  in  the  July 
following. 

During  the  campaign  the  United  States  forces  had  occupied 
the  islands  of  Cuba  and  Puerto  Rico,  while  the  fle(>t  had  destroyed 
that  of  Spain  in  an  engagement  in  the  bay  of  Manila,  and  had 
occupied  that  town.  Though  neither  the  government  no*-  the 
people  of  the  United  States  had  in  April,  1898,  the  slightest  i('ea 
of  acquiring  any  of  the  <lominions  of  Spain,  a  sentiment  sprang  up 
against  abandoning  a  lonquest  that  had  been  uhnust  accidentally 

« A  comprehensive  and  thoughtful  trtatment  of  the  political  problems  prcsentod 
in  the  foreiBii  relations  of  the  l'nite.1  States  niiiy  l>e  found  in  a  book  "y  Mr. 
A.  C.  Cuoli<lKe,  entitled  The  ['ttitid  SMi.^  ax  a  WoM  Power,  published  in  l',«)S. 


(MAI-.  Xrvil 


THK  NKVV  TUANSMAUINK   I)«>MIM<>NS 


m'hi«'V«'«l,  uml  in  purliculur  uwiinst  losiiiK  u  |M»rt  wli'uli  a..uM  l)c 
Krrvici'abh'  as  a  iiaviil  station,  so  the  A.liiiiii'stnitioii.  oliryiiij; 
this  sfntiiiu'iit,  stipulutiMl  in  tiic  treaty  of  iM-an-  (sinm-il  in  April. 
189<.)),  for  th«'  ct'ssitMi  of  tlu-  l*hili|)i>in«'  Islumls.      For  this  a  sum 
of  «20,00(),(X)0  \  as  paid  l)y  th.-  Init.-d  Stat.-s  to  Spain,  \\  hirli  at 
thi'  samv  tinn"  nnh'd  the  ishiiul  i.fduani  in  the  Pacilir  ()r«an 
and  also  the  island  of  Puorto  Hifo.  with  a  popniution  of  at.out 
a  million.      Mon-ovt-r,  at  the  vrry  ontlm-ak  of  thr  \var   llv 
rnitJ'd  States,  hy  a  joint  resolution  of  lM»th  houses  of  ("onuress, 
annexed  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  in  which  a  sort  of  r.piihlic  had 
been  set  up  l»y  the  American  n'sich-nts,  who  had  five  years  hefore 
overthrown  the  native  monarchy,  then  in  the  incomiHtent  hands 
of  QuH'n  Liliuokalani.     The  self-constituted  authorities  <.f  this 
republic  had  forthwith  asked  the  Inited  States  jr(.vernnient  hir 
annexation;  and  this,  though  it  had  In-en  previously  refused  by 
President  Cleveland,  was  in   1H«>H  accorded  with   g«'neral   ap- 
proval, partly  Inrause  the  wai        '.  Spain  had  evoked  a  wish 
to  have  a  naval  station  in  the  cen    al  part  of  the  Pacific,  jiartly 
Ijecause  there  had  Ik'imi  a  large  influx  of  .lar mese  labourers  into 
the  isles,  and  the  Americans  feared  that  if  they  did  not  take  the 

islands,  Japan  would.  ,       ,  ,     ■         i 

Thus  !n  1899  the  United  States  found  itx-lf  suddenly  and  un- 
expectedly in  the  possession  of  three  consideral)le  pieces  of  trans- 
marine tropical  territory,  inhabited  by  races  divers.-  in  blo<.d, 
sp<'och,  and  customs  from  its  own  people  and  from  one  another. 
A  fourth  bit  of  territory,  extremely  small,  but  serviceable  Irom 
the  excellent  harbour  it  contains,  is  the  island  of  Tutuila  in  th(^ 
Samoan  group.     As  far  back  as   1S72  the  Tnited  States  liad 
acquired  a  sort  of  interest  in  it  ;    and  this,  by  a  treaty  with 
Britain  and  CJermany,  was  turned  into  sovereignty  m   IS99. 
Still  later  a  fifth  ac(iuisitii)n.  small  in  extent  but  great  in  value, 
was  maiU'  by  the  cession  to  the  rnite.l  States  of  a  strip,  of  land 
five  miles  wide  on  each  side  of  tlu>  line  to  be  followed  by  the 
inter-oceanic  ship  Canal  from  the  Atlantic  at  Colon  toth.«  Pacihc 
at  Panama.     This  grant,  which  under  a  right  of  adniinistration 
practicallv  amounts  to  sovereignty,  was  obtained  from  the-  little 
repul)lic  of  Panama  imm<>diately  after    it    had    revolt<'d    and 
severed  itself  from  the  much  larger  reiiublic  of  C-olomi>ua. 

Each  of  these  five  acquisitions  has  been  de-.lt  with  in  'i  separate 
and  distinct  way.     Hawaii  has  been  erected  into  a  Territory  with 
a  governor  and' legislature  of  two  houses,  much  as  if  it  w<'re  on 
2p 


'.HI 


'  '4. 

i'»  '1 


T       J' 


r-  p ' 


578 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


1% 


:  i 


the  contiiu'iit  of  North  America.  As  its  population  of  Ameri- 
can ami  British  stock  is  very  small,  the  bulk  of  the  inhabitants 
being  Japanese  and  Chinese,  with  nearly  30,000  Hawaiian  abo- 
rigines and  almost  as  many  Portuguese,  there  is  no  present 
likelihood  of  its  being  turned  into  a  State  of  tho  Union.  The 
Constitution  of  the  I'uited  States  is,  however,  in  full  force  in 
Hawaii,  as  in  other  Territories,  and  it  is  for  tariff  purposes  a 
part  of  the  United  States. 

The  island  of  Puerto  Rico  has  received  a  sort  of  colonial  or- 
ganization, with  a  legislature,  the  lower  branch  of  which  is  elected 
on  a  limited  suffrage,  while  tlu«  upper  is  comiwsed  of  a  few  offi- 
cials and  other  persons  a])iioiiited  by  th(^  Federal  government. 
The  inhabitants,  tliough  tliey  did  not  oliject  to  annexation,  and 
have  gained  by  it  in  material  prosperity,  are  far  from  satisfied 
with  these  arrangements,  desiring  a  fuller  autonomy,  or  even 
to  l)e  admitted  as  a  State  of  the  Union.  C^onsidering,  however, 
that  they  speak  Spanish  only,  and  contain  a  negro  ('len  -mt 
amounting  to  nearly  one-third  of  the  whole  population,  in  which 
only  sevente<>ii  p<T  cent  can  read  and  write,  these  wishes  may 
have  to  wait  some  time  for  fulfilment.  The  people  are  orderly, 
and  education  has  licgim  to  make  rajiid  i)rogress. 

(huun  an''  Tutuila  are  nothing  more  than  naval  coaling  sta- 
tions.    Pu.   -lie  Philipi)ine  grouj),  with  their  area  of  128,000 
square  miles  and  their  pojiulation  of  nearly  eight  millions,  much 
of  itui  .'ivilized  or  semi-civilized,  %\hile  the  rest  consists  of  Malays 
who  have  received  with  a  slight  adinixture  of  Spanish  blood  a 
Spanish  Roman  Catholic  type  of  civilization,  i>resents  adminis- 
trative iiroblems  of  no  small  difficulty.     Although  there  was  in 
the  islands  much  disaffection  with  Spanish  rule,  and  an  insur- 
rection had  broken  out  shortly  before  the  American  fleet  appeared 
on  the  scene,  th(>re  was  no  sort  of  wish  to  Iw  transferred  to  the 
United  States,  and  wlien  the  islanders  found  themselves  ceded 
by  their  late  masters,  \\\v  insurgents  quickly  turned  their  arms 
agaim5t  those  whom  they  had  at  first  regarded  as  deliverers. 
Resistance  was  sta-ijicd  out  after  a  guerrilla  warfare  of  three 
years,  and  in  the  larg(<  island  of  Mindanao,  as  W('ll  as  in  Luzon, 
a  regular  administration  has  btrn  created,  but  local  troubles 
\yiy,^  froni  lime  to  time  occurred,  and  the  risk  of  their  recur- 
rence may  not   be  past.      In  Luzon  great  improvements  have 
betni  effected  in  the  way  both  of  constructing  roads  and  otiier 
public  works,  and  of  introducing  sanitary  reforms.    Municipal 


CHAP,  xcvii    THE  NEW  TRANSMARINE  DOMINIONS  579 


councils  have  been  sot  up,  elected  by  the  people ;  natives  are 
being  appointed  to  administrative  posts,  and  the  friars,  who 
were  large  land  owners  and  enjoyed  great  power,  have  been 
settled  with  on  liberal  teniis. 

Chinese  immigration  has  l)een  forbidden,  and  the  taking  up 
of  land  by  incorporated  eoinpunies  restricted.  It  may  fairly 
1m'  said  that  the  American  authorities  h:iv»«  exerted  themselves 
in  a  worthy  spirit  for  the  Ix'uefit  of  all  sections  of  the  i)()pula- 
tion  irrespective  of  race  or  r<'li<iion.  Nevertlieless  the  natives 
have  so  far  shown  themselves  less  grateful  for  benefits  received 
than  desirous  of  an  autonomy  for  which  neither  their  rulers  nor 
impartial  foreign  observers  deem  them  (lualified.  They  an;  not 
the  only  people  which  apparently  prefers  governing  itself  badly 
to  l)eing  well  gov(^rned  by  strangers. 

A  sharp  controversy  arose  in  the  Unitecl  States  over  both  the 
constitutionality  and  the  wisdom  of  the  annexation  of  the  Philip- 
pines, most  of  the  Democrats  and  a  section  of  the  Republican 
party  arguing  that  the  fundamental  princii)les  of  the  Constitu- 
tion were  being  forsaken,  ard  that  these  remote  troiiical  terri- 
tories, inhabited  by  a  population  diverse  in  blood  and  speech 
from  their  rulers,  woiild  be  ratluT  an  encuinl)ranc(>  tlian  a  source 
of  strength  to  the  Republic.     The  suliject  was  a  pr(»iniiient  issuer 
at  the   Presidential   election  of    1!)(K).     This  controversy   has 
since  then  gradually  subsided,  and  it  played  little  part  in  subse- 
quent elections.     There  has,  hcwever,  continued  to  exist  much 
difference  of  opinion  as  to  tlie  Itenefits  derivable  by  the  I'niteil 
States  from  the  acquisition  of  the  islands,  and  as  to  the  action 
proper  to  be  taken  regarding  them  in  the  future.     The  absorp- 
tion of  men's  minds  in  domestic  questions  ami  the  fact  that  ft>vv 
have  proposed  to  withdraw  forthwith  from  the  islai\(ls.  leaving 
them  "to  sink  or  swim,"  has  latterly  reduced  jjublic  interest 
in  the  matter,  the  discussion  of  wliich  b(>gan  to  seem  rather 
academical  than  practical  when  it  ai)peare(l  that  feeling  had 
so  far  cooled  and  oinnions  so  far  ai)pr()ximate<l  that  the  one 
party  no  longer  claimed  any  credit  lor  the  concpiest  and  the 
other  could  not  suggest  how  to  get  rid  of  it. 

Large  sums  have  been  voted  from  the  revenvies  of  the  United 
States  to  be  expended  in  the  islands,  and  the  tariff  u])on  their 
products  entering  Tnited  St:it(>s  ])orts  was  in  I'.tOU  lowered  almost 
to  'he  point  of  extinction.  Were  they  deemed  to  be  a  part  of 
the  United  States  within  the  meaning  of  Article  I,  §  H,  par.  1 


J  si 

■I* 


580 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS  part  \ 


jk;/ 


\M 


.'! 


•  i 


of  the  Constitution,  their  products  would  of  course  \ye  subject  to 
no  impo"t  duties  at  all.  A  legislature  has  been  established,  one 
house  of  which  is  elected  on  a  property  qualification,  the  other 
l)eins  composed  of  officials,  as  in  some  British  Crown  Colonies. 
The  proRress  made  in  the  provision  of  instruction  is  very  re- 
markal)le  when  the  difficulties  of  the  country  are  considered, 
for  out  of  al)out  2,()()(),000  of  children  lietween  the  ages  of  five 
and  eiRhteen,  .')29,0()0  were  in  1912  enrolled,  with  an  average 
attendance  of  320,073.  Provision  has  been  made  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  university,  and  the  medical  school  which  is  to 
form  a  part  of  it  is  already  at  work. 

The  (^uial  Zone  (as  it  is  called)  at  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  is 
important  not  for  its  a  <'a,only  474  square  mih^s,  l)ut  from  its  posi- 
tion, for  it  brings  the  I'uited  States  into  direct  contact  with  Cen- 
tral America,  wliile  the  future  control  of  the  Canal  opens  up  a 
vista  of  closer  relations  with  the  commerce  and  possil)ly  the  poli- 
tics of  western  South  America.  The  strip  of  territory  which 
has  been  ced<>d  is  administere.1  by  the  War  Department,  and 
the  Ic^gal  status  of  its  inhabitants  under  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion does  not  se(>m  to  have  been  precisely  determined.  Great 
difficulty  has  indeed  b<>en  found  in  adjusting  to  these  new  trans- 
marine i^ossessions  th(>  jirovisions  of  an  instrument  framed  with 
no  id<'a  that  it  might  ev<'r  have  to  l)e  applied  to  remote  countries 
inhabitiMl  by  alien  jieoples  and  held  by  the  sword.  The  over- 
whelming naval  strengtl)  of  the  I'nited  States  as  towartls  the 
weak  n'lniblics  of  (\)lombia  and  Costa  Rica,  and  the  still  weaker 
new  re]iublic  of  Panama,  makes  the  defence  of  the  Zone  an 
(>a-iy  matter,  for  the  great  difficulty  of  former  days  —  a  high 
moitalitv  due  to  freciuent  outl)reaks  of  ytjUow  <"ever  and  the 
constant  iiresence  of  malarial  fevers  — has  been  removed  by 
th(>  sanitary  measures  cairied  out  here,  as  jireviously  in  Cuba, 
by  the  American  :iuthoriti(>s  with  an  admirable  energy  and 
skill  which  entitle'  tli-'Ui  to  the  imdying  gratitude  of  mankind. 

Cuba,  tlie  island  whose  troubles  led  the  United  States  into 
th«>  war  which  brought  about  these  recent  acquisitions,  was  not 
lu'rself  annexed,  nor  was  e\en  any  protectorate  established. 
But  in  1901 ,  at  th(«  time  wh(>n  the  American  forc(>s  were  in  occu- 
pation, though  j.rrparing  to  leave  the  VMand,  Congress  passed 
a  statute  the  iirovisions  of  which  were  subsequently  incorpor- 
ated in  an  ordinance  aiipended  to  the  Cuban  Constitution  and 
ultimately  embodied  in  a  treaty  between  the  United  States  and 


CHAP,  xfvii    THE  NEW  TRANSMARINE   DOMINIONS  'M 

the  republic  of  Cuba  in  1903.  Tlu'se  provisions  (ioclan',  inter 
alia,  that  the  (^iban  government  shall  never  permit  any  foreign 
Power  to  obtain  lodgment  in  or  control  over  any  part  of  the 
island  ;  that  the  United  States  may  intervene  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  Cuban  independence  and  the  maintenance  of  a  govern- 
ment adequate  for  the  protection  of  life,  projM'rty,  and  individual 
liberty;  that  the  Cuban  government  shall  carry  out  sanitary 
measures  such  as  will  prevent  the  r<'currcnc(>  of  ci)idcmic  and  in- 
fectious diseases,  and  that  it  will  also  lease  or  sell  to  the  I'nited 
States  lands  for  coaling  or  naval  stations  ut  j.oiiits  to  be  subse- 
quently agreed  upon.  I'nder  these  jjrovisions,  commonly  known 
as  "the  Piatt  amendment,"  the  harbours  of  (iuautanamo  and 
Bahia  Honda  vere  subseciuently  h'ascd  to  the  I'nited  States. 
The  closene.s.,  )f  the  tie  uniting  Cuba  with  her  i)owerful  neigh- 
bour was  ultimately  furth(>r  recognized  by  the  sp(>cial  treat- 
ment extended  by  each  country  to  the  otliei  in  the  framing  of 
customs  duties. 

The  stipulations  abov<>  mentioned  create  a  very  iiecuhar  re- 
lation betwetMi  the  Cnitetl  Stat<>s  and  Cuba,  although  the^ 
neither  amount  to  an  alliance  nor  destroy  th(>  character  of  th,> 
island  as  a  sovenngn  state.  indep<'ndent  in  g<Mieral  international 
relations.  In  190()  effect  was  given  to  the  clause  providing  for 
intervention.  Disorders  having  arisen  in  Cuba,  a  small  body 
of  American  troops  was  despatched  thither.  Having  re<-stab- 
lished  tranquillity  and  supervised  the  <>lection  of  a  new  President, 
it  withdrew  early  in  1909.  It  is  generally  believed  that  if  similar 
difficuhies  were  to  recur,  a  similar  iiiterv<-nliou  would  follow. 
But  the  United  States  government  has  given  every  evidence  of 
its  honest  desire  to  avoid  the  annexation  of  tiie  island  or  the 
assumption  of  any  firther  resi)onsihiiilies  in  respect  of  it,  nor 
is  there  reason  to  think  that  this  policy,  delitx-rately  a.lopted. 
will  be  soon  or  lightly  forsaki  a.  H<'ciprocal  reductions  have 
be<m  made  in  the  respective  tariffs  of  the  two  governments,  and 
a  good  tleal  of  American  capital  has  now  been  iuv(>sted  in  the 

island. 

The  notion  that  all  the  r(>publi<'s  of  the  New  World  ought, 
simply  because  they  are  called  repul)lics,  to  stand  closely  together 
apart  from  the  n^st  of  the  world  —  a  notion  as  old  as  th(>  <'arly 
part  of  last  century  and  savouring  of  those  sim]ile  days  —  was 
revived,  but  vnth  a  view  rather  to  business  than  to  sentiment, 
when  in  1899  a  Pan-American  C^ongress  was  invited  to  meet  in 


,|1 


i  •', 


'i  ■:' 


582 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  IlKPLECTIONS  part  v 


P 


m 


f\ 


WashinRtou  cliicflv  for  tlu'  puriK)se  of  tryiuK  to  arrange  sorae- 
thitiR  approai-hiriR  a  Rnicral  tariff  system  for  the  iudepeudent 
statos  of  tho  ^^■ostc•rll  licmisplu're.    That  project  came  to  nothmg, 
but  three  suhseciueut  Congresses  have  heeii  held,  in  Mexico,  in 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  and  in  Hu(>nos  Ayres,  at  the  two  latter  of  which 
various  (questions  of  conunon  interest  have  been  discussed,  and 
a  certain  reciprocal  interest  is  beli<'ved  to  have  been  awakened. 
L'nder  the  auspices  of  these  Kathi'riuKs,  moreover,  there  has 
been  cstablisluHl  in  Washin^iton  an  institution  called  the  Pan- 
Annnican  Vnion.  which  collects  and  supi»lics  to  all  cnciuirers, 
information  relatinji  to  the  industry.  i)ro(lucts,  commerce,  and 
lejrislaticm  of  th'^i-  States  which  iiromiscs  to  be  of  real  value, 
and  dovibtless  t(>nds  to  brinn  the  American  covmtries  into  closer 
commercial  touch  with  one  anotluT.  eac-h  republic  bavins  a 
right  to  be  r(>i)resentcd  in  the  organization  of  the  Union.     In 
other  ways  also  the  relations  of  the  United  States  with  Latin 
America  have  become  closer  and  more  frequent.     On  several 
occasions  there  have  be(>ji  pacific  interventions  by  the  former, 
sometimes  in  ordcT  to  tjive  ]>rt)tection  apainst  European  powers, 
sometin«>s  for  the  i>uriH)S(<  of  av(>rtin}2;  conflicts.     In  the  case  of 
Central  America.  wIutc  the  indepentlent  states  are  the  sm.dlest, 
the  most  turbul(>nt.  the  most  bellicose,  and  the  lea.^t  advanced 
in  point  of  civilization,  efforts  were  made  in  1007-8  to  take 
action  in  conjunction  with  M(>xico,  as  beiuR  the  repubUc  not 
only  the  nearot  to  thi>  disturbed  area,  but  also  more  powerful 
under  the  rul(>  of  Di:iz.  than  its  pi^tty  n(>ishhours  to  the  South. 
Later,  under  the    joint   aus]iices  of    Mexico  and  the  United 
States,  there  was  set  up  a  Central  American  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion, by  whose  action,  if  the  rather  irresponsible  presidential 
dictators  can  be  com])-.  lle<l  lo  resort  to  it,  it  is  hoped  that  the 
constantly  reciu-rinff  strife  that  luis  retarded  progress  in  these 
countries  mav  be  prevented. 

The  temptation  to  intervene  and  either  bring  to  reason  or 
dethrone  and  expel  the  military  adventurers  who  rule  most  of 
these  stat<-s  i<  often  a  strong  one,  '^iM'cially  to  a  niitiim  whu-h, 
eager  to  develop  its  trade  on  its  own  continent,  perceives  that 
till  ]^o■.i(>o  and  order  nro  secured,  trade  cannot  advance.  Rut  the 
wisest  statesmen  of  America  feel  that  the  temptation  ought  to 
be  resisted.  The  exampl(>  of  other  countries,  and  espei'ially  of 
Great  Britain  in  In-lia  and  of  Russia  in  Central  Asia,  lu.s  shown 
how  dithcult  it  is  for  a  strong  power,  when  once  it  has  mter- 


CHAP.  Xfvii     THK  SKW  TIIANSMAF{INK    DOMINIONS  W, 


S3 


I 


fered  to  put  down  on«;  Kovcrriiin'm  :i;id  -<•!  up  uiii>tii<T,  to  with- 
draw and  h'avc  the  new  ^oveiiiiiiint  \i>  laki-  it-  cliiuiccs.  Mo.st 
of  the  advances  of  Russia  ia  <  rnlrul  :uid  Xorth.Tu  and  of  Kuk- 
land  in  Southern  Asia  have  aris«'ii  iM-caus.-  an  ii!t<Tf(Tciic<'  whicli 
svcincd  justifiable  or  even  ncci'ssaiv  lid  du  to  an  annexation 
that  was  never  intended,  and  in  many  cases  never  desinvl. 
With  thi.s  lesson  Iwfore  tii<ni  >ueli  -tate-tnen  have  Kenerally 
sought  to  restrain  any  popular  imp  .Ue,  whether  amhilious  or 
philanthropic,  to  step  out  of  tlM-ir  own  spiiere.  Tliey  have 
another  sound  reason  in  tiie  tact  that  any  action  on  tlieir  part 
that  could  seem  ay:<i;re>-ive  or  over-iieariiiy;  would  rekindle  all 
over  Spanish  America  tho-^e  .-usnicions  of  the  too  ])owertul 
sister  republic  which  have  l-r.'ii  more  or  le-  f<.li  ev^r  since  the 
Mexican  War  of  1^4»^.  To  allav  >uch  Mispicion>  oujiiit  tn  he  a 
main  aim  of  United  States  jxjlicy. 

Americans  have  latterly  been  wdiit  to  -p<'ak  of  them^'lvrs  a.s 
having  become,  through' tlie  ev.-nts  of   bV.ts.  a  World  Power. 
So  far  as  notential  -trenuth  wa-  cone  rn.-d,  they  were  a  World 
Power  even  Ix-fore  that   year,  h.r  their  material  resources  were 
at  lea.<t  equal  to  those  of  any  (-t!:er  -tate.     But  it  is  true  that 
the  acquisition  of  transmarine  dominion-  and  the  wilier  li(»rizon 
which  the  control  of  these  opened  out  befor<'  them,  hav<'  led  to 
their  taking  a  larger  part  in  thr  atfairs  or  the  i)lanet  as  a  whole 
than  they  Lad  ever  done  before.     To  thi-  tendency  another  cause 
also  ha.s' contributed.     The  inunen-e  -xi)ansion  of  the  produc- 
tive and  manufacturing  indu-^trie-  of  the  country  has  induced 
a  desire  to  have  a  larger  >hare  in  world  commeK  •  aiid  to  increa.se 
the  mercantile  marine.'     "New  for<  ign  markei:-  for  .Vmerican 
goods"  loom  larger  in  the  eye<  of  the  mercantile   class,  and 
Administrations  have  proclaimed  the  wish   an<l  i.urpose  to  do 
all  that  can  be  done  to  i)romote  American  enterprise  abroad. 
This  tendency,  which  seem-  likel\-  t(,  grow  .-tronger  in  the  years 
to  com",  has'taken  concrete  -haiX'  not  only  i;i  stimulating  the 
effort  to  claim  for  the  I'nited  Stat-  a  -ort  of  he<i"mony  among 
the  republic-  of  its  own  henu-i)!iere.  but  ai-o  in  thr-  adoption  of 
a  forward  commercial  i)olicy  in  th.'  Far  lia-t,  where  the  d.jctrine 
of  what  is  called  "  the  <  )pen  Door  "  for  trade  in  .Manchuria  and 
China  tias  been  re{)eatediy  pro.-ialni'd  as  trie  ■.\;itcriWorf;  of  the 

1--I)   ini.    'ifiift'iriil   ir'i'.'l-   fi.rtr-fl 
I  -e.rcs  in  I'KlC) 


•  Mr.  f"o„liil2f'  oIk^.tv.i  rh.it 
1 , 


but  12 


r  fi-nf 


.f  fh.-  t'lr,! 


'hese  had  n-s'-n  t')  -U)  -  i'*'' 


■['.  r 


jV,  ./.,  .;    lf.,W'/ 


1       '     'J 

i  -    r' 


i: 


584 


TLUSTHATIONS  AND  IIKFLFX'TIONS 


I'AKT   f 


.iti- 


Unitod  St:it«>s,  luul  as  the  imnci|)lo  it  seeks  to  urgo  upon  other 
Towers. 

A  (luesti.)ii  lias  l)eeii  raised  asto  wlu'tlHTthe  traditional  maxnn 
that  tli«'  Tnited  States  should  confine  the  assertion  of  its  interests 
to  1  he  Western  1  len»isi)here  a  maxim  correlative  to  the  declara- 
tinn  ill  whicii  Monroe  and  Adams  stated  their  objection  to  any 
fresli  «>stal)lishinent  of  l':uro|)ean  powers  th«>rein  —  applies  to 
the  (>asteru  sid(>  of  Asia  as  well  as  to  the  rest  of  the  Old  World.' 
Is  «)r  is  not  lh«'  I'aeiiic  Ocean  to  1m'  tlu>  honndary  of  American 
action  on  t!ie  one  side  as  the  Atlantic  is  on  the  other?  To  this 
question  no  answer  has  so  far  been  rettirned. 

.\-  -ifter  the  Siianish  War  tlie  refiuiar  army  of  the  United 
States  was  more  tlian  doul)le(l,  so  with  the  ac(iuisiti<m  of  terri- 
tories beyond  the  sea  and  tlic  assvnn|)ti«n  of  wi(h-r  resp(msi- 
bihtics  in  the  world,  there  "anie  an  even  greater  expansion  of  the 
navy,  which  had  in  n)lO  Income  one  of  the  three  strouRest 
aHoat.  In  1SS9  it  had  co^t  only  .S2r).(XK),000  and  in  1912  was 
costing  S123,IK)0.000. 

What  have  been  the  broa<l  •(•suUs  of  these  chanpirs.  and  what 
future  do  thev  porten.l  for  the  Iniled  States  as  a  World  Power? 
If  ever  there  was  a  warning  administered  to  overconfident 
Tin.iilH'ts,  that  warning  u as  jjiven  by  the  events  of  1 898.  It  was 
the  Unforeseen  that  hajipenied.  There  was  nothmg  m  the  world 
which  tlie  American  peopl«>  less  (>xpect(>d  when  they  went  into 
tlie  war  a-iaiiist  Si)ain  than  that  they  shouhl  come  out  of  it  the 
sovereinn-Tof  the  Philippine  Islands,  four  thousand  miles  from 
their  own  shores.  Even  the  victory  at  Manila  was  won  with  no 
intent  to  acquire  the  isles.  Tliat  was  the  result  of  a  series  of 
accidents.  The  Americans  drifted  into  ilommion,  and  were 
amazed  to  find  whither  they  had  drifted. 

But  without  siieculatins  about  the  future,  a  few  remarks  may 
be  made  on  the  ])resent  state  of  national  opinion. 

The  peojile  have  not  been  s.ized  by  any  lust  for  further  con- 
(juests.  Prom  190:^  till  1912  they  api)eared  to  be  taking  com- 
tiarativelv  litth^  interest  in  their  new  tiossessions,  which  were 
seldom  nieutioiuMl  iwn  at  election  time,  and  regarding  the  ad- 
niiuistratinti  of  wlii(h  no  nsore  controversy  was  arisi.i  •  in  the 
national  legislature  than  in  the  British  parliament  about  Ceylon 
or  Borneo.  It  is  onlv  tariff  luestions  affecting  these  transmarine 
territ<-ies  that  have  latterly  given  rise  to  debat<>s  in  C^ongress. 

'  Sio  iipdii  tlii-.  sul.jc.t  >  .(■  ninarks  of  Mr.  Coolidgc  ut  supra,  pp.  117-119. 


CHAP,  xcvii    THK  NEW  TUAXSMAUINl-:   DOMINIONS  '.H.-) 


1 


AmonR statesmen,  who  nmst  of  ('((iirse  study  the  position  l)oth 
in  its  actiiiiUties  and  its  possiliilitics,    tlicre  is  a  dilTerence  of 
opinion  as  to  the  Ix'st  mode  of  dealinu   willi  the  i)ossessiotis  al- 
ready acfuiired  ;  for  though,  no  one  piciposcs  to  iiive  up  Hawaii  or 
Puerto  Hieo,  tiie  Deinocratie  Convention  of  I'.H'i  reeonnnended 
the  abandonment  of  tiie  IMiilippines,  whil«  others,  inchidinu;  tiie 
Achiiinistrations  in  power  from  IS'.tS  till  l'.)i:?,  iiave  iield  that  the 
islands  ou^ht  to  Ix- retained,  at  least  until  their  people  e;in  l»e  pro- 
nouneed  fit   for  s^lf-troverniiient.     Hut   as  to  future  jxiliey,  all 
aKre<'  in  tlie  view  that  the  luiied  States  oii<;ht  to  make  no  lur- 
ther  eomiuests  and,  if  possihle,  a\<iid  the  annexation  of  any  more 
territory.     Such  territory,  they  ohscrv*',  would   lie   within   the 
tropies,  forth<re  is  none  to  l)e  had  elsewhere,  and  therefore  the 
population  would  not  he  of  American  «»r  North  iluropean  stock. 
It  would  eitlu-r  have  to  l)e  uoverned  as  a  subject  I'olony  or  els<' 
admitted  to  the  I'nion  as  a  State.     'I'he  olijcctioii  to  the  former 
alternative  is  that  not  only  th<' Constitution  and  fnmieof  j^overn- 
ment,  hut  the  political  hat)its  of  the  Americiin  i)eo|)le,  are  not 
well  fitted  for  ruliuK  over  distant  sutijects  of  another  race.     The 
thing  may  no  doubt  be  done,  and  in  the  l'liilii>|>ines  it  is  beiuK 
done,  and  that  in  a  worthy  sj)int.     Hut  it  is  not  :i  welcome  task. 
The  Declaration  of  Independence  is  a  plant  ill  fitted  for  trans- 
plantation to  troi)ical  land>  inliabited  by  backward  races.     The 
latter  alternative  (admi>-ion  to  the  I'nion)  presents  still  j^reater 
difficulties,   In-cause   a  State  omposeil  of  citizens  speakin«    a 
different   lanRuaye,    unused   to   constitutional   self-tiovernment , 
imbued  witli  ([uite  other  notions  ;ui<l  traditions,  would  Ix-  detri- 
mental to  the  political  life  of  the  American  people,  as  a  foreifjn 
substance  lodji«'d  in  the  phy.-ical  body  injures  or  endanK<'rs  its 
vital  forces.     Or.  to  i)Ut  it  s!iortl,\-,  democialic  -iuvernment    re- 
quires for  its  succe-s  the  e(;uality  and  the  h.omojicneity  of  the 
citizens. 

Thoughtful  American^  feel  that  the  Hcpublic  has  already 
a  snffiriently  lieavy  load  to  carrv  in  leu  million-  of  negroes  and 
four  or  flve'million^  of  recent  iiuniiiiiaiit-,  i'^iiiorant  of  its  insti- 
tutions. To  add  other  million-^  of  mivd  Spanish-Indian  or 
Spanish-negro  blood  would  be  an  evil  n  it  com))<'i,sale(l  by  the 
gain  of  territory  and  ] 


)0-~llll< 


tirowtli  ot  t  rade. 


The  recotiiiM  ion 


of  these  facts  and  th<>  dying  down  of  the  sudden  imperialistic 

ke  it   probable  that   for  some  time  to 


impulse  of  IWS-Htnt)  ma 

come  American  policy  will  aini  at  avoiding  annex.ations,  < 


>r  m- 


1-^ 


A8A 


ILLUSTIIATIONS  AND   UKKI.KCTIONS         iakt  v 


J  4 


tcrvontions  likely  to  U'lul  to  iiiuH'xiitions.  As  to  the  niorc  dis- 
tant future,  — -  let  us  anain  reiniuii  ourselves  of  1898  and  i)e- 
ware  of  prophesjniiK. 

In  realizing  iierself  as  a  World  Power  America  has  not  become 
more  arrogant  or  more  combative.  Relations  with  Mexico  were 
during  the  prudent  rule  of  President  Diaz  better  than  ever 
before,  and  still  more  noteworthy  has  been  the  growth  of  friend- 
liness between  the  United  States  and  ( 'anada,  evidenced  by  i\w 
conclusion  (in  liK)8-ll)  (»f  a  group  of  treaties  designed  to  ri'- 
move,  or  provitle  means  for  the  settlement  of,  all  possible  causes 
of  controversy.  Though  there  are  in  her  jM'ople,  as  in  all  peoples, 
latent  bellicose  tendencies  cajiable  under  excitement  of  bursting 
into  a  blaze,  the  better  sentiment  which  desires  peac"  and  en- 
deavours to  substitute  arbitration  for  war  hjus  gained  strength ; 
and  all  that  recent  Administrations  have  done  in  concluding 
arbitration  treaties,  and  in  urging  on  other  Powers  the  desira- 
bility of  establishing  permanent  Courts  of  Arbitration,  has  been 
heartily  approved  by  the  nation. 


i  1 


CHAITER  XCVIII 


L-\IS.SKZ    KAUIK 


I 


ii 


A  European  friend  of  a  pliilosophir  turn  of  mind  bado  mo, 
when  he  heard  that  I  was  uritiiiK  tliis  hook,  dedicate  at  least 
one  chapter  to  the  American  Theory  of  tlie  State.  1  answered 
that  the  American>  had  no  theory  of  ttie  State,  and  felt  no  need 
for  one,  heiny;  content,  like  the  Kn^lisli,  to  base  their  constitu- 
tional ideas  upon  law  und  history. 

In  England  and  Aineri<;i  ulike  (I  pursued)  one  misses  a  whole 
circle  and  system  of  idea.--  ,iiid  sentiments  wliich  have  l)een  potent 
amonp  the  nations  of  the  Kuro])ean  continent.     To  those  nation.s 
the  Sti  te  is  a  s^reat  moral  fK>wer,  the  totality  of  the  wisdom  and 
conscience  and  force  of  the  p(  ople,  yet  greater  far  than  the  sum 
of  the  individuals  who  conii)ose  the  people,  because  eon.soiou.sly 
and  scientifically,  if  also  by  a  law  of  nature,  organized  for  pur- 
poses  which   the   people  indistinctly    apprehend,   and   because 
it  is  the  inheritor  of  a  deep-rootecl  reverence  and  an   ahnost 
despotic  authority.     There  is  a  touch  of  mystici.sm  in  this  con- 
ception, which  has  survived  the  change  from  arbitrary  to  rejjre- 
sentative  government,  and  almost   recalls  the  sacredne.H.s  that 
used  to  surround  the  mediipval  chunh.     In   England  the  tradi- 
tions of  an  ancierit   monarchy  and  tlie  social   influence  of  the 
class  which  till  lately  govfrned  have  enabled  the  State  and  its 
ser\-ice  to  retain  a  nKHsure  of  influence  anil  respect.     No  one, 
however,  attributes  any  special  wisdom  to  the  State,    no  one 
treats  tho^^o  concernerl   with  administration  or  l»>;islation  as  a 
superior  class.     Officials  are  strictly  held  within    the  limits  of 
their  legal  powers,  and  are  (pl-eyed  only  so  far  as  they  can  .'-how 
that  they  ar>^  carrying  out  tlie  p,)sitive  directions  of  the  law. 
Their  conduct,  and  indeed  the  decisions  of  the    highest  State 
orcans.  are  critici>e<l.  perhaps  with  more  courtesy,  but  otherwise 
in  exactly  the  -ame  way  as  those  of  other  persons  and  liodies. 
Yet  the  State  is  diiniified.  anrl  men  are  proud  to  serve  it.     From 
the  American  mmd,  that  which  m;iy  be  called  th(;  mystic  aspect 


'm 


r>Hs 


ILI.l  STKATIONS   AM)   l{KKLK(TI()\S 


•AI(T    V 


■■i  i 


of  tin-  St;ilc,  :iii(l  the  llicoiy  of  its  vast  ruiiKt'  ttf  iictioii,  arc  iis 
(■i)ns|)ifiiously  al)st'nt  as  they  arc  l'n»m  tlir  Knulisli.  Tlicy  arc 
alisciil,  not  iMH'ausf  Ainciica  is  a  (Iciiiocrafy,  l»ut  iM'causr  the 
political  itlcus  of  the  two  hraiichcs  of  the  race  are  fun(huiien- 
t:illy  the  same,  a  fact  which  continental  observers  of  tl>e  UhIUhI 
States  constantly  fail  to  ai)preciat«'.  In  America,  howevjT, 
even  the  (li^nity  of  the  Stale  has  vanished.  It  s;vms  actuully 
1,'^s  than  the  indiviihials  who  live  under  it.  The  peoph*,  that  is 
to  say.  tlu'vast  iiujUitudeof  men  whoinhahit  the  country,  inspire 
respect  or  awe,  the  organism  is  i^;nored.  The  State  is  nothing 
hut  a  name  for  the  leKisl.ative  and  admini.strative  machinery 
wherelty  certain  liusiness  of  the  inhal)itants  is  despatched.  It 
has  no  more  conscience,  or  moral  mission,  or  title  to  awe  and 
respect,  than  a  commercial  company  for  working  a  railroad  or 
amine:  and  those  who  rejjresent  it  are  treale<l  in  puhlic  and 
in  private  with  (iiiite  as  little  deference. 

Hereupon  my  friend  rejoined  that  peo|)le  in  America  must 
at  least  hav«' some  general  views  al)out  the  functions  of  govern- 
ment and  its  relations  to  the  individual.  "We  are  told,"  he 
contimied,  "that  the  whole  American  polity  i.s  more  coherent, 
more  self-consistent,  than  that  of  Enpiand  ;  it  nmst  therefore 
have  what  the  (Icnnans  c;dl  'Kround-idea-s.'  Tliere  is  a  profu- 
sion of  Icfrislation.  Lejiislation  nmst  procecnl  upon  the.se  ideas, 
and  l)y  examininsr  the  current  legislation  of  the  Ftnlerai  govern- 
ment and  of  the  States  you  will  he  able  to  discover  and  present 
the  beliefs  and  notions  regarding  the  State  which  the  Americans 
dierish." 

The  term  "ground-ideas"  does  not  hapi)ily  describe  the  doc- 
trines tliat  prevail  in  the  Tnited  States,  for  the  j)eople  are  not 
prone  to  form  or  -tate  their  notions  in  a  philosojihic  way.  There 
are,  however,  certain  dogmas  or  maxims  which  are  in  so  far 
fundamental  ttiat  they  have  told  widely  on  political  thought, 
and  that  one  usunlly  strikes  uj)on  them  when  sinking  a  shaft, 
so  to  speak,  into  an  American  mind.  AniMig  such  dogmas  are 
the  folIo\\iiig  :    - 

Certain  rights  of  th"  individual,  as,  for  in.stance,  his  right  to 
tlie  etijoymciit  of  what  he  has  earned,  and  to  the  free  expression 
of  his  opinions,  are  primordial  and  sacred. 

All  pcjiitical  j)ower  si)rings  from  tlie  people,  and  the  most 
completely  popular  government  is  the  l)est. 

Legislatures,  officials,  and  all  other  agents  of  the  sovereign 


C  HAI'.    XIVIII 


LAFSSKZ   KAIItK 


')S\i 


people  ouKlit  to  Im-  strictly  limited  by  hiw,  l)y  cuch  other,  uiul 
by  the  shortness  of  the  terms  of  odice. 

VVhcrj"  luiy  fiiiietion  run  Ik-  e(|ually  well  discharKetl  by  ti 
centrtil  or  by  ii  loeal  IxMly,  it  ouuht  by  prelVrenee  to  be  entniste<l 
to  the  loeul  Ixxly,  for  :i  eeiitnili/e<l  administration  is  niore  lik^'ly 
to  be  tyrannieal,  ineffieient,  and  imiHire  than  one  whieh,  bein^ 
on  a  small  seale,  is  more  fnlly  within  the  kno\vle<lne  of  the 
eitizens  and  more  sensitive  to  their  i)|»inioii. 

Two  men  are  wiser  than  one,  one  hnndred  than  ninety-nine, 
thirty  millions  than  twenty-nine  millions.  Whether  they  are 
wiser  or  not,  the  wil!  of  the  larger  miml)er  must  prevail  ajjiainst 
the  will  of  the  smaller.  Hut  the  majority  is  not  wiser  because 
it  is  calh-d  the  Nation,  or  because  it  control,  the  government, 
but  only  because  it  is  more  numerous.  The  nation  is  nothing 
but  so  many  individuals.  Tin  fioveniment  is  nothinu  Imt 
certain  rei)resent:itives  and  olfici.ils,  agents  who  are  here  to-<lay 
and  gone  to-morrow. 

The  less  of  government  the  better;  that  is  to  say,  the  fewer 
occasions  for  interfering  with  indivi.lual  <ili/<'ns  are  allowed 
to  officials,  an<l  the  less  time  citizens  have  to  sp.-nd  in  looking 
after  their  officials,  so  mucli  tlie  more  will  the  citizens  and  the 
commmiity  prosper.  The  functions  of  government  nuist  be 
i    pt  at  their  minimum. 

The  first  five  of  these  dogmas  have  been  discussed  and  ilhis- 
tn<to<l  in  earlier  chapters.  The  last  of  them  needs  a  litth; 
examination,  because  it  su^^jrcsts  i)oints  of  comparison  with  the 
Old  World,  and  l-ecause  the  meaniuK  of  it  lies  in  the  applica- 
tion. It  is  all  very  well  to  s.,y  tliat  the  functions  of  govern- 
ment should  be  kei)t  at  a  niiiiiniuni  ;  l>ut  the  bureaucrats  of 
Russia  might  say  the  same.  What  is  this  minimum?  Kvery 
nation,  every  Kovernnient.  every  phil<.sopher.  has  his  own  view 
as  to  the  functions  which  it  iiiu-t  be  taken  to  iiicludi>. 

The  doctrine  of  Lnissrz  ffiirr.  or  iinii-interference  by  <!;(»vern- 
ment  with  the  citizen,  ha.-,  two  foundations,  wliich  may  be  called 
the  sentimental  and  the  ratioM;d.  The  sentimental  ground  is 
the  desire  of  the  inrlividual  1o  be  let  al.)ne,  to  do  as  he  ple.-ise.s, 
indulge  his  impul.-e-.  f-!!'.v.-  out  \i\<  pn.iects.  The  rational 
ground  is  the  principle,  uatheied   from  an   observation  of  the 

phenomena  of  society,  that  interference  b,\ ' '*  """•" 

often  dot^s  harm   than  good  -  tti.it  is  to  say 


and  impulses  of  men  w 


that    the  desires 
■lien  left  to  themselves  arc  more  likely 


rii 


.iff 


m 


fiOO 


ILI.rsTUATlONS   AM)   UKI'LKCTION'S 


I'Airr  V 


;,l 


.  f^' 


■41 


- 1 

i 


by  thi'ir  nutiirnl  ndlisioii  imil  cK-oixratioii  to  work  nut  a  liapfiy 
result  for  tin-  niMuiiuiiily  ami  the  itidividuals  that  niinpos*'  it 
than  will  Ik*  attaiiUNl  l>v  the  runscioiis  ciulcavours  of  the  Stale 
controlliivj;  ami  (lircetinj;  those  desires  au<l  iMi|)ulses.  There 
art'  laws  of  nature  jtoverniuK  inankiiul  as  well  as  the  material 
world  ;  and  man  will  thrive  hetter  under  these  laws  than  umler 
thoso  which  he  niakos  f«)r  himself  thntuKh  the  ornanization  we 
call  (lovt'rmnent. 

Of  thoso  two  views,  the  former  or  sjMitimental  has  heen  <  ..- 
tremoly  strouR  in  America,  l>einK  rootinl  in  the  character  and 
habits  of  the  race,  and  seeminR  to  issue  from  that  assertion  of 
imlividual  liberty  which  is  proclaimed  in  such  rovernl  «locu- 
monts  as  the  Declaration  of  lnde|)endeuce  and  the  older  State 
constitutions.  T\\v latter  >iew.  incessantly  canvasscnl  in  Europe, 
has  playoil  n«»  great  part  in  the  I'liited  Stat«'s  ;  or  rather  it  has 
app«*ared  in  the  forn  not  of  a  pliiloso|)hic  induction  from  ex- 
perience, but  of  a  common-sense  notion  that  everylxxly  knows 
his  own  business  best,  that  inilividual  enterprise  has  "made 
America."  and  will  "run  An»eric:i,"  bett  than  the  best  Kovern- 
mont  could  ilo. 

Tho  State  Kovernmonts  of  177()  and  the  National  Rovernment 
of  1789  startwl  from  ideas,  mental  habits,  and  admini(tr"'=ve 
practice  RcniTally  similar  to  those  of  conteniporary  Knglaiul. 
Now  England  in  the  eighteenth  century  was  that  one  among 
European  countries  in  which  government  h.id  the  narrowest 
sphere.  Tho  primitive  paternal  legislation  of  the  later  Middle 
Ages  had  been  abandoned.  The  central  government  had  not 
l)egim  to  stretch  out  its  arms  to  interfere  with  quarter  ses!-:ions 
in  the  counties,  or  municipal  corporations  in  the  towns,  to 
care  for  tho  health,  or  educ-ttioii,  or  morals  of  the  people.  That 
strengthening  and  reorganization  of  administration  which  was 
in  progress  in  many  parts  of  tho  continent,  as  in  Prussia  vmder 
Frederick  the  (Iroat,  ami  in  Portugal  under  Pombal,  had  not 
spread  to  England,  and  would  have  been  resisted  there  by  men 
of  conservative  tendencies  for  one  sot  of  reasons,  and  men  of 
liberal  tendencies  for  another.  Everything  tended  to  make 
the  Unitetl  States  in  this  respect  more  ICngiish  than  England, 
for  the  circumstances  of  colonial  life,  the  process  of  settling 
the  western  wilderness,  the  feelings  evoked  by  the  .struggle 
against  George  III,  all  went  to  intensify  individualism,  the 
love  of  enterprise,  and  the  pride  in  personal  freedom.    And 


riup.  XI  VIII 


LAISSKZ    PA  I  III', 


fiOl 


fnjin  thai  «lu.v  to  this,  iiidividmiliHm.  tlu>  love  of  I'litiTprist",  uikI 
th«' prill*'  ill  iMTMiiiul  fri'iMloin,  liiiN'  Imth  t|iM«in»'<l  i»y  AiiH'rii-aiis 
not  only  tlirirclioiciHt.liiit  tlirir  |»»('iiliariiiiil('X«'lusivt'pos>«'nsioti8. 

Tin-  liiiinlrffi  years  wliicli  have  passrd  sincf  tin-  liirlh  of  tin- 
|{i'|iiil)lic  liHvr,  liowfVfr,  hroiinlit  many  cliaiiKi'H  with  them. 
Individnahsin  i-<  no  ionccr  tiir<-ati>n«><l  l>y  arbitrary  kiiiKH,  and 
th<'  ramparts  <n fted  to  protect  it  from  their  atlaeks  arc  usi'I«>sm 
and  Krass-Krovvn.  If  any  assaults  are  to  lie  feareil  they  will 
come  from  another  (piarter.  New  causes  are  at  work  in  tho 
world  teiirliiiK  not  only  to  lennlhen  the  arms  of  jjoverninent, 
liijt  to  make  its  touch  (piicker  and  lirmer.  Do  thes«>  cjuiwh 
operate  in  America  a>  well  its  in  Kiinipe?  and,  if  so.  >1o«'H 
America,  iri  virtue  of  lier  >tronKer  historical  attachinont  to 
imlividiiaii-m,  opi>o-e  a  more  elTcctive  resistance  to  them? 

I  will  mention  a  few  amonn  them.  M<Klern  civilization,  in 
Ix-corninn  more  complex  and  refined,  has  hecome  more  exacting- 
It  (liscerns  more  liemfits  which  the  orjiaiii/ed  power  of  govern- 
ment can  M>cure,  ;uid  k.'-ows  more  anxious  to  attain  tlu'in.  Mm 
live  fast,  and  are  imi)atient  of  the  slow  working  of  natural  laws. 
The  triumi»hs  of  f)hysic;il  science  have  enlarge<l  their  dcHircs 
for  comfort,  and  sliowii  th<  in  how  many  thingw  may  1m«  accom- 
plished hy  the  apf)licat!on  of  roHective  skill  and  large  funds  which 
are  lieyond  Th*-  re;tc|,  of  individii;d  r^lTort.  Still  greater  ha.s  Ix-en 
tho  influence  <,:  u  fiui<  k<  li;  1  rior.i!  -eii-ilix : :;  ss  and  philan- 
thropic sympatliv.  The  -iuht  of  |»n'Viiital)le  evil  is  jminful, 
and  is  felt,  as  a  reproa'  h.  lie  who  preaches  patience  and  reliance 
upon  natural  proi^n-s  i-  thouuht  cillous.  The  sense  of  sin  may, 
as  theologians  tell  us,  he  decjitiing  ;  hut  the  dislike  to  degrading 
and  Krutaliziii2  vi<'e  i-  iii'Te;i-iriii  :  tliere  i-,  a  warmer  recognition 
of  the  re«r)oii«iMliry  <f  each  rn;iii  for  his  ni'inhliour,  and  a  more 
earnest  zeal  in  works  i,t  moral  reform.  Some  doctrines  which, 
f)«'cause  tliey  h.id  s.iti-fi'-d  [)!iilos.,phers,  were  in  the  last  genera- 
tion accept  e.i  I  iv  the  hulk  of  educated  men,  have  now  hecoine,  if 
not  discro<lite(i  l-y  (•xperieii'f,  yet  far  from  jxipular.  They  are 
thousht  to  he  le-s  univer-.illv  true,  less  com|)letely  heneficial, 
than  was  at  fir-t  supfK.sed.  Tlicre  are  henefits  which  the  laws 
of  demand  anji  snr)nlv  do  not  procure,  rnlimited  comF>etiti(>n 
Sf^ms  to  pres.-  too  hanliy  on  thr>  we.ak.  The  fKtwer  of  groups  of 
men  orjranizeil  l.y  in(orp<i:;''i(iii  as  joint-sto<-k  <'ompanies.  or 
of  small  knots  oi  rich  ini  ii  acting  in  comhination,  has  developed 
with  unexpected  slrt-ngth  m  unexpccttMl  ways,  ovtT.shadowing 


1^;^ 


if! 


h- 


ILLISTHATIONS  AND  UEFLKCTIONS 


.'ART  V 


r>92 

- nd  showing  that  the  very 

„,aivu.uals  unci  even  --";;';;;^^,;^t1u  Secure  by  law  when 

froeaoiu  of  ^^^^^^'^'^ ;^';t^^^  potentates  may,  under 
they  were  threatened  by  ^1  '  ;'"l^^"\  P^„,  „f  tyranny.  And 
the  shelter  of  the  law,  rip  f-^^'^  ^^,  taken  as  the  type, 
in  some  countries,  of  which  l^^^a";  '  ^  j^^.  to  the  many  has 
the  transf-euce  of  political  P^T^^'^.^^^nta"  authority.  The 
,,ade  the  ...ny  less  J-»-;f^;;  ^.Tstrument  -  why  should 

.overnuKMU  is  »"^\,^^^%V  v  mav  s  rir  it  to-morrow  of  the  power 
th.y  fear  to  use  it ?  Thj'Y  "  •^>/'\^P ^^^^^  They  may  rest  con- 
.vith  which  they  have  clothed  ^ ^^J  ^^.^^rary  to  the  .vishes 
fident  that  its  posver  ^f^  ^^^  ''tml  as  it  is  in  this  majori  y 

the  old  c..untri(>s  of  Europe  luv  mm        ,     ^  ^^  ^  ^^^^^_ 

only  from  popular  sentimet  t,  but  t r  m  ^^^^^.^ 

:;^  school  of  y^^-^^^::':Z^;^Z.^l^  to  be  combate.1 
But  what  of  newer  commumt^^-;  ^^  ^.^^^y  and  the 

hy  state  action  ^'^^^'^^^'^'^'e  more  intense?  An  eminent 
sentiment  of  i-^^-;  f  ^^  „e^  Jbdief  of  Englishmen  when 
Englishman  expressed  the  gentra 

he  said  in  1883  :  -  .  .      .emocraoy  at  home  is  insisting. 

..How  is  it  that  whilo  the  mereasmg  ^^^^^''^  ,he  state,  we  see  so 

with  suoh  growing  eagerness,  on  more  con^       y       ^       .^^  ^^^  u,nted 

'^'  ''^'■"  '  .  f  h.n  the  general  behef  of  Amer- 

That  belief  of  EngUshmen  jv-^  \^^   ,  ^^^^f^,  ,t,,nger  that  both 

ic-ans  also.     Nine  men  mit  "f      "  ^o  ^s  interfered 

tiu>  Fecral  government  j"-  ^^^  ^^^^^^^^^         the  country  to  this 

little,  and  many  ascribe<l  ;  ^  .P^^-el  ant  spirit  of  the  people 

''tetrt"*:f lt'l*f  w-  n>..a...n  then  and  has  .no,    hen 


CHAP,  xrviii 


LAISSKZ   FA'RE 


-.93 


become  slill  more  evidently  uroimdless.     The  new  clemoertieies 
of  America  are  us  eiiu;er  for  stiite  interference  as  tlie  democ- 
racy of  liritain,  and  try  their  experiments  with  even  more  lij>;ht- 
hearted  i)romptitude.     No  one  reed  he  surprised  at  this  wlieu 
he  reflects  that  the  causes  v.hh  n  m'  :  leen  mentioned  as  telling 
on  Europe,  tell  on  the  Uni'.  <i  Suites  '.Mili  .10  less  force.     Men 
are  even  more  eager  than  i  .   1  croix    1<>  iKisten  on  to  the  ends 
they  desir.',  even  more  inipa..c.u  of  liie  d.-iays  v.hich  a  reliance 
on  natural  forces  involves,  even  int;r<-  >.-,sitivt   .v)  the  wretched- 
ness of  their  fellows,  and  to  the  mischiefs  wliich  vice  and  igno- 
rance l)reed.     Unrest  ricte( I  comiietititioii  has  shown  its  dark  side  : 
great  corporations  have  heeii  more  i)owerful  than  in  Britain, 
and  more  inclined  to  alnise  their  jiower.     Having  lived  longer 
undev   a  democratic   gov(>rnment,   the   American   masses   have 
realized   more   ju-rfectly   than   those  of   KuroiM-   that    they  are 
themselves   the  goV(>niment.     Their   al>solute   commaixl  of  its 
organization    (except    where    constitutional    checks    are    inter- 
posed) makes  them  t\nn  mor"  (juickly  to  it  for  the  accomplish- 
ment  of   their   iiurposes.     And   in   the  State   legislatures  they 
possess  bodies  with  which  it  is  easy  to  try  legislative  exi)eri- 
ments,  since  these  bodies,  though  not  of  themselves   dis])()setl 
to  iimovation,  are  mainly  comiK)s(>d  of  men  unskilled  in  eco- 
nomics, inai)t  to  foresee  any  but  the  nearest  consequences  of 
their  measures,  prone  to  gratify  any  whim  of  their  constituents, 
and  open  to  the  i)ressure  of  any  section  whose  self-interest  or 
impatient  philanthropy  clamours  for  some  departure  from  the 
g(«neial  -  rinciplcs  of  legislation.     For  crotchet-mongers  as  well 
as  for  intriguers  there  is  no  such  jiaradise  as  the  lobby  of  a 
State  legislature.     Xo  res])onsible  statesman  is  there  to  oppose 
them.     No  warning  voice  will  be  raised  by  a  scientific  economist. 
Thus  it  has  com.-  to  i)ass  that,  though  the  Americans  have 
no  theory  of  the  State  aixl  take  a  narrow  view  (.f  its  functions, 
though  they  conceive  themselves  to  be  devoted  to  hiisscz  fnire 
in  principle,  and  to  l)e  in  practice  the  most  self-reliant  of  peo- 
l)les,  they  have  grown  no  less  accustomed  tliai\  the   Hnglisli  to 
carry  tlie'  action  of  government  into  ev(>r-widening  fields.     P>o- 
nomh-  theory  did  not  stoji  them,  for  practical  men  are  proud 
of  getting  on  without  theory.'     Tlie  sentiment  of  individualism 

>  Till  rocfiitlv    tlKT.'  has  Ih-oii  litth-  th.-orcfical  .lisciission  of  those  (luestioiis 
n  the  rriitc<l  Stiitcs.     At  pr.'.sriit    tlu'   two  fciidi'iniis.  that  of /.k*-*- z /'iin  an.' 
Jiut  which  U'liiiS  to  Stuto  iiit.iforciici',  are  w.ll  rcpr.-Bcutod  by  able  writers. 
2q 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


W\ 


594 

restraining  the  few  ,  a"^\  P^'^^'^"'''/ Vh,.  nHtemalism  of  France 
„,  which  i,  »tro„g  ™»'« ;;»  'Xi,  m  J  ,ntrbia,U„B  of  a 

8ta4  "Tchiofly  in  Slat<-  loRixlation  that  wo  must  look  f  r 
taS;.«  of%uch  intervention.  Kooent  i""'  ■''''';"?,.  1  tr 
Sndency  to  .lo  l.y  law  what  men  were  former  y  let  to  lo  or 
TeSe^,  and  to%rohihi.  by  law  -^  »  °"-.X  ^'^m"- 
Hanoe  from  the  statute-bo()k>  ot  luarij  fvnv  „+!,,  tho 

"The  form,  which  legislative  mtervention  takes  ,„ay  be  roughly 

srto-rpio'y  •:i,z;:;r;;;t'r  ri;;r..our,  -^ 

"Dfrections  to  indivLluals  t„  do  things  which  it,  is  n,^t  o^" 
viouslv  wrong  to  on.it  (c.,.  to  provi.le  seats  for  shop-women, 
x^  „,,r,iUh  tho  accounts  of  a  railway  company). 

3^s,:i:^r-s;i"^s^=e;v-crr;^ 

1 1  have  coUected  some  inatances  in  a  note  to  thia  chapter. 


CHAP,  xrvm 


LAISSEZ  FAIRE 


595 


(e.g.  the  annulmont  if  contracts  between  employer  and  work- 
men niakins  tlie  foiiner  not  liable  for  accident'il  injuries  to 
the  latter,  the  exeini)tion  of  homesteads,  or  of  a  i<  tain  amount 
of  personal  property,  from  the  claims  of  creditors,  the  prohibition 
of  more  than  a  certain  rate  of  interest  on  money). 

Directions  to  a  public  authority  to  undertake  work  which 
might  be  left  to  individual  action  and  the  operation  of  .supply 
and  demand  (e.g.  the  providing  of  schools  and  dispensnries, 
the  estabUshment  of  State  analysts.  State  oil  inspectors,  the 
collection  and  diffusion,  at  the  pul)lic  expense,  of  .statistics). 

Retention,  appropriation,  or  control  by  the  State  of  certain 
natural  sources  of  wealth  or  elements  i.i  its  production  (e.g. 
the  declaration,  made  by  Washington,  Wyoming,  Montana,  and 
Idaho,  that  the  use  of  all  waters,  whether  still  or  flowing,  within 
their  respective  bounds,  is  a  pul)lic  us'<,  and  forever  subject  to 
State  control,  the  prohibition  l)y  Indiana  of  the  wasteful  u.se 
of  natural  gas). 

In  every  one  of  these  kinds  of  legislative  interference  the 
Americans,  or  at  least  the  Western  States,  seem  to  have  {j,one 
farther  than  the  English  Parliament.  The  restrictions  on  the 
liquor  traffic  have  been  more  sweeping  ;  while  (except  in  the 
South)  those  upon  the  labour  of  wcjmen  and  children,  and  of 
persons  emj^loyfnl  by  the  .State,  have  been  not  less  so.  Moral 
duties  are  more  frequently  enforced  by  legal  penalties  than  in 
England.  Railroads,  insurance  and  banking  companies,  and 
other  corporations  are.  in  most  States,  strictly  regulated. 
Efforts  to  protect  individuals  coming  under  the  thrd  head  are 
so  frequent  and  indulgent  that  their  policy  is  beginning  to  be 
seriously  (juestionetl.'     Gratuitous   elementary  antl   secondary 

•  "A  numerous  and  pvpr-inrrpasine  list  of  possosisions  has  boon  ontirely 
rxomptivi  from  cxorution  for  fl(l)t.  startiiia  with  thf  traditional  homcittf'ad. 
and  going  on  through  all  the  nccossitirs  of  life,  inipl'nicnt.s  of  trade,  and  even 
rorner-lots  and  inonty.  until  in  some  States,  as  in  Texas,  almost  every  eon- 
reivahle  otijei-t  of  desire,  from  :i  hou.-e  and  .ormT-lot  to  a  span  of  fast  horses, 
may  be  held  anci  enjoyed  by  the  poor  man  free  from  all  rlaims  of  hi.s  ereditors. 
Without  going  further  into  details  it  may  bi'  boldlv  stateil  that  the  tendency 
of  demooratie  Irnislation  on  this  subjeet  lias  been  to  rer|uire  the  repayment  of 
debts  only  when  it  ran  be  mail"  out  of  superfluous  aeeumulated  eap'*<«l."  — 
Mr.  F.  ,1.  Stimson.  in  a  vigorous  and  thouLditful  article  on  the  "Ethies  of  De- 
morrac.v."  in  .Srrihni'r'.^  Mntinzin'  for  .lune.  l^s". 

The  lutest  foLisiitutioli  of  T>  xa.'^  provi.ics  that  wh.-n-  a  rnntra;-»-!r  b<*uiiii-s 
bankrupt,  the  lalxiurers  emplo.vtxl  by  him  shall  have  a  right  of  action  against 
the  company  or  person  for  whose  benefit  the  work  on  which  thiy  were  em- 
ployed was  done. 


ii 


r    *J 


f.' 


ti- 


'^ij 


1 

» 1 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


596 

"r      .  ,.:,u»l    .ill  over  the   I'nion,   jvnd  in  the  West 

oclucatun.    ,s  P^  ''  ,;  '^.  1^  ;  J  provi.l.a  for  wo.nou  as  well 
there  are  -l^o  SU  c    ^^^-;,  ^     „„,   ,,,„,,.,,>   the   State 

for  itse  f  moiiupolies,  it  l^  .vpi  uj  >i""  ■  .       . 

sul.si.H/.es  ^^Snc-u  turd  a   >.  M  n^^^r-^^'^^  ^^,^^.^,^^^  ^^,,,1  „,,^^. 

emlls'li;;;-. o,„, -- ■;',<^';;i;>:;:?'-i,:  ;;;^;i;;:s 

s  work  ill  a.,.l  »  1.™  .l.«..-  t"  .i">   -■>•  l.-n  "1«-    ;      "   ^  ,^ 

.™.  ^■«'  ';•  '•i;::;:;;sir::i:,:.:^  :r.!r;;:.':i..-;.:::.::J'  ">,,,  ,i„. 

oxpenments  lune  hul(<l,  on*  ^  ^^  ,„.,,„  ,i(lequa1<-ly 

<■   r   H„.   licids   of   covotc-s    (prainr-wolvop) 

,.;;:.^:z.:::.<C:'J:::T:.:::\,:i-  ::*> » *-' ■  *-- 

that   th.-  Uiws  n"w   i.uil>.-rt   "■  ^i^  ^^^  ^,^^^^_,^,,  ,,,,.^,,  ,.,^,.,  an    larply. 

thinl  th.-  annual  nv.niu's  of  I^"  '    ;\;   '   ;  j      j  .,t  ,,,,,„   ,ho.v  arr  .■ffectuat.      It 
,,v  ,1...  ri.l...st  .■it....n..  -:;"■"'•.; '\,""h:;:noral  taxation  ,„....>  la.ul  ....uuls 

;-;7.-S'u:";::r;:::;:!^  :v";<^;  ■  .ao  ■  nL^..  ..f  ...ovation ....  ..x......  of 

u.aiK.nin,.nt  "  -  Stin.^n.,  at  .upm. 


niAP.  x(  .  HI 


L.MSSKZ    IWlltK 


r)»7 


it  with  ti  stctrc  oi"  valiial)!*'  <l:ita  lor  its  insliiictioii,  data  which 
deserve  more  attentittii  tlian  tliey  liave  liitlierto  received,  and 
whose  vahie  wll  increase  as  time  K'X'f*  oti. 

Tt  is  the  privilej;;*'  <»f  these  unconscious  philosopliers  to  tr.v 
experiments  with  h'ss  risk  than  countricvs  hke  France  or  Kn;;;- 
hmd  would  have  to  run,  for  the  Ixxhes  on  whicii  the  expe::- 
ments  are  tried  are  so  relatively  small  and  exceptionally  viu,- 
(trous  that  failures  need  not  inflict  i)ernuuient  injury.  Railroads 
and  other  larfi,;'  business  interests  complain,  and  stimetimes  not 
without  reason,  hut  no  people  is  shrewder  than  the  American  in 
cominp;  to  recognize  the  results  of  overliold  Icfjislation  and  modi- 
fying it  when  it  is  found  to  tell  against  the  f^eneral  prosperity. 


NoTK 


I  coLLKiT  a  fi'W  instances  of  l(>t;islati(iu  illustrating  the  tendency  to 
extend  State  interxcntion  and  t'tu'  sco|)e  of  penal  law  : 

Now  York  provides  that  no  yutst  shall  lie  excluded  from  any  hotel 
on  account  of  race,  creed  isonie  had  refused  to  rc'civf  .lews),  or  colour. 

Wisconsin  reijuircs  every  hotel  al)ove  a  certain  heisjht  to  he  furnished 
with  tireproof  staircases  ;  and  .Mieiiijran  punishes  the  pro|)rietors  of  any 
shop  or  factory  in  which  the  health  of  enii)ioyees  is  endanjfered  by  im- 
proper heatinf,',  liKhtini,',  ventilation,  or  sanitarian  arrangements. 

Michigan  compels  railroad  companies  to  pro\  ide  automatic  car  coup- 
liners.     Other  States  direct  tlu'  use  of  certain  kinds  of  lirakes. 

(ieor^ia  orders  railway  companies  to  put  up  a  hulletin  stating  how 
nuich  any  train  already  half  an  hour  late  is  o\  enlue  ;  .\rkansas  requires 
this  even  if  the  train  is  only  a  few  mimites  late. 

Wyoming  requires  railroads  passiuj^  within  four  miles  of  any  city  to 
pro\  ide,  at  the  nearest  point,  a  depot  whereat  all  loi-al  trains  shall  stop  ; 
wliile  Arkansas  furl)ids  hafritafje  to  lie  tumhled  from  cars  on  to  the  [)lat- 
form  at  a  dei)ot  ;  and  Ohio  permits  no  one  to  he  entrafred  as  a  train  con- 
ductor uidess  he  has  had  two  years"  previous  e.xpericjire  as  trainh-nd. 

Massachusetts  forhids  the  employment  of  colour-Mir.  i  jx-rsons  on 
railways,  and  provides  for  the  examiiuilion  of  those  so  employed. 

Ohio  requires  drufinists  to  i>la<'e  on  hottles  containing  poison  a  red 
lal)el,  naming  at  least  two  of  the  most  readily  i)rocuraliIe  antidotes. 

Several  States  order  employers  to  find  seats  for  women  enijjloyed  in 
shops,  warehouses,  or  manufactories. 

Several  States  forbid  any  one  to  practise  dentistry  as  well  as  medi- 
cine unless  licensed  by  a  State  Hoard. 

Massiichusetts,  Rhode  Island,  and  Illinois  compel  corporations  to 
pay  workmen  weekly.  (Massachusetts  forbade  employers  to  deduct 
fines  from  the  sums  payable  by  tluiii  fur  ua^cs.  but  the  Supnint-  Court 
of  the  State  |by  a  nuijori'.yl  hehl  the  statute  unconstitutional.' 

Maryland  institutes  a  "State  Hoard  of  Commissioners  of  Practical 
Pi.imbini;,"    and    confines    the  i)ractice   of    that    industry  to    j)erims 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


« 


I*.  I 


598 

Uce^i^T^r^^a^e.     New  York  provides  Boards  of  Exanuners  to 

supervise  plumber's  work.  „„Hn<r  nnv  misreoresentation  to  or 

Kansas  punishes  as  ^^^'^'^^^-'.^^^J^Jf  ^ade^rees^  ^.rubs  or  bulbs  : 

Mi««"PP\.'':^r^'Si^M„mm"l>,  sh.ll  travel  on  ms  rail- 
'^■^S  J;"W:i=rl.^  «Kf,„„.  ™  ev»io„  w„au.ver.  th. 

BM.  tare  a.  i.  requlr.,1  of  P?"'"™-'"''*  f  "'i"!'' ■  ,  ,,,„„„,  aeriniltural 
•f  T  „'T™nS.^u"r ".    le  (  WoS  ."ppro'pria.™  ^^-.v  tor 

"sS£i^t:^j"^^:;z^*Mnrsr;;op. 

°'  1^^  'S'forbid,  the  hirinit  ot  barmaid..  w>d  Colorado  permit,  »o 
"'Toro;SirKanCa":dTor;U  Can.U™  malje  ,l,e   »du,..lo„  under 

'"St:  tTpts.::  :';?htr:J  rprSo'^^-  «„,  per»„  "«lo 

«.SS^s£^tp^-:x;iJ=- 

onH  n Tlonv  to  keep   manage,  or  operate  any  su.th  game. 

and  animals,  and  punishes  any  ""7';, jX?^^/ti„ed  or  inflamed 
tSZZ^^J^  Ur^.  'ti^l^^  -atute  Hxes  a 
Srtnght  from  birth  and  allows  six  hours  for  the  repor 

IlliLis  and  A-ona  fc^bid  marrja^^  „f 


CHAP.   XCVIII 


LAISSKZ   FA  IRK 


599 


other  States  havn  similar  laws  forliidiliiiK  minors  to  smoko  or  chew 
t,ol>ac<'<)  in  put)lif.  Ari/.ona  makes  it  iM'iial  to  sell  or  uive  liquor  to  a 
minor  without  his  parents'  consent,  or  even  to  admit  him  to  a  saloon. 
St'veral  States  ha\e  recently  made  the  smoking  of  cigarettes  a  punish- 
able olTence. 

Kentucky  prohibits  tlie  sale  of  any  l)ook  or  periodical,  "the  chief 
feature  of  which  is  to  record  the  commission  of  crimes,  or  display  by 
cuts  or  illustrations  of  crimes  committed,  or  the  i)ictun's  of  criminals, 
desperadoes,  or  fujjiti  s  froin  justi<-e,  or  of  men  or  women  influenced 
by  stimulants";  and  N'orth  Dakota  punishes  the  sale  or  gift  to,  and 
even  the  exhibition  within  sight  of,  any  minor  of  any  book,  magazine, 
or  newspaper  "principally  ma<U'  up  of  criminal  news  or  pictures,  stories 
oi  deeds  of  bloodshed,  lust,  or  crime." 

Home  States  permit  judges  to  hear  in  private  cases  the  evidence  in 
which  is  of  an  obscene  nature. 

Massachusetts  compels  insurance  companies  to  insure  the  lives  of 
coloured  persons  on  the  same  terms  with  those  of  whites. 

Oregon  requires  the  doors  of  any  building  used  for  puV)Uc  purposes 
to  \h'  so  swung  as  to  open  outwanls. 

Minnesota  enacts  that  all  labour  performed  by  contract  upon  a 
building  shall  be  a  first  lieu  thereon  ;  and  declares  that  the  fact  that 
the  person  performing  the  labour  was  not  enjoined  from  so  doing  shall 
be  conclusive  evidence  of  the  contract  ;  while  Iowa  gives  to  all  workers 
in  coal  mines  a  lien  for  their  wages  upon  all  property  used  in  construct- 
ing and  working  the  mine. 

Alabama  makes  it  penal  for  a  banker  to  discount  at  a  higher  rate 
than  S  i)er  cent. 

Many  States  have  stringent  usury  laws. 

Pennsylvania  forbids  a  mortgagee  to  contract  for  the  payment  by  the 
mortgagor  of  any  ta.xes  over  and  above  the  interest  i>ayable. 

Kentucky  and  some  other  States  have  been  making  strenuous  (but 
im{)erfectly  successful)  efforts  to  extinguish  lotteries.  On  the  other 
hand,  Nevada  appears  to  have  authorized  one. 

Some  of  the  newer  states  by  their  const ituti(va^  and  many  others  by 
statutes,  endeavour  to  destroy  the  combinations  of  capitalists  called 
"Trusts,"  treating  them  as  conspiracies,  and  threatening  severe  penal- 
ties against  tho.se  concerned  in  them. 

Laws  purporting  to  limit  the  hours  of  adult  male  labour  have  been 
passed  by  Congress  and  in  many  States.  None,  however,  appear  to 
forbid  under  penalty  overtime  work,  except  as  respects  public  servants 
(under  the  Federal  (iovernment.  and  in  Massachusetts,  Maryland, 
Pennsylvania,  Colorado),  the  limit  being  H  or  9  hours,  railway  servants 
(Maryland.  New  .Jersey,  Michigan),  10  to  12  hours,  and  coal-miners 
(Wyoming),  8  hours.  These  laws,  in  fact,  amount  to  little  more  than 
a  declaration  that  the  number  of  hours  mentioned  shall  (except  as  afore- 
said) constitute  a  legal  day's  work  in  the  absence  of  an  agreement  for 
longer  service. 

C(mgress  and  the  legislatures  of  at  least  fourteen  States  have  by  statute 
created  or  provided  for  the  creation  of  Hoards  of  .\rbitration  in  trade 
iisputes,  but  have  conferred  very  restricted  powers  for  that  purpose. 


1         ^1 


r 


It 


'I 
I' 

^ 


CHAPTER  XCIX 

WOMAN   SUKKKAOK 

ALTHOur.H  the  c,uestic,ii  of  udmitting  women   to  the  right 
of  S  1  as  never  Ix'en  one  of  th.>  foremost  poht.cal  issues 
the  5u   Hi  States,  its  history  an.l  present  position  are  so 
ultr  vtive     f  the  way  in  which  poHtieal  proposa  s  spring  up 
nd  a  e  agitate.l  ai.f  handled  in  that  eountry,  that  it  would 
-^Z  tot  here  noticed,  even  were  it  not  a  m^Uter  wh.eh^s 
a  present  interest  for  at  least  one  European  count n.     Al     host 
tho  have  spe<.ulated  on  the  foundations  of  human  soc-.ety  and 
;^.;rn^  have  long  been  confronted  hy  ;'!;;;-^;-  ^^  ^^ 
differences  of  sex  ought  to  imply  an.l  prescribe  a  .listmction  m 
c  V  c      ghts  and  functions  between  men  and    wo.nen.     Some 
of  the  klder  among  philosophers  have  answered  the  question 
bv  tX  1  -rin.  the  dHTen.ees.     ^-'f  v"^^  ^  ™-^;;; 
intelliiience  and  will,  which,  if  never  equal  to  that  of  the  viry 
Ifroi  ge-r.nen,  vet  makes  the  average  woman   the  equal  Ur 
tZ^^,o..:oi  the  average  man,  i-^nuch  as  she  g^ms  m 
ouickiess  and  delicac-y  of  perception  what  she  los(s  in  tor  e 
S  endurance,  they  have  found  no  reason  ^J;-^^^^ 
not  share  the  labours,  duties,  and  privileges  of  man.      Hus  ^vas 
Phto^  view  pushe,l  bv  him  so  far  as  to  expunge  marriage  and 

!;;::i:^ir\:;e 'altogether;  .m .  i..  found  -;-<;;;-;;- 

than  one  religious  movement  in  ancient  as  ^xell  as  m  modern 

**"'^''^'     .     •  I  wl    tlu.    nroblem    from    another   side. 

Cliristiamty   approaclu'd   thi    prooitm   iru  ,^ 

Rpr.oirnizimr  in  woman  an  immortal  soul  e.iuall\  pnTious  uiin 

^h.   S  of  ma      the  New  Testament  and  the  usages  of  the 

^hiSwe^'m  :■   \    on<;i  to  her  a  wide  range  of  functions,  vir- 

r  'irlftt  surpassed  man     while  the  i-a;;.>;;;tion  oMhe 
oj^  tin  to.o,v,  cr,.a.,Hl  an .1  ot  t.n.ini.u.  xw-tnoss, pun.y, 

*  (MM) 


CHAP.    XCIX 


WOMAN   SLFKKAC.K 


(iOl 


and  moral  beauty  infinitely  surpassiiiR  that  of  the  ancient 
world,  and  which  the  modern  world  may  count  as  its  noi>lest 
possession,  an  ideal  on  the  pn'S(>rvation  of  whici:,  more  perhaps 
than  of  any  other  human  conception,  the  welfare  of  the  race 
depends. 

The  consecration  of  the  spiritual  e<iuality  of  woman  would 
doubtless  have  gone  still  farther  than  it  did  to  secure  for  her  a 
tangible  equality  in  social  and  possibly  even  in  political  mat- 
ters but  for  the  rudeness  of  the  times,  in  which  ph\sical  force 
counted  for  much,  and  for  the  growth  of  a  sacramental  and 
sacerdotal  system,  which  confine<l  priesthood  and  the  adminis- 
tration of  certain  life-giving  sacraments  to  men.  Thus,  though 
the  relations  of  the  sexes  were  placed  on  a  mor(>  wholesome 
basis  than  in  (Ireek  and  Roman  antiquity,  though  llu'  standard 
of  purity  was  raistni  and  the  conception  of  marriage  dignified, 
the  recognition  of  ecpiality  in  the  sjihere  of  law,  both  private 
and  pul)lic,  was  less  complete  than  might  have  been  exiH'cted. 
When  sacramentalism  and  sacerdotalism  were,  in  the  jM'oples 
of  Northern  Europe,  shattered  by  the  religious  movement  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  the  idea  of  a  clerical  order  confined  to 
men  was  nevertheless  maintained,  except  in  a  few  small  sects  ; 
and  though  the  law  grew  ultimately  more  just  and  humane  to 
women,  scarcely  a  voice  was  raised  to  claim  for  them  a  share 
in  the  privileges  of  public  life. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  American  Hei)ul)lic  it  seems  to  have 
occurred  to  no  statesman,  though  it  did  occur  to  a  f(>w  keen- 
witted women,  that  Mie  princii)les  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence might  find  application  without  distinction  of  sex; 
but  as  they  were  not  to  be  applied  to  nm\  of  any  other  colour 
than  white,  this  need  the  less  be  wondered  at.  However,  the 
legal  position  of  women  was  siiecniily  imjjroved.  State  legis- 
lation gave  them  fuller  rights  of  property  and  a  better  social 
status  than  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  English  common  law, 
and  the  respectful  defennice  with  which  they  were  treated  was 
remarked  by  travellers  as  a  singular  exception  to  the  general 
imperfection  of  American  male  manners,  and  »s  in  fact  tending 
to  affect  inau.spiciously  tlu>  grace  of  female  manners. 

When  n-:^ro  slavery  beg.an  to  excite  t!»>  horror  of  scnisitive 
minds,  it  be<  ame  necessary  to  re-examine  the  foundations  of 
society  and  find  a  theory  which  would,  in  asserting  the  ulti- 
mate similarity  and  equality  of  all  men,  coiulenm  the  owner- 


602 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKKLKC'TIOXS  pakt  t 


i  . 


ship  o.'  one  man  by  unothor.     This  was  done  by  rpcurrinR  to 
the  Now  Tc«tanM'iit  uikI  th«'  Declaration  of  Indcix-ndcnco.     Two 
questions  sfXH-dilv  suKKt'stcil  JhcinsclvcH.     If  all  men  of  what- 
ever race  are  eriual,  what  of  women?     If  Hiuality  be  an  abso- 
lute and,  so  to  speak,  inch'feasible  truth  and  |)rinciple,  what 
does  it   import?     Does  it   cover  merely  tiie  passive  rights  of 
citizenship,   the   riwht   to   freedom   and   i   otection   for  person 
and  property?  or  does  it  extei.d  to  the  active  risht   of  par- 
ticipating   in    the   government    of  the   commonwealth?     "We 
demand  freedom  for  the  nenro.     Do  we  also  demand  .•  share  in 
the  government?     If  we  do,  are  not  women  at  least  as  well 
entitlcHl?     If  we  do  not,  it  is  because  we  see  that  the  negro  is 
so  ignorant  and  altogether  backward  as  to  be  unfit  to  e.\(>rcis<! 
political  power.     But  can  this  be  said  of  women?     The  con- 
siderations  which   might   apply   to  the   case  of  the   liberated 
negro  do  not  apply  to  her,  for  she  is  educatetl  ami  capable. 
How,  then,  can  she  be  exdudtxl?" 

This  was  an  abstract  way  of  htoking  at  the  matter,  because 
there  had  not  as  y.  1  been  any  substantial  denuvnd  by  women  for 
political  rights.     I!;jI  it  was  on  the  basis  of  abstract  right  that 
they  were  procewling.     Theory  is  potent  with  those  who  are 
themselves  appi^aling  from  an  actual  state  of  things  to  theory 
and  general  principles.     And  in  this  instance  a  practical  turn 
was  given  to  the  qu.'stion  by  the  fact  that  many  of  the  most 
zealous  and  helpful  workers  in  the  Abolitionist  movement  were 
women.    They  showed  as  much  courage  in  facing  obloquy  and 
even  danger  in  what  they  deemed  a  sacred  cause  as  Garrison  or 
Lovejoy.    They  filled  the  Abolition  societies  and  flocked  to  the 
Abolitionist   conventions.     They  were   soon  admitted  to  vote 
and  hold  office  in  these  organizations.     The  more  timid  or  con- 
servative members  i)rotested,  and   some  seceded.     But  in  an 
aggressive  movement,  as  in  a  revolution,  those  who  go  farthest 
are  apt  to  fare  best.     The  advocates  of  women's  claims  were 
the  bolder  spirits  who  retaine<l  the  direction  of  the  Anti-Slavery 
movement.     The  women  estal)lished  their  right  to  share  the 
perils  of  -lie  combat  and  the  glories  of  the  victory. 

The  claim  of  women  to  be  admitted  to  the  franchise  and  to 
public  office  would  no  doubt  have  been. made  sooner  or  later  in 
America  (as  it  has  been  made  in  England)  had  there  been  no 
anti-slavery  agitation.  But  the  circumstances  of  its  origin  in 
that  agitation  have  tinged  its  subsequent  course.    They  invested 


CIIAl'.    X<  IX 


WOMAN   SlFFIiAdK 


UU3 


it  in  the  eyes  of  one  set  of  persons  with  ii  species  of  consecra- 
tion while  providing  it  withuliodyof  trained  •.voriiers  and  u  prece- 
dent inspiring  hope  un<l  teaching  patience.  To  minds  of  an 
opposit«'  cast  they  gave  it  a  fhivour  of  sentiinentahsm,  crotcheti- 
ness,  and  of  what  used  to  l»e  called  in  America  "radicalism."' 
While  the  striigj^le  ayainst  slavery  continued,  the  (juestion  was 
content  to  stand  hack,  hut  after  the  end  of  the  Civil  War  and 
the  iiimission  of  the  negroes  to  the  franchise,  it  came  to  the 
front,  and  continues  from  time  to  time  to  he  pressed.  There  are 
nowwoman  sufTraK*'  societies  in  most  partsof  the  Xorthand  West. 
An  annual  convention  of  dele<:a1es  finm  these  societies  is  hehl, 
which  stimulates  the  local  workers  an<l  resolves  on  a  plan  of 
operations.-'  I'ro])osals  for  the  admission  of  women  to  this  or 
that  species  of  sutTrauc  are  sedulously  urn"d  on  State  legisla- 
tures. In  many  Congresses  amendments  to  the  Federal  Consti- 
tution recoKuiziuK  women  as  voters  have  heen  subnjitted,  but 
have  always  failed  to  se<'ure  a  majority  in  either  House.  The 
chance  that  three-fourths  of  the  States  would  accept  one  is  at 
l)resent  very  small.  Once  or  twice  women  have  been  nominated 
as  candidates  for  the  Presich'iicy,  thousih  none  has  ever  put 
out  a  list  of  presidential  electors  pledged  to  .support  her 
candidature. 

These  elTorts  have  borne  som(>  fruit,  though  less  than  the 
party  counted  on  when  the  agitation  began.  So  far  as  I  have  been 
al)le  to  ascertain  the  |)resent  state  of  the  law  in  the  different  States 
and  Territories  of  the  I'nion,  the  political  rights  of  women  .stand 
as  follows :  — 

In  1809  the  legislature  of  the  Territory  of  V>'voming  conferred 
the  suffrage  on  women  for  all  purposes  and  when  the  Territory 
receivwl  statehood  in  1890,  this  jjrovision  was  retained.''     Since 


^   i. 


'  Tho  word  "nidiciil,"  friMimiitly  :i|)i>li''il  outside  tho  splicri-  of  pure  i«ili- 
tips,  e.ij.  to  tliioloiry,  dctioti's  in  Aincricuii  u^r  latlicr  ii  tciidi'iicy  than  cither  a 
party  or  a  set  of  doctrines. 

'The  first   Woinrn's  ( 'onventiini  was  h<ld  in  ls4^. 

'  Accordiim  to  (ioveriioi-  H.iyt  of  Wyniiiiiij?  woman  suffrace  was  carried 
then-  in  IMi'.t.  I)y  tlie  :irts  of  one  man.  His  account  is  as  follows  :  "One  larce- 
hearted  letjislutor  in  Wyoniiiij;  went  and  talked  with  other  inenihers  of  the 
legislature.  They  smiled.  Miit  he  tot  one  of  thi'  l.iwyers  to  help  him  draw 
up  a  short  lull,  which  he  introdiici-d.  It  was  considered  and  discus.sed.  People 
sniileit  generally.  1  here  was  not  much  expectation  that  anything  of  that  sort 
would  he  done;  but  this  was  a  r-hrewd  fellow,  who  manaKcd  tho  party  card  in 
such  a  way  as  to  get.  as  he  hilii'viil,  enouirh  votes  to  carry  the  inea.sure  before 
it  was  brouRht  to  the  test.  Thus  he  said  to  the  Democrats:  'We  have  a  Re- 
publicau  Governor  and  u  D.'mocratio  .\,ssL'iubly.     .Now  tlicu,  if  we  cau  carry  thia 


tUM 


1I,IJ  STUATIONS   AND   UKKI-K<"TI()XS  part  V 


tli.ii  ii  likf  privili^r  Iwih  Iwfii  nivfii  to  \v..ii»'ii  in  Colt.rmli*  uiul 
l.laho  l.y  uiiu'ii  Imnits  t<.  tlu'ir  ('(.iistitutioiiH,  uiid  in  Utah  by 
tin-  tirstConstituticm,  !ul..i)tnl  in  18»-).'      In  Colnrudt)  the  pn.- 
p„sil  wiiH  (in  IS'Ki)  carried  l.y  the  "  Populist  "  party,  then  for 
ii  l)rirf  spacf  dominant.     In  ncvcral  states  ineludmn  South 
Duivota  and  ()n'«on  it  lias  been  submitted  to  popular  vote,  but 
ivj.vted  bv  hiitft'  majorities,  nor  do<'s  it  appear  in  tlie  Consti- 
n.tions  ..|-    the   three   newest  States.      In   WashinRton  T.-rri- 
luiy  the  'iw  whieh  conferred  it  in  18H;i  wus  .leclared  invalid 
bvth.'  courts    in    1887.    beciiuse   its   nature     had    n(»t    been 
properly  described   in  the  title,   was   re-enacted   inunediately 
alt'.rwiirds.    and    was    in    1888    ajjain    declared    invalid    by 
the  r.  S.  Territt.rial  Court,  on  the  ground  that  the  Act  of 
Congress  organizing  the  Territorial   legislature  did   not  em- 
power it  to  extend  the  suffrage  to  wom.-n.     In  enacting  their 
State  Constitution  (1889)  the  people  of  Washington  i)ronounc<Ml 
against   female  suffrage  by  a  majority  of  two  to  one ;  and  a 
good  authority  declared  to  me  that  "few  women  took  advan- 
tage of  the  privilege  and  most  of  them  were  greatly  relieved 
that  the  responsibility  was  remove<l."     But  in  1910  it  was 
earried  on  an  initiative  vote  with  litth'  -'iscussion,  the  people 
(it  is  stated)  hardlv  understanding  what  they  were  doing,  be- 


l.ill  thro.mli  tho  A,.s.inl.l.v.  mid  th.«  Cowriior  v..to.-H  it.  «.-  sh.ill  Imv.-  mad.-  ii 

p„i„t    vou  knnw:   «..  >shall  l.tiv.-  slmw.,  our  lilxTulity  a.xl  l..;*t  nothing.     Hut 

k.M-i.  stai;    ,|..ut   sav  aiivthiuK  aUmt   it.'     Tli.y   pr..ini.s..<l.      H.-  then   went  t.. 

th..   U.pul.li.at.^  a>,a  tol.l   th.m   that   th-  I)..in<..rat«  wn-  K-anj?  t(.  support  lu=* 

..H.-ur.'    ar..!   that   if  M. //  .li.ln't  war.t   to  In.sf  rapital   they  ha.l  In'ttrr  vof  for 

it   to..      Wr  .li.ii.'t   think  th.n-  would  !..■  .'iiouKh  of  thou,  to  carry  it:  l.ut  th.| 

vot.'  would   !..■  oi,  r.cord.  au.l  tluis  d.-f.at   the  Kaiii.-  of  th.>  other  party.      An. 

thcv  hk..wi.s,.  aitr.M..l   to  v.,tc  for  it.     .><o  when   the  t.ill  eanie  to  a  v..f  it  went 

rid'it   through!     The  nien.l.er.s  look.^l  at   each  other  in  a«toni«hliieiit,  for  they 

hadn't   Inten-hKl  to  do   it,  w'l'-     Then   they  lau^h..!    an.l  said  it   wa«  a  Kood 

j,.ke   hut   thev  ha.l   '  not  the  C.overnor  in  a  lix.'     So  th.-  1..11  went,  m  th.-  eourse 

„f  tin...,  to  .lohn  A.  ('an.pl.ell,  who  was  then  C.overnor- the  hrxt  (.overnor  of 

the  Territorvof  \Vvoniin»{       an.l  he  promptly  .Hi(;i..'<l  it!     His  heart  wart  riKht. 

-  .\ddr..s.s  d..liver.-<l   at    l'hila.h4phia  in    1SH2.      Sir   Horaee  Pluiikett    however, 

disTedits  thi.s  storv,  and   assiun.s  as  the  nasons  f..r   the  passim*  of   the  l.ill  the 

notion   that  it  would    .serve  to  a.lvertise  W.voniiim    (whi.'h   it    did)  an.l  a  sort   of 

roUKh  Western  likinK  for  a  joke.      {Thr  Workina  <•/  »'""";''  Suffrnw  ">  W  u-m- 

■„,„     rheyeiine.    Wvo.,    IS'.M).)      In    Colorado    the    anieiidnient    eonferriiiK    the 

-'  1.        ■  .      f  »K     P  r-iil'-t    iiirtv    !>ow<"-f.'l  i'l  Xxn'.K    and  of  larae 

sulliuUe   W..I.   ihr   .support   of   the  !  <iPUl.-f    i>,irt>     pow<  .1..1  i.i        .     . 

^e.tions  <.f   the   workiiiK  men.   who  are   supposed   to  have   l«-en  influe.ieed   by 
abstract  doctrines  of  quality.  .  ,.  ,     ,  a  1    .  .. 

1  The  territorial  le(jislatur.>  had  in  I'tah  establish.si  woman  suffrage,  but  a 
iMMleral  statute  had  aViolished  it.  as  beli.-v.d  to  be  einployetl  by  Mormon  wjveu- 
ut  the  biddint?  of  their  polygamous  husbands,  to  maintain  polygamy. 


CIIAI*.    X<  IX 


WOMAN   SIKKIIACK 


liii.'i 


cause  a  liiPKc  numhcr  of  riui-stiDiis  were  suhinittcd  to  poixilnr 
vote  at  the  sainc  time  and  this  (|U<sti()ii  was  ilcscrilx-d  on  tlir 
ballot  iJajxT  in  a  way  which  <n<l  not  iiuhcatc  the  real  issiu'. 

In  many  States  besides  the  ten  which  uive  full  suflrane  ' 
w<;rnen  are  allowed  to  vote  at  elections  of  school  officers,  or  on 
some  ((ueytion  connected  with  schools:  and  in  several  other 
States  (nine  at  least),  as  well  a-  in  all  <>!  these  already  referred 
t.),  they  may  !•••  chosen  to  till  school  offices,  such  as  that  of 
sclmol  visitor,  or  superiiitcn<lenl,  or  inemher  of  a  -chool  com- 
mittee. They  also  enjoy  '•schotil  siitTrane"  sporadically  in  a 
few  cities. 

In  several  States  they  liave  the  ri^ht  of  votinji;  upon  (lues- 
tioii-;  submitted  ti)  the  vote  of  the  taX-payi  r-  a>  such.  This 
includes  the  <|iie>tion  of  KfiUitinn  liceii>ev  fur  the  sde  of  iiito.xi- 
cants.  V  bill  to  confer  the  >:inie  ri^ht  was  |o-~t  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts lej^islature  of  ISSS  by  a  majority  of  one  vote  only. 

In  Kansas  in  1S>M»  and  in  Michigan  in  is;»:{  women  received 
the-ntTraKc  in  all  municijial  elections.  In  Michigan,  however, 
tlu'  law  was  sul)se(iuently  held  unconstitutional. ' 

In  those  States  where  women  possess  the  school  >iitTraue  it 
is  n'lHirted  that  few  vote;  and  this  is  ascribed  partly  to  indif- 
ference, partly  to  the  difficulty  which  woiik  ii  of  the  humbler 
class  ex])erience  in  leaving  their  homes  to  go  to  the  poll.  In 
Massachusetts  the  number  of  women  Koinn  to  the  poll  declined 
rai)idly  after  the  first  few  years.  Iiut  there  have  been  cases 
tiirre.  anil  also  in  Kansas  at  municipal  election-,  in  which  a 
ti!  aw  vote  was  cast  by  the  female  voters. 

In  \V\oininn  (while  it  was  still  a  Territory)  wotneii  served  as 

tii-.rs  for  some  months  till  the  jud^t's  discovered  that  they  were 

Ml     iititleii    .v  law  to  do  so,  and  in  Washiiifiton  ( while  a  Terri- 

•  ..^-     i4„.y   ...r\-.Ml   from  1SH4  to  1HS7,  when  the  h'^^islatiir.',  in 

•«T»si;!nK   tl>,.  riKht    oi    votinn.  omitted   to  ^rant  the  duty  or 

w-;'~»fg5*  li   jury  service.    Those  whose  opinions  I  have  eiKpiired 


4:?  k^ 


3 


WBisiaa.  .nti'-ctirMit.  North  IVki.tM,  South  Dikot;!.  NiViidii,  Illinoi.s.  Iridi- 
.tiii.  ias»i«n-K,ntii.ky.Nt:is.s;iiliusrtts.  Mil  Ilium. .Miimisot:i.  Montana,  N(l>i;i>U:i 
Np«  Biotmwm-^-.  N  w  MiAiii),  Niw  York,  N'.w  .l.rsi  y,  <  »klalioina.  Oregon,  \ir- 
r;..«t:  Vvi«j.,,5w!n.  Wonir.i  ■■iijoy  >  liool  aiid  mmii'iiKil  fiaii'liis"  in  tlir  <  aiiadian 
jV-,,Ta,^.<  .d  rlntano.  N'oxa  .'scotia.  Maiiitotia.  and  Hriti,sli  <  ■oUinil)ia'. 

■-Hmtar  -.roixwil-.  Ii.i\.-  from  time  t.i  titiif  Ihmh  difrat.-d  in  a  iM.od  many 
si,.r,,  -tHiiiiih  oftrn  \'\  small  majorities.  In  ,><iyrral  of  tli.'  smallrr  I'iti. .-  of 
K.jr-r-'i  :&  -  ■'  i'"Mii.i|.;il  offii-is.  from  till'  mayoralty  and  iiolici-  jiid<;i  sliip  down- 
warnit    -lavu  aci-.isionally  1'  *    '  'ill>'J  ''>'   'Vomcu. 


606 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS  part  V 


I. 


1 


inform  me  that  the  presence  of  women  on  juries  was  deemed 
a  grave  evil,  and  that  in  prosecutioi  -s  for  gambling  or  the  sale 
of  intoxicants  a  defendant  had  no  chance  before  them.  It  is 
also  stated  that  comparatively  few  went  to  the  poll.  In  Wy- 
oming, moreover,  the  women  on  juries  are  stated  to  have  been 
more  severe  than  men. 

As  respects  the  suffrage  in  Wyoming,  the  evidence  I  have 
collected  privately  is  conflicting.  One  of  the  most  trustworthy 
authorities  wrote  to  rue  as  follows  :  — 

"After  the  first  excitement  is  over,  it  is  impossible  to  get 
respectable  women  out  to  vote  except  every  two  or  three  years 
on  some  purely  emotional  question  like  Prohil)ition  or  other  tem- 
perance legislation.  The  effect  on  family  life  seems  to  be  nil; 
certainly  not  bad."  Another  highly  competent  witness  wrote : 
"There  are  no  large  towns.  In  the  larger  places  most  of  the 
women,  who  are  chiefly  married,  vote  ;  in  the  smaller  and  more 
rural  places  the  women  take  little  interest  in  it,  as  indeed  the 
men  do.  As  a  rule,  women  are  in  favour  of  temperance  ar.d 
good  schools,  and  so  far  as  they  have  been  able  to  cast  their 
influence,  it  has  been  on  the  right  side  in  those  questions. 
Woman  suffrage  so  far  seems  to  work  well,  but  the  field  of  its 
operations  is  one  presenting  singular  immunity  from  the  evils 
which  elsewhere  might  attach  to  it,  the  population  being  sparse 
and  women  in  the  minority." 

Beside  these  and  similar  statements  may  be  set  the  fact  that 
no  opposition  was  offered  in  the  Convention  of  1889,  which 
drafted  the  present  CJonstiti^ion,  to  the  enactment  of  woman 
suffrage  for  all  purposes.  The  opinion  of  the  people  at  large 
was  not  duly  ascertained,  because  the  question  was  not  sepa- 
rately submitted  to  them  at  the  polls,  but  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  it  would  have  been  favourable.  The  declarations  of 
Wyoming  officials  may  deserve  no  great  weight,  for  they  do  not 
wish  to  offend  any  section  of  the  voters,  and  every  Western 
American  feels  bound  to  say  the  best  he  can  and  something 
more  for  the  arrangements  of  his  own  State.  But  the  whole 
proceedings  of  the  Convention  of  1889  leave  the  impression 
that  the  equal  suffrage  in  force  since  1869  had  worked  fairly, 
and  the  summing  up  of  the  case  by  a  thoughtful  and  dispassion- 
ate British  observer  (Sir  H.  Pluukett  >)  is  to  the  same  effect. 

« In  the  pamphlet  already  cited.     He  olwerves  that  his  informants  never 
attempted  to  ronnect  the  frctjucncy  of  divorces  in  Wyoming  with  the  political 


CHAP.   XCIX 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE 


60V 


MoreoviT,  hail  the  results  been  obviously  bad  in  Wyoming, 
they  would  have  been  (juoted  against  the  adoption  of  the 
proposal  by  Colorado  in  1893.  In  these  new  Western  States, 
however,  women  have  been  in  a  minority.  Comparative'y 
few  of  th(>m  seem  to  have  shown  ai\y  eagerness  to  obtain  the 
suffrage,  and  the  laws  affecting  women  are  much  the  same 
there  and  in  other  parts  of  the  West. 

No  evidence  has  been  produced  to  show  that  politics  are  in 
the  Woman  Suffrage  States  substantially  purer  than  in  the 
adjoining  States,  though  it  is  said  that  the  polls  are  quieter. 
The  most  that  seems  to  be  alleged  is  that  they  are  no  worse ; 
or.  as  the  Americans  express  it,  "Things  are  very  much  what 
they  were  before,  only  more  so."  The  conditions  of  the  small 
an(i  scattered  populations  of  most  of  these  States  —  Utah  and 
in  a  less  degree  Idaho,  being  moreover  exceptional  as  still 
largely  Mormon  —  render  their  experience  of  sHght  value  for 
such  communities  as  the  Eastern  and  Middle  States. 

Colorado,  with  a  population  of  nearly  800,000,  and  with  one 
great  city,  Denver,  offers  a  better  field  for  observation,  and 
a  book  by  Miss  Helen  L.  Sumner,  published  in  1909  under 
the  title  of  Equal  Suffrage,  presents  the  results  of  a  minute 
and  careful  study  of  the  working  of  woman  suffrage  there  in 
a  spirit  which  strikes  the  reader  as  impartial  and  scientific* 
The  conclusions  reached  are,  on  the  whole,  favourable  to  the 
experiment,  though  there  is  admittedly  much  difference  of 
opinion  in  Colorado  itself  upon  the  subject,  among  women  as 
well  as  among  men.  Such  changes  as  there  have  been,  for 
good  or  for  evil,   are   less  marked  than   either  advocates  or 

equality  of  the  sexes,  ronpoiviug  this  to  have  exerei.sed  no  iiifliienee  on  the 
family  life,  nor  led  to  doinestie  discoril.  "  Political  differences  con.stitute  one 
of  the  few  domestic  tr()ul)le8  which  no  State  or  Territory  (so  far)  recognizee 
a.s  just  cause  for  dissolution  of  matrimony." 

'  It  would  he  impossible  to  aliridge  the  facts  and  arpiments  without  the 
daiiKcr  of  niisre|)resentitm  them  :  Imt  two  or  three  points  may  l)e  worth  noting. 
Miss  Sumner  thinks  legislation  has  l>een  improve<l  hy  the  voting  of  women,  and 
cites  instances,  but  remarks  that  the  Prohibition  cause  does  not  appear  to  have 
substantially  gained,  nor  the  salaries  paid  to  women  to  have  been  e<]ualiziHl  with 
those  paid  to  men,  even  in  e<lucati(mal  work.  One  of  the  gains  has,  however, 
be<'n  the  general  appointment  of  women  as  County  Superintendents  of  School*. 
Kleven  women  were  l)etween  1S!)3  and  li(Oi>  elected  to  the  State  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, bat  none  to  the  State  Senate. 

It  is  stated  lluit  '"  the  only  (m><  iipatlon  legally  forbidden  to  women  in  Colorado 
is  work  in  coal  mines,  though  in  practice  they  are  excluded  from  other  mine* 
also.  By  police  order  they  have  been  prevented  from  aerving  as  barmaids  in 
Denver  saloons  "  (Equal  Suffrage,  p.  102). 


IJ 


r 


fiOS 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS        part  t 


()l)pomMit  oxpcctinl.  En(iuirii>s  miulc  in  many  quarters  do 
not  shew  that  woman  suffraRc  has  done  aqy  positive  harm  to 
pohtics  in  Colorado,  and  some  say  that  it  occasionally  pre- 
vents men  of  bad  character  from  being  nominated  for  office. 
Whether,  however,  the  State,  or  the  women  in  it,  have  as 
u  whole  gained,  the  discrepant  evidence   makes   it   hard   to 

determine.  ,  ,  ,.      .  ,  .   i        k„„„ 

Whercner  the  suffrage  or  any  other  public  right  has  been 
given    it    is    given   e(iually    to    married    and    to   unmarned 
women  '     No  one  <lreams  of  drawing  any  distinction  between  the 
claims  of  the  single  and  the  married,  or  of  making  marriage  entail 
disfranchisement.     To  do  so  would  be  alien  to  the  whole  spint  of 
American  legislation,  and  would  indeed  involve  a  much  grosser 
anomaly  or  injustice  than  the  exclusion  of  all  women  alike  from 
political  functions.     This  point,  therefore,  on  which  much  con- 
troversy has  arisen   in   England,  has  given  no  trouble  in  the 
UuitcHl  States :  and,  similarly,  the  Americans  always  assume 
that  wherever  women  receive  the  right  of  voting  at  the  election 
to  any  office,  they  become  as  a  matter  of  course  eligible  for  the 
office  itself.     In  some  cas(-s  eligibility  for  the  office  has  preceded 
the  gift  of  the  suffrage.     There  are  States  in  which  women 
have  no  school  suffrage,  but  are  chosen  to  school  offices ;   and 
States  (Massachusetts,  for  instance)  in  which  they  have  no 
vote  at  municipal  or  State  elections,  but  where  they  are  placed 
on  the  State  Board  of  E<lucation  or  the  Board  of  Prison  Com- 
missioner^.    It  would  be  deemed  in  the  last  degree  illogical  to 
give  women  municipal  suffrage,  and  not  allow  a  woman  to  be 
chosen  Mavoress.  to  give  State  (and  therewith  congressional) 
suffrage  and  not  allow  a  woman  to  be  capable  of  holding  any 
State  or  anv  Federal  office.      In  Wyoming,   five  votes   out 
of  thirty-five  were  once  given  for  a  woman  can<lidate  for  the 
post  of  United  States  Senator.- 

.  I„  a   I..W   States,   howv-r   (r.a.   I.uliami  .ind   OroRon),   sj-hool  suffraKO  is 

li,nit.  1  ?„  wonun  uh„  ar-  h.a.ls  of  fan.ili.'s,  In-.-auso  thos.-  only  ar.'  a,H.,««l  to 

t'r  "tH     n     .sp....t  of  ohil-lr..,.;    an<l  in  a  f.-w  (-.9.  MirhiRan    Indiana,  and 

ro«on     th.-ro   are   prop.-rty   ..ualifi-ation.   of  small   amount   ''"aoh^i   to     he 

srhoorsuffraKe  in  the  rase  of  vvon.en  whieh  are  not  reouinnl  in  the  ease  of  men. 

Tn  K.-n.-kv    s,.hool   suffrage   is  «rante.l  only  to  widows  who  «'-•'  '"Jfj;- 

•^  Won.enare  not  .,..fr...,uentiy  appointed  to  ,«.st.s  eouhoetcd  wUh  h*='3t>^' 

todies      I    oun.l  in  Washinston  that  they  had  be,.n  ehosen  to  bo  clerks  and 

met^-neers  to  -me  or  other  of  the  Houses  of  the  (then  Temtorm  )  leKlslature^ 

?^ TZrs  to  have  been  held  in  Contieetieut  that  a  woman  may  Im-  appomted 

pLnsbn    K.nt  and  in  lUinoiH  that  she  n.ay  Ik-  a  n.a«ter  (..r  m.«tr.-ss)  m  ehaucery 


CHAP,  xrix 


WOMAN  SUFFRAGE 


IMK) 


"  Wlmt,"  it  will  1)0  asked,  "tire  the  forces  l>y  which  the  Woman's 
Rights  movement  is  now  pressed  forward?  What  are  the  argu- 
ments used  to  support  it  ?  Are  they  of  a  theoretical  or  of  a 
practical  nature?  Is  it  on  the  ground  of  abstract  justice  and 
democratic  principle  that  the  battle  is  being  fought,  or  i&  it  al- 
alleged  that  women  sviffer  from  positive  disabilities  ami  hard- 
ships which  nothing  but  an  equal  share  in  political  power  will 
remove  ?  " 

Both  sets  of  arguments  are  employed  ;  but  those  of  a  theo- 
retical order  seem  to  hold  the  chief  place.  In  all  or  nearly 
all  States  married  women  have  complete  rights  to  their 
property ;  and  mothers  have  rights  considerable,  if  not  quite 
equal  to  those  of  fathers,  in  the  guardianship  of  their  children. 
Women  enjoy  the  (Hiual  protection  of  the  law  and  are  ailniissi- 
l>le  to  professions  and  the  training  needed  for  professions,  while 
the  laws  of  divorce,  whatever  may  be  said  of  them  in  other 
respects,  are  not  more  indulgent  to  husl)ands  than  to  wives. 
Although  therefore  the  advocates  of  woman  suffrage  claim  that 
some  tangible  legislative  benefits  will  accrue  to  woman  from 
her  admission  to  the  franchise,  especially  in  the  way  of  obtain- 
ing better  protection  for  her  and  for  children,  tht*  case  on 
this  side  seems  weak,  and  excites  little  feeling.  Xo  one  who 
observes  America  can  doubt  that  whatever  is  deemed  to  be  for 
the  real  benefit  of  women  in  the  social  and  industrial  .sphere 
will  be  obtained  for  them  from  the  good-will  and  sympathy 
of  men,  without  the  agency  of  the  i)olitical  vote.  It  is  on 
grounds  of  abstract  right,  it  is  because  the  exclusion  from 
political  power  is  deemed  in  itself  unjust  and  degrading,  and 
is  thought  to  place  wonian  on  a  lower  level,  that  this  e.xclu.sion 
is  resented.  It  seems  to  be  supposed  that  a  nobler  and  more 
vigorous  type  of  womanhoml  would  be  develope<l  by  the  com- 
ple'te  recognition  of  her  equality,  a  wider  and  grander  sphere  of 
action  opened  to  her  efforts.  Perhaps  the  commonest  argument 
is  contained  in  the  question,  "  Why  not  ?  What  reason  can  you 
give,  you  whose  forefathers  revolted  from  England  because  rep- 
resentation was  not  suffered  to  go  with  taxation,  you  who 
annually  repeat  the  Declaration  of  Independence  as  if  it  were  the 
Nicene  Creed,  you  who  after  the  War  enfranchiseil  ignorant 
negroes,  for  excluding  from  the  suffrage  women  who  pay  taxes, 
who  are  within  the  reason  and  meaning  of  the  Declaration  of  1776, 
who  are  far  more  intellectually  and  morally  competi-nt  than  the 
8r 


hi 


t  ^-|i| 


610 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS  part  v 


nir  , 

ll    .it 


coloured  millions  of  the  South?"  This  appeal,  which  becomes 
all  the  stronger  as  an  argumentum  ad  hominem  because  the 
American  man  is  exceptionally  deferential  to  women,  and  the 
American  statesman  exceptionally  disposetl  to  comply  with  every 
request  which  is  urgently  pressed  upon  him,  is  the  kernel  of  the 
suffragist  case.  However,  it  derived  for  a  time  no  small  practical 
aid  from  a  practical  consideration.  The  one  question  of  current 
politics  which  usually  interests  women  is  the  question  of  restrict- 
ing or  prohibiting  the  sale  of  intoxicants.  This  is  also  the 
question  which  excites  not  perhaps  the  widest  yet  certainly  the 
keenest  interest  in  the  minds  of  a  great  host  of  male  voters. 
The  enemies  of  the  liquor  traffic  have  therefore  a  strong  motive 
for  desiring  to  see  their  voting  power  reinforced  by  those  whose 
aid  would  secure  ^'ictory ;  and  in  fact  Prohibitionist  Conventions 
almost  always  declare  in  favour  of  woman  suffrage.  For  a  dif- 
ferent reason,  the  Socialist  and  Labour  parties  arc,  as  were  the 
Populists  also,  disposed  to  support  it,  as  indeed  the  Socialists 
usually  do  in  Europe. 

Yet  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  sentimental  arguments 
are  all  on  one  side.  There  is  a  widespread  apprehension  that 
to  bring  women  into  politics  might  lower  their  social  position, 
diminish  men's  deference  for  them,  harden  and  roughen  them, 
and,  as  it  is  expressed,  "  brush  the  bloom  off  the  flowers."  This 
feeling  is  at  least  as  strong  among  women  as  among  men,  and 
some  judicious  observers  deem  it  stronger  now  than  it  was  for- 
merl'  .  The  proportion  of  women  who  desire  the  suffrage  seems 
to  be  smaller  in  America  than  in  England.  Of  the  many 
American  ladies  whose  opinion  I  have  from  time  to  time  during 
forty  years  inquiretl,  the  enormous  majority  expresseil  them- 
selves hostile ;  and  in  most  of  the  States  where  the  question 
has  come  near  to  being  a  practical  issue  there  have  been  formeti 
Women's  Anti-Suffrage  Associations  which  conduct  an  active 
agitation,  and  present  to  the  committees  of  State  Legislatures 
their  arguments  against  the  proiiosal.  They  sujiport  journals 
also,  which  press  upon  women  the  desiriibility  of  their  continuing 
in  the  sphere  they  have  hitherto  occupied,  and  dwell  upon  the 
greater  and  better  influence  which,  so  it  is  thought,  they  may 
exert  on  IcKislation  and  adniirii^tration  if  they  remain  "outside 
politics."  It  is  remarkable  that  tlie  movement  has  hitherto 
found  comparatively  httle  support  among  what  may  b(>  called 
the  "upper  classes."    Woman  suffragism  has  been,  though  less 


CHAP,  xrix 


WOMAN  SUFPRAOB 


611 


so  now  than  formerly,  tliou;;lit  "had  form,"  ami  supposed  to 
betoken  a  want  of  culture  and  refiiicinfiit.  The  same  reproach 
attacheti  before  the  Civil  War  to  Aliolitiouism.  It  was  at  one 
time  an  injury  to  the  cause  that  some  few  of  its  prominent  ad- 
vocates, disavowed  no  doubt  l)y  the  tircat  bulk  of  the  suffrage 
party,  also  advocated  a  general  unset ilcmcnt  of  the  relations 
i)etween  the  sexes,  and  that  a  few  otlieis  v.cre  loo  masculine  in 
their  manners  and  discourse.  The  scutimcutal  aversion  to  see- 
ing women  immerse<l  in  ijolitics  is  all  the  greater  because 
"politics"  have  a  technical  meaning  which  is  rejjellent  to  re- 
fined Americans;  and  it  is  felt  that  "|xjlitics"  are  more  likely 
to  soil  women  than  women  to  purify  "politics." 

But  one  of  the  objections  deemed  gravest  is  this,  that  in 
this  laiui  where  the  suiTrage  is,  as  respects  men,  universal,  the 
constituf^ncies,  which  are  already  enormous  —  a  member  of  Con- 
gress represents  more  than  six  times  as  many  voters  as  an 
English  member  of  Parliament  -  would  be  dou])led  in  size, 
and  all  the  difficulties  which  already  attach  to  elections  be 
immensely  aggravated.  Even  those  who  desire  to  see  the  sale 
of  intoxicants  restricted  doul>t  the  expediency  of  attaining  their 
object  by  the  votes  of  women,  because  the  difficulty  of  enforcing 
prohibitory  legislation,  already  serious  where  tlie  drinking  mi- 
nority is  strong,  would  be  nmch  greater  if  a  majority  of  men  in 
favour  of  keeping  bars  and  saloons  open  were  overborne  by  a 
minority  of  men  turned  into  a  majority  by  the  votes  of  women. 

The  extension,  in  recent  years,  of  woman  suffrage  over  some 
Western  State  s  docs  not  seem  to  have  been  due  to  any  marked 
increase  in  tlie  number  of  women  nsking  for  the  vote,  for  the 
great  l)ulk  of  tlie  sex  in  tiiose  states  are  reported  to  have  re- 
mained inditfereiit,  Imt  to  the  following  four  causes. 

One  is  the  influence  of  the  1  Jiglish  ])roi);iganda  of  the  scheme. 
Its  advance  in  Europe  stimulated  the  hojx's  and  (efforts  of  those 
who  advocate  it  in  .Vmerica. 

A  second  is  the  growth  of  the  Socialist  ami  Labour  parties, 
the  leaders  of  .vhich  believe  that  woman  suffrage  will  promote 
their  aims.  The  example  of  Au>tralia,  where  the  Labour  party 
has  l)een  greatly  strengthened  by  the  woman  vote,  has  en- 
couraged this  belief. 

A  third  is  the  tendency  to  exalt  direct  i)o])ul;  ivereignty  and 
disparage  rejjresentative  government.  The  a«  ocacy  of  Ini- 
tiative, Referendum  and  Recall  disposesmen  to  favour  extensions 


'>;P 


#>-!! 


612 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART    V 


of  the  suffrage,  and  to  be  moved  by  a])8tract  principles  and  a 
belief  in  the  so-<'alled  "natural  right"  to  vote  rather  than  by 
considerations  of  practical  expediency,  i.e.  of  what  are  likely  to 
be  the  tangible  results  of  any  measure  on  the  good  government 
of  the  community. 

A  fourth  is  the  idea  that  the  votes  of  women  will  further  social 
reforms.  In  »-  -nt  of  fact,  such  reforms  have  moved  as  fast  in 
States  that  imm^  not  adopted  woman  suffrage  :us  in  States  that 
have,  and  the  influence  of  women  in  promoting  useful  legisla- 
tion seems  to  have  been  no  slighter.  Nevertheless  the  idea  sub- 
sists, and  seems  to  have  led  to  the  support  extended  to  woman 
suffrage  by  the  new  Progressive  party  at  the  election  of  1912. 

To  these  one  might  add  the  influence  of  what  is  called  the 
"woman  movement"  as  a  whole,  a  movement  too  large  to  be 
entered  on  here,  and  one  felt  in  Britain  as  well  jus  in  America. 

To  a  European  observer  the  suffrage  question  seems  one 
rather  of  social  than  of  political  moment.  If  he  sees  no  reason 
to  expect  an  improvement  in  politics  frorn  the  participation  of 
women  in  elections  and  their  admission  to  Congress  and  to 
high  political  oflSce,  neither  does  he  find  much  cause  for  fear. 
The  results  of  universal  suffrage  may  not.  so  far  as  legislation 
is  concerned,  greatly  differ  from  those  of  manhood  suffrage. 
Such  misgivings  as  he  entertains  are  of  a  different  nature. 
They  are  serious  misgivings,  and  they  are  rendered  not  less 
serious  by  a  study  of  the  social  changes  which  are  passing  upon 
the  world  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  America. 


i 

^- 

r 

p. 

»  • 

i 

.«.> 

r.= 

*     , 

t' 

CHAPTER  C 


THE  SUPPOSED   FAULTS  OK    DEMOCRACY 


The  question  which  in  one  form  or  another  every  European 
politician  has  during  tlie  last  half-century  been  asking  about 
the  Unitetl  States,  is  the  broad  question,  How  does  democracy 
answer?  No  other  country  has  tried  the  experiment  of  a 
democratic  government  on  so  large  a  scale,  with  so  many  minor 
variations,  for  the  State  governments  are  forty-six  autonomous 
democracies,  or  with  such  advantages  of  geographical  position 
and  material  resources.  And  those  who  think  that  all  civilized 
countries  are  moving  towards  democracy,  even  though  they  may 
not  be  destined  to  rest  there,  find  the  question  an  important  one 
for  themselves.  The  reader  who  has  followetl  thus  far  the  account 
I  have  tried  to  give  of  the  Federal  Constitution  and  its  working, 
of  the  State  Con.stitutions,  of  local  government,  of  the  party 
machinery,  of  the  influence  of  public  opinion  as  a  controlling 
power  over  all  the  institutions  of  the  country,  will  be  content 
>vith  a  co.iiparatively  brief  summary  of  the  results  to  which  the 
inquiries  matle  under  these  heads  point. 

That  summary  naturally  falls  into  three  parts.  We  have  to 
ask  first,  how  far  the  faults  usually  charged  on  democracy  are 
present  iit  America;  next,  what  are  tlic  special  faults  which 
cliaracterize  it  here;  last,  wliat  are  the  strong  points  which  it 
has  develojX'd. 

The  chief  faults  which  philosophers,  from  Plato  downwards, 
and  popular  writers  repeating  and  caricaturing  the  dicta  of 
philosophers,  have  attributwl  to  democratic  governments,  are  the 
following :  — 

Weakness  in  emergencies,  incapacity  to  act  with  prompti- 
tude and  decision. 

Fickleness  and  instability,  frequent  changes  of  opinion,  con- 
sequent changes  in  the  conduct  of  affairs  and  in  executive 
officials. 

Insubordination,  internal  dissensions,  disregard  of  authority, 

613 


614 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKFLF.rTIONS 


PART    V 


i 


with  a  frcHiuont  resort  to  violence,  bringing  on  an  anarcliy  which 
ends  in  military  tyranny. 

A  desire  to  level  down,  and  an  intolerance  of  greatness. 

Tyranny  of  the  majority  over  the  minority. 

A  love  of  novelty :  a  passion  for  changing  customs  and  de- 
stroying old  institutions. 

Ignorance  and  folly,  producing  a  liability  to  be  deceived  and 
misled;  consequent  growth  of  demagogues  playing  on  the 
passions  and  selfishness  of  the  masses. 

I  do  not  say  thai  this  list  exhausts  the  reproaches  directed 
against  democracy,  but  it  includes  those  which  are  most  often 
heard  and  are  best  worth  examining.  Most  of  them  are  drawn 
from  the  history  of  the  (Jreek  republics  of  antiquity  and  the 
Italian  republics  of  the  Middle  Ages,  small  communities  where 
the  conditions  of  social  and  political  life  were  so  (hfferent  from 
those  of  a  great  modern  country  that  we  ought  not  to  expect 
similar  results  to  follow  from  political  arrangements  called  by 
the  same  name.  However,  as  this  consideration  has  not  pre- 
vented writers  and  .statesmen,  even  in  our  owni  day,  from  re- 
peating the  old  censures,  and  indeeil  from  mixing  together  in 
one  repulsive  potion  all  the  faults  that  belonged  to  small 
aristocratic  republics  with  all  that  can  belong  to  large  demo- 
cratic republics,  it  is  worth  whih^  to  examine  th(*se  current 
notions,  and  try  them  by  the  light  of  the  facts  which  America 
furnishes. 

Weaknens  and  Want  of  Promptitude.  —  The  American  democ- 
racy is  long-suffering  ami  slow  in  rousing  itself ;  it  is  often 
perple.xeu  by  problems,  and  seems  to  grope  blindly  for  their 
solution.  In  the  dealings  with  England  ami  France  which  pre- 
ceded the  War  of  a.d.  1812,  and  in  the  conduct  of  that  war,  its 
government  showtnl  sonic  irresolution  and  sluggishness.  The 
habit  of  blustering  in  its  intercourse  with  foreign  powers,  and 
the  internal  strife  over  slavery,  led  Europeans  to  think  it  lacked 
firmness  and  vigour.  They  were  undeceived  in  1861.  While 
it  seemed  possible  to  avert  a  breach  with  the  Southern  slave- 
holders, the  North  was  willing  to  accept,  and  did  accept,  a  series 
of  compromises  whose  inadequacy  was  soon  revealed.  The 
North  was  ill  led  in  Congress,  and  the  South  was  boldly  if  not 
wisely  led.  Yet  when  the  crisis  arrived,  the  North  put  forth 
its  power  with  a  suddenness  and  resolution  which  surpris(Hl 
the  world.     There  was  no  faltering  in  the  conduct  of  a  struggle 


CHAP,  c        SUPPOSED  FAl'LTS  OF   DKMO('RA('Y 


6iri 


which  for  two  lonp;  years  French  aiut  English  statesineii  deemed 
hopeless.  The  l)e.st  hlo<j<l  of  the  X(»rtli  freely  offered  itself  to  l>e 
shed  on  the  battlefields  of  Nirniniii  ami  I'eniisvlvania  for  the 
sake  of  the  Union;  while  an  enormous  del)t  was  ineurrcHi  in 
equipping  army  after  army.  As  every  one  knows,  the  Southern 
people  displayed  no  less  vigour  even  when  the  tide  had  evidently 
i)eKun  to  turn  aj^ainst  them,  and  the  hope  of  Euro[)ean  interven- 
tion died  away.  If  want  of  force,  dash,  and  courage  in  momenta 
of  danger  is  a  (h'fect  generally  chargeable  on  popular  govern- 
ments, it  was  not  then  chargeable  on  the  I'nited  States.  But 
the  doctrine  is  one  which  finds  little  to  siijjport  it  either  in  ancient 
or  in  modern  history,  while  there  are  many  instances  to  the  con- 
trary :  witness  the  war  of  the  Swiss  against  Charles  the  Bold, 
and  the  defence  of  Florence  against  ("harles  the  Fifth. 

Fickleness  and  Insfahilili/. — Tiie  indictment  fails  on  this 
count  also.  The  people  are  open  to  sudden  impulses,  anfl  in 
particular  States  there  have  been  ill-considered  innovations 
and  a  readiness  to  try  wild  experiments,  such  as  those  I  have 
described  in  CaHfornia.  But  taking  the  nation  as  a  whole,  its 
character  is  marked  by  tenacity  of  i)eliefs  and  adherence  to 
leaders  once  chosen.  The  oj)posite  charge  of  stubbornness  in 
refusing  to  be  convinced  by  argument  and  to  admit  the  failings 
of  men  who  have  established  some  title  to  gratitude,  might 
more  plausibly  be  preferred.  Western  farmers  have  been 
accustomed  to  suffer  from  the  high  price  of  the  clothes  they 
wear  and  the  implements  they  use,  but  once  they  had  imbil)ed  the 
belief  that  a  protective  taritT  makes  for  the  general  good  of  the 
country  they  remained  protectionists  dowi  till  1890;  and  of 
tliose  who  then  wavered  many  hav(>  since  reverted  to  that  view. 
The  blunders  of  President  (Iraut's  first  administration,  and 
the  misdeeds  of  the  ktiot  of  men  who  surrounded  him,  playing 
upon  the  political  inexiierience  of  a  blunt  soldier,  scarcely  affected 
the  loyalty  of  the  masses  to  the  man  \vhosc>  sword  had  saved  the 
Union.  Congressmen  and  State  of\icials  are  no  doubt  often 
changed,  but  they  are  chang(>d  in  pun  uance  of  a  doctrine  and  a 
habit  in  which  the  interests  of  a  cla^iL:  are  involved,  not  from  any 
fickleness  in  the  people,' 

Insubordination  and  Contempt  for  Authority.  —  On  this  head 
the  evidence  is  more  conflicting.     There  are  States  and  cities, 


1  Siv  Chap.  XX  ill  Vol.  I. 


616 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  1 


in  which  the  laws  are  imperfectly  enforced.  Homicide  is  hardly 
a  crime  in  8t)me  parts  of  the  South  —  that  is  to  say,  a  man  who 
kills  another  is  not  always  arresteil,  often  not  convicted  when 
arrested  and  put  on  his  trial,  very  rarely  hange<l  when  convictwi.' 
One  miRht  almost  say  that  private  war  is  recognized  by  opinion 
in  these  districts,  as  it  was  in  Europe  during  the  earlier  Middle 
Ages,  In  the  mountainous  country  of  Eastern  Kentucky,  and 
the  adjoining  parts  of  Mrginia  and  Tennessee,  quarrels  are  kept 
up  from  generation  to  generation  l)etwe<'n  hostile  families  and 
their  respective  friends,  which  the  State  authorities  cannot  suc- 
cetnl  in  repressing.  In  1890,  I  was  assun^l  when  passing  the 
borders  of  that  region,  that  in  one  such  blotnl  feud  more  than 
fifty  persons  had  perishinl  within  the  preceding  ten  years,  eadi 
murder  provoking  another  in  revenge.  When  a  judge  goes  into 
these  parts  it  has  sometimes  befallen  that  a  party  of  men  come 
down  fully  armed  from  the  mountains,  surround  the  court  house, 
and  cither  drive  him  away  or  oblige  him  to  abandon  the  attempt 
to  do  justice  on  slayers  belonging  to  their  faction.  In  the  West, 
again,  particularly  in  such  South-western  States  as  Missouri, 
Arkansas,  and  Texas,  brigandage  was  for  a  tmie,  and  is  still  in 
some  few  places,  regarded  with  a  certain  amusement,  rising  into 
sympathy,  by  a  part  of  the  peaceable  population.  Having  arisen 
partly  out  of  the  Border  ruffianism  which  precedwl  the  outbreak 
of  the  Civil  War,  partly  among  men  who  were  constantly  engaged 
in  skirmishing  with  the  Indian  tribes,  there  was  a  flavour  of 


'  Thirty  yoars  aito  a  distinpiishctl  Amprican  lawyer  said,  "Thorp  is  no  siil)- 
jopt  within  thp  domain  of  IpRiMation  in  whirh  iniprovonipnt  is  so  npcdpd  as  in 
the  h»w  aRainst  nuirdpr.  Thp  praotipal  inununity  that  primo  enjoys  in  some 
wptions  of  thp  pountry,  and  thp  dehiy,  diffipulty,  and  uneprtainty  in  pnforriiiK 
the  law  almost  pvprywhcrc,  is  a  rpproaeh  to  our  eivilization.  P'.fforts  to  save 
assassins  from  imnishnieiit  are  so  strenuous,  the  rhanees  of  escape  so  numer- 
ous, and  the  proeetKiiiiBS  so  protraetetl,  that  the  hiw  has  few  terrors  for  those 
<liapospd  to  violate  it."  —  .\ddrp8.s  of  Mr.  E.  J  Phplps  to  the  Anieriean  Har 
Assoeiation,  IHSl.  _   . 

More  rpopntly  I'rpsident  Taft  observed,  "  I  Brieve  to  aay  that  the  adnuuis- 
tration  of  the  eriniinal  law  is  in  nearly  all  the  States  of  the  Union  a  disurace  to 
our  civilization"  (address  at  Yale  I'niversity),  and  in  KKKj  he  repeated,  "No 
one  can  examine  the  statistics  of  crime  in  this  covintry  and  of  successful  prose- 
cutions without  realiziiiR  that  the  atlministration  of  the  criminal  law  is  a  disgrace 
to  our  rivilizjition.  and  without  tr:i!-i!!(;  to  thi-s  condition  as  a  moviliK  and  over- 
whclmiiiB  cause  for  them,  the  horrible  lynchincs  ttiat  are  coniniitt<>d  the  country 
over,  with  all  thp  danRcr  of  injusticp  and  exhibition  of  fiendish  cruelty  which 
occ\irrences  involve"  (address  to  Pennsylvania  State  Bar  Association,  liWfi). 

rpoii  this  whole  subject  see  rrofessor  Garner's  article,  Crimi-  aiid  Judicial 
Inefficiency. 


CHAP.  <•         SUPP08KD   FAII.TS  OK  OKMOCUACY 


017 


romance  alK)Ut  it,  which  ceased  to  niiil  the  cxpliHts  of  tniin- 
roWxTS  only  when  their  activity  threateiitil  the  coiiiniercial 
interrsts  of  a  rising  city.  Jesse  .lames,  the  notorious  hamlit  of 
Missouri,  and  his  brothers  were  popuhir  heroes  in  the  region 
they  infested,  much  like  Hohin  Hood  atid  Little  .lolin  in  the  hal- 
latis  of  the  thirteenth  century  in  Miiulaiu'  Tlies<>  phenomena 
are,  however,  explicahle  hy  "•'li*'"  lan^es  than  democratic 
government.  The  homii-idal  ii.iliifs  df  the  South  are  ;i  relic  of 
that  semi-harharism  wliich  slavery  krpt  alive  lonu;  after  the 
northern  free  States  had  reached  ll>e  level  of  Kuropean  order. 
The  want  of  a  proper  police  is  app.irently  the  cause  answerahle 
for  the  train-rol)l)eries  which  still,  even  in  such.  States  as  Illinois 
and  Ohio,  sometimes  occur,  and  these  are  detected  and  pun- 
ished more  fretjuently  I  )y  the  enerjiy  of  the  railroad  or  exj)ress 
(parcel  delivery)  companies  and  their  skilled  detectives  than 
through  the  action  of  the  State  authorities.  Brigandage  is 
due  to  the  absence  of  a  mounted  gendarmeri(>  in  the  vast 
and  thinly  peopled  Further  West  ;  and  there  is  no  g(«n- 
darmerie  because  the  Federal  government  leaves  the  States  to 
create  their  owti,  and  unsettled  Western  couununitit's,  being 
well  armed,  prefer  to  take  care  of  tluMuselves  rather  than 
spend  their  scanty  corporate  funds  on  a  task  whose  cost  would, 
as  they  think,  be  disproportionate  to  the  result."  In  the  western 
\v\Uis  of  Canada,  however,  the  momited  police  secures  perfect 
safety  for  wayfarers,  and  train-roMieries  seem  to  be  unknown. 

Lynch  law  is  not  unknown  in  more  civilized  regions,  such 
as  Indiana  and  Illinois.  .\  case  occurred  recently  not  far  from 
New  York  City.  Now  lynch  law.  however  shocking  it  may  seem 
to  Europeans  and  New  Englanders,  is  far  removed  from  arbitrary 
violence.  According  to  the  testinioiiy  of  careful  observers,  it 
is  not  often  abused,  and  its  i)roceediiiti;s  are  generally  conducted 
with  some  regularity  of  form  as  well  ;is  fairness  of  spirit.  What 
are  the  circumstances?  Those  highly  technical  rules  of  judicial 
procedure  and  still  more  technical  rule  -  of  evidence  which  .\mcr- 
ica  owes  to  the  English  conunon  law.  and  which  have  in  som(? 
States  retained  antifpiated  miiuitia>  now  expunged  from  Engli>h 
practice,  or  been  rendered  by  new  legislation  too  favourable  to 
prisoners,  have  to  be  applied  in  di^tiicls  uIumv  population  is  Ihiii, 
where  there  are  verv  few  officers,  either  for  the  apprehension  of 


I'h 


en-   IS  :il\vii\ 


slii'rilT.    will 


Mil 


liaug  thfin  if  t'ju\  ictod,  l)Ul  Uiucli  drpri 


uln   IHI    Ilis    iilll: 


.  idual 


018 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  IIKPLEOTIONS 


PAmT  T 


n 


m 


offendiTS,  or  for  the  htintiiin  up  of  cvidcmc  iinuinst  thcin, 
and  where,  acronliuK  to  coimnon  Ix-licf,  Inith  judj-^tvs  mul  juries 
are  oeea^iotuilly  ".>«|u;irc«l"  or  "not  at."  Many  crimen  would 
go  unpunished  if  some  more  spcc^ly  aud  etticient  metho<l  of 
deahng  with  them  were  not  adopted.  This  nsethcKl  \n  found 
in  a  volunteer  jury,  j»ummoned  hy  the  Iea<hnK  loeal  citizens,  or 
in  very  elear  eases,  by  a  simple  seizure  and  execution  of  the 
criminal.^  Wijy  not  create  an  efficient  jxilice?  lieeause  crime 
is  uncommon  in  many  districts  -  in  such  districts,  for  instance, 
as  Michifian  or  rural  Wisconsin  —and  the  people  have  delih- 
erately  conclude<l  that  it  is  cheaper  and  simpler  to  take  the 
law  into  their  own  hands  on  those  rare  occasions  when  a  police 
is  neede<l  than  to  be  at  th»  troul)le  of  oryaniziuK  and  paying  a 
force  for  which  there  is  usually  no  employment.  If  it  l)e  urged 
that  they  are  tlius  forming  hal)its  of  lawlessness  in  themselves, 
the  Americans  reply  t*;at  (>xi)erience  does  not  seem  to  nuiki! 
this  probable,  Ix-cause  lawlessness  does  not  increase  amouR  tlu; 
farming  population,  auvl  has  disappeared  from  places  where  the 
rudeness  or  simplicity  of  society  formerly  rendered  lynch  law 
necessary.  Cases  however  occur  for  whicli  no  such  excuse  can 
be  offered,  cases  in  which  a  prisoner  (probably  a  negro)  already 
in  the  hands  of  justice  is  seized  and  put  to  death  by  a  mob. 
Some  years  ago  there  was  in  several  States,  and  notably  in  parts 
of  Southern  Indiana, — ^a  rough,  woo  lei  country,  with  a  back- 
ward and  scattered  population,  —  a  strange  recrudescence  of 
lynching  in  the  rise  of  the  so-call('<l  White  Caps,  people  who 
seized  by  night  men  or  women  who  had  given  olVen(;e  by  their 
immoral  life  or  other  vices,  dragged  tliem  into  the  wocmIs,  flogged 
them  severely,  and  warned  them  to  (juit  the  luMghbourhotMl 
forthwith.  Similar  outrages  are  often  reported  frotn  other  States 
to  the  south-west  of  Indiana,  as  far  as  Mississippi.  In  Ohio 
they  were  promptly  represseil  by  an  energetic  governor.  In 
1908-9  disputes  connocte  1  with  the  alleg(>d  attempt  by  a  powerful 
corporation  to  create  a  monopoly  in  the  purchasing  of  tobacco  for 
manufacture  led  to  a  series  of  nocturnal  outrages  by  armed  men 
who  sought,  l)y  whipping  or  killing  those  farmers  who  refused  to 
join  them  in  their  resistance  to  the  attempts  referred  to,  to 

'  The  savaRoncss  which  occiisionally  .ippcrirs  in  these  lynchinRs  is  surpris- 
ing to  one  who  knows  the  (rencr:il  kimliiness  of  tli"  Anieriean  people.  Not 
lonn  ago  the  people  of  Kust  Kentucky  hunted  fur  a  munlerer  to  burn  him  to 
death,  and  the  White  Cap  and  Night  Hiding  outrai?e.s  are  sometime*  accom- 
panied by  revolting  cruelty. 


rTiAP. 


SrpPOSFD   FAFLTS  f)F   DKMOCRArV 


619 


CfH>rrfi  th«»  t()l)u<'C(i  KruwtTs  iiitu  joining  lh.it  oiKiiiiizttl  resistanop. 
Th<'?*<*  NiK^t  Kiilt  I-  Kuvc  -thmI  trouble  in  K«'iitu(:ky  and  partH 
of  Tcmu'ssoi',  though  the  (luvcnior  t(M)k  vigorous  measures 
aguioHt  tht'Mi. 

The  so-chIUkI  "Molly  MaKuirc"  (vjtispiracy,  which  vexwl 
and  t»Trific<l  IVnnsyivania  for  scvj-rul  yi'urs.  sho\ve<l  the  want 
of  II  vigorous  and  highly  traituMl  jMilicc.  A  sort  of  spcrot  society 
orgaiiiziHi  a  succession  of  nuirdcrs,  much  like  the  Italian  '  'anjorra, 
which  rctnuincd  untlctcctc*!  till  a  daring  man  .-uccccded  in  per- 
suading the  conspirators  to  admit  him  among  them.  He 
shared  their  sclieines,  an<l  learnt  ti  know  their  fK-rsons  and 
dee<ls,  then  turned  upon  them  and  brought  them  to  justice. 
This  remarkable  case  illustrates  not  any  neglect  of  law  or  tender- 
ness for  crime,  l)Ut  mainly  the  jxiwer  of  u  coml)ination  which 
can  keep  its  secrets.  Once  detected,  the  Molly  Maguires 
were  severely  dealt  with.  The  Pittsburg  riots  of  1877,  and 
the  Cincinnati  riots  of  1K.S4.  and  the  Chicago  troubles  of  1S94 
alarmed  the  .Xmericaiis  then. selves,  so  long  arciistomed  to  domes- 
tic tranquillity  us  to  have  forgotten  those  volcanic  forces  which 
lie  smouklering  in  all  ignorant  masses,  ready  to  burst  forth  upon 
sufficient  e.xcitenient.  The  miners  and  iron-workers  of  the  Pitt.s- 
burg  <listrict  are  rough  fellows,  many  of  them  recent  immigrants 
who  have  not  yet  aciiuireil  .\meric:iii  habits  of  order;  nor  would 
there  have  been  anything  to  diMiiiguish  the  Peim.sylvanian 
disturl)ance  frtjiu  tho.se  which  happen  tluring  strikes  in  England, 
as,  for  instance,  at  Hlackburn,  in  Lancashire  and,  later,  dur- 
ing a  coal  strike  at  one  or  two  places  in  York.shire  and  Derby- 
shire, or  in  times  of  distress  in  France,  as  at  Decazeville  in  1886, 
had  there  been  a  proiniU  suppression.  Cnfortunately  there  was 
in  1877  no  proi)er  force  on  the  spot.  The  governor  was  ab.sent  ; 
the  mayor  and  other  local  .'mlhorities  lost  their  heads  ;  the  police, 
feebly  handled,  W(>re  overpowered  ;  the  militia  showed  weakness  ; 
so  that  the  riot  s])read  in  a  way  which  surprised  its  authors,  and 
the  mob  raged  for  several  days  along  the  railroads  in  several 
States,  and  over  a  large  area  of  manufacturing  and  mining  to\\Tis. 

The  moral  of  this  event  was  the  n(>cessity,  even  in  a  laiul  of 
freedom,  of  keeping  a  fore-  strong  ciiough  to  rcpns-^  tumults 
in  their  first  stage.  The  Cinciimjiti  riot  began  in  an  attempt 
to  lynch  two  prisoners  who  were  th  aght  likely  to  escape  the 
punishment  t!u\v  riclily  deservc<l :  and  it  wouM  probably  have 


\h 


u. 


ended  there  had  ii 


he  fk)ating  rabble  of  this  city  of  300,000 


n 


620 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAHT  V 


lii 


inhui>ituiits  sciztnl  the  ()j)i«)i-tiMiity  to  tlo  a  little  pillage  and 
make  a  groat  noise  on  their  own  account.  Neither  sedition 
had  any  political  character,  nor  indeetl  any  specific  object, 
except  that  the  Peiinsylvanian  mob  showed  special  enmity  to 
the  railroad  company. 

In  1892  the  same  moral  was  enforced  by  the  strike  riots  on 
some  of  the  railroads  in  New  York  State  and  in  the  mining 
regions  of  Idaho,  l>y  the  local  wars  between  cattlemen  and 
"rustlers"  in  Wyoming,  by  the  disturbances  at  the  Homestead 
works  in  Pemisylvtuiia,  and  by  the  sanguinary  conflict  which 
arose  at  the  convict-worketl  mines  in  Tennessee,  where  a  mob 
of  miners  attacked  the  stockades  in  which  were  confined  con- 
victs kept  at  labour  un<ler  contracts  between  the  State  and  pri- 
vate mine  owners,  liberated  many  of  the  convicts,  captured  and 
were  on  the  point  of  hanging  an  officer  of  the  State  militia,  and 
wer''  with  difficulty  at  last  repressed  by  a  strong  militia  force. 
The  riots  at  Chicago  in  1894  and  the  more  protracteil  strife  lx>- 
twetMi  mine  owners  and  striking  miners  in  Colorado  somewhat 
later  are  other  instances.  Such  tumults  are  not  specially  prod- 
ucts of  democracy,  but  they  are  unhappily  proofs  that  de- 
mocracy does  not  secure  the  good  behaviour  of  its  worse  and 
newest  citizens,  and  that  it  must  be  prepared,  no  less  than 
other  governments,  to  maintain  order  by  the  prompt  and  stem 
application  of  physical  force.' 

It  was  a  regrettable  evitlence  of  the  extent  to  which  public 
authorities  have  seemed  to  abnegate  the  function  of  main- 
taining order  that  the  habit  grew  up  among  railroad  directors 
and  the  owners  of  other  large  enterprises  of  hiring  a  private 
armwi  force  to  protect,  at  the  time  of  a  strike,  not  only  the 
workmen  they  bring  in  to  replace  the  strikers,  but  also  their 
yards,  works,  and  stock  in  trade.  .\  firm  which  began  business 
as  a  private  detective  agency  wn^  for  years  accustome<l  to  supply 
for  this  puri)ose  bodies  of  men  W(>11  trained  and  drilled,  who 
could  be  relied  on  to  defend  the  place  allotted  to  them  against 
a  greatly  superior  force  of  rioters.  This  firm  used  to  keep  not 
less  than  one  thousand  men  permanently  on  a  war  footing,  and 
sent  them  hither  and  thither  over  the  country  to  its  customers. 


'  There  ia  n  groat  diffprpnco  between  different  States  and  cities  as  regards 
police  arranttemciits.  The  police  c)f  New  York  City  are  effici<'nt  and  inde<-d 
Hometimes  t<M)  promi'tlv  si'vcre  in  the  use  of  their  staves;  and  in  many  cities 
the  |K)lice  an-  unncti  with  revolvers. 


CHAP,  c         SUi^POSKD  ?'AULTS  OF  DPLMOCHACT 


r.2i 


I 


They  were  usually  sworn  in  as  Sheriff's  dcpiitios,  on  each  occa- 
sion before  the  proper  local  authority.  So  f riM^iuent  had  been  t  he 
employment  of  "Pinkerton's  men,"  as  they  arc  calletl  (though  it 
is  not  always  from  Messrs.  Pinkerton  of  riiicaRo  that  they  arc 
obtained,  and  the  name,  like  "Delinonico,"  for  a  restaurant 
seems  to  be  pas.sing  from  a  proper  into  a  common  noun),  thai 
some  new  State  constitutions  (cj/.  Wyoming,  Idaho,  Montana. 
Washington,  Kentucky)  and  statut(-s  in  other  States  (<•.[/. 
Massachusetts)  expressly  proiiil)it  the  hrin^ring  of  armed  nmi 
into  the  State,  and  a  Conmiiltee  of  Congress  was  set  to  investi- 
gate the  .subject,  so  far  wthout  result,  for  it  is  K<)in<>;  a  long  way 
to  forbid  a  man  by  .statute  to  hire  persons  to  help  him  to  jjrotect 
his  property  when  he  finds  it  in  danger.  These  strike  cases  are 
of  course  complicated  by  the  reluctanc(>  of  a  State  governor  or  a 
mayor  to  incur  unpopularity  by  taking  strong  measures  against 
a  crowd  who  have  votes.  Here  we  touch  a  difficulty  sp(>cially 
incident  to  a  directly  elected  Execuiive,  —  a  difliciilty  not(Hl  al- 
ready in  the  cases  of  elected  judges  and  ele(te<l  ta.x-officers,  and 
one  which  must  .  taken  into  accotmt  in  striking  the  balance 
between  the  g(MMl  and  the  evil  of  a  system  of  direct  and  pervad- 
ing popular  control.  The  rei  tW  is  in  extreme  cases  found  in 
the  displeasure  of  the  g(M)(l  citi/(Mis.  who,  after  all.  fonn  the  voting 
majority.  But  it  is  a  remedy  wliicli  may  follow  with  too  tardy 
steps.  Meantime,  many  large  employers  of  labour  find  theni- 
selves  obliged  to  defend  their  jjrojM'ity  by  these  con(lotti(>ri, 
becau.se  they  cannot  n>ly  on  the  defence  which  the  State  ought  to 
furni.sh,  and  the  condottieri  themselves,  who  .seem  to  l)e  generally 
men  of  goo<l  character  as  well  as  proved  courage,  are  so  much 
hated  by  the  workmen  as  to  be  soiuetiinivs  in  danger  of  being 
lynehe<i  when  found  alone  or  in  small  parties.' 

In  some  States  not  a  few  laws  are  systematically  ignored  or 
evaded,  sometimes  by  the  connivance  of  olHcials  who  are  im- 
properly induced  to  abstain  from  |)rosecuting  transgressors, 
sometimes  with  the  gen«>ral  consent  of  the  conununity  which 
perceives  that  they  cannot  be  enforced.  Thus  some  years  ago 
the  laws  against  the  sale  of  li<iuor  on  Sundays  in  the  city  of 
Chicago  were  not  enforced.  The  (ierman  ami  Irish  part  of 
the  population  disliked  them,  and  showed  its  dislike  l)v  turn- 


if 


n 


'•  It  is  prohalily  this  r...i.ul,ir  ii...-i  ii'.v   !..  lii.   ,iii|,ii..\ ril  of  l'iiikcri.iir»  nn-u 

♦  liat  htts  faUMi'd  tlirni  (n  i'i\i\:ri-  litllr  if  :it  ;ill  in  (lie  i:ii,ii-  iiTciit  strike  truubit*. 
They  ure  now  selduiu  licurti  uf. 


622 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAR^  •V 


ina  out  of  the  municipal  offices  those  who  had  ei.forctHl  them, 
while  yet  the  law  remained  on  the  statute-book  because,  ac- 
cordine  to  the  Constitution  of  Illinois,  it  took  a  majority  of  two- 
thirds  in  the  legislature  to  repeal  an  Act ;  and  the  rural  members, 
being  largely  Prohibitionists,  stoml  by  this  law  against  humluy 
dealing     When  in  Texas  I  heanl  of  the  same  thing  as  happening 
in  the  city  of  San  Antonio,  and  doubt  not  that  it  occurs  in  many 
cities.     More  laws  are  (luietly  suffered  to  be  broken  in  America 
than  in  England,  France,  or  (lermany.     On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
fair  to  say  that  the  credit  which  the  New  Lnglanders  used  to 
claim  of  being  a  law-abiding  people  is  borne  out  by  the  general 
security  of  property  and  person  which,  apart  from  the  cases  men- 
tioned above,  and  especially  from  strike  troubles  the  traveller 
remarks  over  the  rural  parts  of  tiie  Eastern  and  Mul< He  states. 
PoUtical  disturi)ances  (other  than  occasional  collisions  between 
whites  and  negroes)  are  practically  unknown      Even  when  an 
election    is    believe.l    to    have    been    fraudulently    won     the 
result  is  resiMHted,  because  it  is  externtdly  regular       Hglits 
seldom  occur  at  elections;    neither  party  distuH.s  the  meet- 
ings or  processions  of  the  other  in   the   hottest    presidential 
campaign.      To    Americans    the    habit    of   letting  opponents 
meet    and  talk   in   peace   seems  essential   to   a  well-ordered 

free  government.  ,     .,     •  ^i ,  „ 

The  habit  of  ol)edience  to  eonstitute<l  authority  is  another 
test,  and  one  which  Plato  would  have  considered  special  y  con- 
clusive    The  difficulty  of  applying  it  in  America  is  that  there 
are  so  few  officials  who   come  into  the  relation  of  command 
with  the  people,  or  in  other  words,  that  the  people  are  so  lit- 
tle "governed,"  in  the  French  or  (lerman  sense,  that  one  has 
f,>w  opportunities  of  .liscovering  how  they  comport  themselves. 
The  officers  of  both  the  Federal  and  the  Stnte  g„vernment8,  in 
levying  taxes  and  carrying  out  the  judgments  of  the  Courts, 
have  seldcia  any  resistance  to  fear,  ex.vpt  in  such  regions  as 
those  already  referre.1  to,  where  the  fierce  mountan.<'ers  v^nll  not 
brook  interfen.nce  with  their  vendetta,  or  sutT.'r  the  tetleral 
excisemen  to  do  their  dutv.     These  regions  are,  however,  qmte 
exceptional,  forming  a  sort  of  enclave  of  semi-barimrism  in  a 
civilized  country,  such  as  the  ruggtni  Albania  was  m  the  Roman 

.  Thorp  is  Httl.-  u«>  in  rompiaine  th.  uwr.Kato  ..f  rrin.os  '••»«''l'l|  ""^  j;' 
convictions  with  th.  aKKHKafs  of  i;«ro„oun  .•,m..tno«  In^c-auw  in  d»«ord.  rl.v 
region*  many  <rin..'8  go  uur.ported  us  well  us  uupumshcd. 


CHAP,  c         SUPPOSED  FAULTS  OF  DEMOCRACY 


G23 


Empire.     Other  authorities  experience  no  difficulty  in  making 
themselves  respected.     A  railroad  company,  for  instance,  finds 
its  passengers  only  too  submissive.     Thoy  endure  with  a  patience 
which  a.stonishcH  Englisshmen  frequent  irregularities  of  thv?  train 
service  and  other  discomforts,  which  would  in  England  produce 
a  whole  crop  of  letters  to  the  newspapers.     The  discipline  of  the 
army  and  navy  is  in  war  time  nearly  as  strict  as  in  European 
armies.     80  in  universities  aiul  colleges  discipline  is  maintained 
»vith  the  same  general  ease  anil  the  same  occasional  troubles  as 
arise  in  Oxford  and  Cambridge.     The  chiklren  in  the  city  .schools 
are  proverbially  ilocile.     Except  when  strikes  occur,  employers 
do  not  complain  of  any  trouble  in  keeping  order  among  their 
work-people  while  at  work.     80  far,  indeed,  is  insubordination 
from  being  a  cliHructeristic  of  the  native  Americans,  that  they 
are  con.spicuously  the  one  free  j)eoi)le  of  the  world  which,  owing 
to  its  superior  int(Hig(>nce,  has  recognized  the  permanent  value 
of  order,  and  observes  it  on  every  occasion,  not  least  when  a  sud- 
den alarm  arises.     Anarchy  is  of  all  dangers  or  i)Ugbears  the  one 
which  the  modern  workl  has  least  cause  to  fear,  for  the  tendency 
of  ordinary  human  nature  to  obey  is  the  .same  as  in  past  times, 
and  the  aggregation  of  human  beings  into  great  ma.sses  weakens 
the  force  of  the  individual  will,  and  makes  men  more  than  ever 
like  oheep,  so  far  as  action  is  concerned.     Much  less,  therefore, 
is  there  ground  for  fancying  that  out  of  anaichy  there  will  grow 
any  tyranny  of  force.     Whether  democracies  may  not  end  in 
yielding  greater  {jower  to  their  executives  is  quite  another  ques- 
tion, whereof  more  anon  ;  all  I  observe  here  is  that  in  no  country 
can  a  military  despotism,  such  as  that  which  has  twice  prevailed 
in  France  and  once  in  England,  be  deemcil  less  likely  to  arise. 
During  the  Civil   War  there  were  many  jiersons  in  Europe 
cultivating,  as  (liblxm  says,  the  name  without  the  temper  of 
philosophy,  who  predicted  that  some  successful  leader  of  the 
Northern  armii's  -.iould  estaljlish  his  throne  on  the  ruins  of  the 
Con.stitution.     But  no  sooner  had  (leneral   Lee  surrendered  at 
Appomattox  than  the  disbandinent  of  the  victorious  host  began  ; 
and  the  only   thing  which   iii.Tfafter  distiuginshwi  Generals 
Grant,  Hherman,  and  Sheridan  from  their  fellow-citizens  was  the 
liability  to  have  "receptions"  forced  on  them  when  they  visited 
a  city,  and  find  their  puissnnt  i\v\m  W(>ariod  !)y  the  handshakings 
of  their  enthusiastic  admirers. 
Caesarism  is  the  last  danger  likely  to  menace  America.     In 


m 


iV2\ 


ILLrsTRATION'S  AND   RKH.K("ri()XS  r.un  \ 


lit)  nation  is  civil  ordvr  more  stable.  None  is  more  averse  to 
the  militarv  si)irit.  No  jiolitic-al  system  would  offer  a  greater 
resistance  to  an  attempt  to  create  a  staniling  army  or  centralize 
the  achninistration. 

Jealoimj  of  (irealness,  and  a  Desire  to  Level  Down.  — This 
charge    derives  a  claim    to    respectful  consideration  froni  the 
authority  of  Toc(iueville,  who  Miought  it  a  necessary  attribute 
of  democracy,  and  iirofessed  to  have  discoveretl  symptoms  of  it 
in  tlu'  United  States.     It  alarmed  J.  S.  Mill,  and  ha.s  l)een  fre- 
quently dwelt  on  by  his  ilisciples,  and  by  many  who  have  adopted 
no  other  part  of  his  teachings,  as  an  evil  equally  inevitable 
and  fatal  in  democratic  countries.     There  was  probably  good 
ground  for  it  in  1830.     Even  now  one  discovers  a  tendency  in 
the  United  States,  jiarticularly  in  the  West,  to  dislike,  possibly 
to    resent,    any    outward    manifestation  of  social  superiority. 
A  man  would  be  ill  looked  'i>  on  who  shoukl  build  a  castle  in  a 
park,  surround  his  pleasure-grounds  rvith  a  high  wall,  and  re- 
ceive an  exclusive  society  in  gikUnl  drawing-rooms.     One  of  the 
parts  which  prominent  politicians,  who  must  be  a.ssumed  to  know 
their  business,  most  hke  to  play  is  the  part  of  Cincinnatus  at  the 
plough,  or  Curius  Dentatus  receiving  the  Samnite  envoys  over 
his  dinner  of  turnips.     They  welcome  a  newspaper  interviewer 
at  their  modest  farm,  and  take  pains  that  he  should  describe 
how  simply   the   rooms  are   furnisluHl,  and  how  little   "help" 
(i.e.  how  few  servants)  is  kejit.     Although  the  cynics  of  the 
New  York  press  make  a  mock  of  such  artless  ways,  the  desired 
impression  is  pnxluced  on  the  farmer  and  the  artisan.     At  a 
senatorial  I'lection  some  time  ago  in  a  North-western  State, 
the  opponents  of  the  sitting  candidatf  procure-d  a  photograph 
of  his  residence  in  Washington,  a  handsome  mansion  in  a  fash- 
ionable avenue,  and  circulated  it  among  the  members  of  the 
State  legislature,  to  show  in  what  luxury  their  Feileral  represen- 
tative indulged.     I  remember  to  have  heard  it  said  of  a  states- 
man proposing  to  becom(>  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  that 
he  did  not  venture  during  the  preccnling  year  to  occupy  his 
house  in  Washington,  lest  h(>  should  give  occasion  for  siniilar 
criticism.     Whether  or  not  this  was  his  real  motive,  the  attribu- 
tion of  it  to  him  is  equally  illustrative.     Rut  how  little  the  wealthy 
fear  to  (Usplay  their  wealth  and  tak(>  in  pui)lic  the  pleasures  il 
procures  may  be  understood  l)y  any  one  who,  walking  down 
Fifth  Avenue  in  New  York,  observes  the  superb  houses  which 


CHAP.    C 


SUPPOSED  FAULTS  OF  DKMOCRACY 


025 


line  it,  houses  whose  internal  decorations  and  collectetl  objects 
of  art  rival  those  of  the  palaces  of  European  nohles,  or  who 
watches  in  Newport,  one  of  the  most  fashionable  of  sununer 
resorts,  the  lavish  expenditure  ujjon  servants,  horses,  carriages, 
and  luxuries  of  every  kind.  No  spot  in  Europe  conveys  an  e(|ual 
impression  of  the  lust  of  the  eyes  and  the  pride  of  Ufe,  of  boumlless 
wealth  and  a  boundless  desire  for  enjoyment,  as  does  the  Ocean 
Drive  at  Newport  on  an  afternoon  in  August. 

Intellectual  eminence  excites  no  jealousy,  though  it  is  more 
a(lmire<i  and  respected  than  in  Europe.  The  men  who  make 
great  fortunes  —  and  their  numi)er  as  well  as  the  .scale  of  their 
fortunes  increases  —  are  regarded  not  so  much  with  envy,  as 
with  admiration.  "  When  thou  doest  gtxxl  unto  thyself,  all  men 
shall  speak  well  of  thee."  Wealth  does  not  always,  as  in  Eng- 
land, give  its  possessors  an  immediate  e«/ree  to  fashionable  society, 
but  it  marks  them  as  the  heroes  and  leaders  of  the  commercial 
world,  and  sets  them  on  a  pinnacle  of  fame  which  fires  the  imagi- 
nation of  ambitious  youths  in  tlry  gotnls  stores  or  traffic  clerks 
on  a  railroad.  The  demonstrations  of  hostility  to  wealthy  "mo- 
nopolists," and  especially  to  railroad  comjianies,  and  the  mag- 
nates of  the  Trusts,  are  prompte<l,  not  by  hatred  to  prominence 
or  wealth  but  by  discontent  at  the  immen.se  power  which  capi- 
talists exercise,  especially  in  the  business  of  transporting  goods, 
and  which  they  have  frequently  abused. 

Tyranny  of  the  Majority.  —  Of  this  I  have  spoken  in  a  previ- 
ous chapter,  and  need  only  summarize  the  conclusions  there 
arrived  at.  So  far  as  compulsive  legislation  goes,  it  has  never 
been,  and  is  now  less  than  ever,  a  .serious  or  widespread  evil. 
The  press  is  free  to  advocate  unpopular  doctrines,  even  the 
most  brutal  forms  of  anarchism.  Religious  l)elief  and  practices 
are  untouched  by  law.  The  sale  of  intoxicants  is  no  doubt  in 
many  places  restricteti  or  forbidden,  but  to  assume  that  this  is 
a  tyrannical  proceeding  is  to  beg  a  question  on  which  the  wise 
are  much  divided.  The  taxation  of  the  rich  for  the  benefit  of 
the  poor  offers  the  greatest  temptation  to  a  majority  dispose<l 
to  abuse  its  powers.  But  neither  Congress  nor  the  State  h'gis- 
latures  have,  with  a  very  few  exceptions,  gone  any  farther  in 
this  direction  than  the  great  nations  of  Europe.  If  such 
abstention  from  legislative  tyranny  l>e  hel'l  due,  not  to  the 
wisdom  and  fairness  of  the  .American  democracy,  but  to  the 
restraints  which   the   Fetleral  and  State  constitutions  impose 

28 


f"!*! 


•■a 


jm 


•-I 

i 


626 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAKT  ▼ 


I 
t 


upon  it,  the  answer  is  —  Who  impose  and  maintain  these  re- 
straints? The  people  themselves,  who  deserve  the  credit  of 
desiring  to  remove  from  their  own  path  temptations  which 
might  occasionally  prove  irresistible.  It  is  true  that  the  con- 
ditions have  been  in  some  points  exceptionally  favourable. 
Class  hatreds  are  absent.  The  two  great  national  parties  are 
not  class  parties,  for,  if  we  take  the  country  as  a  whole,  rich 
and  poor  are  fairly  represented  in  both  of  these  parties.  Neither 
proposes  to  overtax  the  rich.  Both  denounce  monopolism  in  the 
abstract,  and  promise  to  restrain  capital  from  abusing  its  power, 
but  neither  is  more  forward  than  the  other  to  take  practical  steps 
for  such  a  purpose,  because  each  includes  capitalists  whose 
contributions  the  party  needs,  and  each  includes  plenty  of  the 
respectable  and  wealthy  classes.  Party  divisions  do  not  coin- 
cide with  social  or  religious  divisions,  as  has  often  happened  in 
Europe. 

Moreover,  in  State  politics  —  and  it  is  in  the  State  rather 
than  in  the  Fe<leral  sphere  that  attacks  on  a  minority  might 
be  feared  —  the  lines  on  which  parties  act  are  fixed  by  the 
lines  which  separate  the  national  parties,  and  each  party  is 
therefore  held  back  from  professing  doctrines  which  menace 
the  interests  of  any  class.  The  only  exceptions  occur  where 
some  burning  economic  question  supersedes  for  the  moment 
the  regular  party  attachments.  This  happened  in  California, 
with  the  consequences  already  described.  It  came  near  hap- 
pening in  two  or  thrt^  of  the  North-western  States,  such  as 
Illinois  and  Wisconsin,  where  the  farmers,  organized  in  their 
Granges  or  agricultural  clubs,  caused  the  legislatures  to  pass 
statutes  which  bore  hardly  on  the  railroads  and  the  owners  of 
elevators  and  grain  warehouses.  Similar  attempts  were  more 
recently  made  by  the  Populists  and  must  from  time  to  time 
be  expected.  Yet  even  this  kind  of  legislation  can  scarcely 
be  called  tyrannical.  It  is  an  attempt,  however  clumsy  and 
abrupt,  to  deal  with  a  real  economical  mischief,  not  an  undue 
extension  of  the  scope  of  legislation  to  matters  in  which 
majorities  ought  not  to  control  minorities  at  all. 

Love  of  Novelty ;  Passion  for  destroying  Old  Institidions.  —  It 
is  easy  to  see  how  democracies  have  been  cretlited  with  this 
tendency.  They  have  risen  out  of  oligarchies  or  aristocratic 
monarchies,  the  process  of  their  rise  coinciding,  if  not  always 
with  a  revolution,  at  least  with  a  breaking  down  of  many  old 


CHAP,    r 


SUPPOSED  FAULTS  OF  DEMOCRACY 


627 


usages  and  institutions.     It  is  this  very  breaking  down  that 
gives  birth  to  them.     Probably  s(ime  of  the  former  institutions 
are  spared,  are  presently  found  incompatible  with  the  new  order 
of  things,  and  then  have  to  l)e  changed  till  the  people  has,  so 
to  speak,  furnishetl  its  house  according  to  its  taste.     But  when 
the  new  order  has  been  establishiMl,  is  there  any  ground  for 
believing  that  a  democracy  is  an  exception  to  the  general  ten- 
dency of  mankind  t(j  adhere  to  the  customs  they  have  formed, 
admire  the  institutions  they  have  created,  and  even  bear  the 
ills  they  know  rather  than  incur  the  trouble  of  finding  some 
way  out  of  them  ?    The  Americans  are  not  an  exception.     They 
value  themselves  only  t(M)  self-complacently  on  their  methods 
of  government ;   they   abide   by   their   customs,  becau.se  they 
admire  them.     They  love  novelty  in  the  sphere  of  amusement, 
literature,  and    .social    life;    but    in    serious  matters,  such  as 
the    fundamental    institutions    of   government    and    in     re- 
hgious    l)elief,    no   progressive    and    civilized   people   is   more 
conservative. 

Ldability  to  be  niinlefl ;  Influence  of  Demagoyuen.  —  No  doubt 
the  inexperience  of  the  recent  immigrants,  the  want  of  trained 
political  thought  among  the  bulk  even  of  native  citizens,  the 
tendency  to  sentimentalism  which  marks  all  large  mas.ses  of 
men,  do  lay  the  people  open  to  the  fallaciotis  rea.soning  and 
specious  persuasions  of  adventurers.     This  happens  in  all  popu- 
larly govenunl  countries ;  and  a  phenomenon  substantially  the 
.same  occurs  in  oligarchies,  for  you  may  have  not  only  aristo- 
cratic demagogues,  but  demagogues  playing  to  an  aristocratic 
mob.     Strippeil  of  its  externals  and  considerfKl  in  its  essential 
features,  demag  >gism  is  no  more  abundant  in  .America  than  in 
England,   Francf ,  or  Italy.     Kinpty  anil  reckless  dedaimers, 
such  as  were  some  of  those  who  figured  in  the  (Jranger  and 
PopuHst  movements  (fctr  sincere  and  earnest  men  have  shared 
in  both),  are  allowed  to  t:ilk  themselves  hoarse,  and  ultimately 
relapse  into  obscurity.     .\  demagogue  of  greater  talent  may 
aspire  to  .some  high  execut ive. office :  if  not  to  the  Presidency, 
then  perhaps  to  a  place  in  the  Cabinet,  where  he  may  practically 
pull  the  wires  of  a  President  whom  he  has  put  into  the  chair. 
Failing  either  of  these,  he  aims  at  tlu"  governorship  of  his  State 
or  the  mayoralty  of  a  great  city.     In  n<i  uuv  of  these  positions  is 
it  easy  for  him  to  do  pertnauent  mischief.     The  Federal  executive 
has  no  influence  on  legislation,  and  even  in  foreign  iwlicy  and  in 


n 


Si 


ft.r; 


628 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  t 


the  making  of  appointments  requires  the  consent  of  the  Senate. 
That  any  man  should  acquire  so  great  a  hold  on  the  country  as 
to  secure  the  election  of  two  Houses  of  Congress  subservient  to 
his  will,  while  at  the  same  time  securing  the  Presidency  or  Secre- 
taryship of  State  for  himself,  is  an  event  too  improbable  to  enter 
into  calculation.  Nothing  approaching  it  has  been  seen  since 
the  days  of  Jackson.  The  size  of  the  country,  the  differences 
Iwtween  the  States,  a  hundred  other  causes,  make  achievements 
possible  enough  in  a  European  country  all  but  impossible  hero. 
That  a  plausible  adventurer  .should  clamber  to  the  presidential 
chair,  and  when  seated  there  should  con-spire  with  a  corrupt 
congressional  ring,  purchasing  l)y  the  gift  of  offices  and  by  jobs 
their  support  for  his  own  schemes  of  private  cupidity  or  public 
mischief,  is  conceivable,  but  improbable.  The  system  of  counter- 
checks in  the  Federal  government,  which  impedes  or  delays  much 
good  legislation,  may  be  relie^l  on  to  avert  many  of  the  dangers 
to  which  the  sovereign  chambers  of  European  countries  are 

exposed. 

A  demagogue  installed  as  governor  of  a  State  —  and  it  is 
usually  in  State  politics  that  demagogism  appears  — has  but 
limited  opportunities  for  wrong-doing.  He  can  make  a  f(!W 
bad  appointments,  and  can  discredit  the  commonwealth  by 
undignified  acts.  He  cannot  .seriously  harm  it.  Two  politicians 
who  seemed  to  deserve  the  title  obtaine<l  that  honourable 
po.st  in  two  great  Eastern  States.  One  of  them,  a  typical 
"  ringster,"  perp<'trated  some  jobs,  tampennl  with  some  elections, 
and  vetoed  some  good  bills.  Venturing  too  far,  hr^  at  last  in- 
volved his  party  in  an  ignominious  defeat.  The  other,  a  man 
of  greater  natural  gifts  and  greater  capacity  for  mischief,  whose 
capture  of  the  chief  maj^istracy  of  the  State  had  drawn  forth 
lamentations  from  the  better  citizens,  left  things  much  as  he 
found  them,  and  the  most  noteworthy  incident  which  mark(><l 
his  year  of  office  —  for  he  was  tumetl  out  at  the  next  election  — 
was  the  snub  administered  by  the  leading  university  in  the  States 
which  refused  hirr^  the  compliment,  usually  paid  to  the  chief 
magistrate,  of  an  honorary  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws. 

This  inquiry  has  shown  us  th.at  of  the  faults  traditionally 
attributed  to  democracy  one  only  is  fairly  chargeable  on  the 
United  States;  that  is  to  say,  is  manifested  there  more  con- 
spicuously than  in  the  constitutional  monarchies  of  Europe. 
This  is  the  disposition  to  be  lax  in  enforcing  laws  disliked  by 


SUPPOSED  PAULTH  OF  DEMOCRACY 


029 

CHAP.   I-  SUffWBPiiy    r^uuiiTj^-.---^™ "-"--_- 

f^rgo  part  of  the  population,  to  tolerat.<  breaches  of  puhlie 
order,  and  to  be  too  indulgent  to  offend    s  generally.     The 
Americans  themselves  admit  this  to  be  one  of  the.r  weak  pomts 
How  far  it  is  due  to  that  deficient  reverence  for  law  which  is 
supposed  to  arise  in  popular  governments  from  t^^^^  ^^f  tha^ ^o 
p,^^e  have  notWng  higher  than  themselves  to  look  "P  to.  hon 
ar  to  the  national  easy-goingness  and  good-ua  ure,  how  far  to 
the  prejudice  against  the  maintenance  of  an  adequate  force  of 
military  ami  police  and  to  the  optimism  which  refuses  to  recog- 
n      the  chang^brought  by  a  vast  increase,  o  P»Pf  ^-on   arge^ 
consisting  of  immigrants,  these  are  points  I  necn   not  attempt 
to  determine.     It  has  produced  no  general  disposition  to  lawless- 
ness  which  rather  tends  to  diminish  in  the  older  parts  of  the 
countrT    Ami  it  is  sometimes  (though  not  always)  replaced  in 
aTr  1  crisis  by  a  firmness  in  repressing  di«>nlers  whicli  some 
European  governments  may  envy.     Men  who  are  t  >oroughl> 
awKed  to  the  nee.i  for  enforcing  the  law  enforce  •*  ^1  tlie  more 
resolutely  because  it  has  the  whole  weight  of  the  people  behind  it. 


CHAPTER  CI 


THE  TRUE  FAULTS  OF  AMERICAN   DEMOCRACY 


!|! 


We  have  seen  that  the  defects  commonly  attributed  to  demo- 
cratic government  are  not  specially  characteristic  of  the  United 
States.  It  remains  to  enquire  what  are  the  i)eculiar  blemishes 
which  the  country  does  show.  So  far  as  reganls  the  constitu- 
tional machinery  of  the  Federal  and  of  the  State  government 
this  question  has  been  answeretl  in  earlier  chapters.  It  is 
now  rather  the  tendency  of  the  institutions  generally,  the  dis- 
position and  habits  of  the  governing  people,  that  we  have  to 
consider.  The  word  Democracy  is  often  used  to  mean  a  spirit 
or  tendency,  sometimes  the  spirit  of  revolution,  sometimes  the 
spirit  of  equality.  For  our  present  purpose  it  is  l)etter  to 
take  it  as  denoting  simply  a  form  of  government,  that  in  which 
the  numerical  majority  rules,  deciding  questions  of  state  by 
the  votes,  whether  directly,  as  in  the  ancient  repubUcs,  or  medi- 
ately, as  in  modem  representative  government,  of  the  Ixxly  of 
citizens,  the  citizens  l>eing,  if  not  the  whole,  at  least  a  very  large 
proportion  of  the  adult  males.  The  enquiry  may  begin  with  the 
question.  What  are  the  evils  to  which  such  a  form  of  government 
is  by  its  nature  exposed?  and  may  then  proceed  to  ascertain 
whether  any  other  defects  exist  in  the  United  States  government 
which,  though  traceable  to  democracy,  are  not  of  its  essence,  but 
due  to  the  particular  for:n  which  it  h.is  there  taken. 

It  is  an  old  maxim  that  republics  live  by  Virtue  —  that  is, 
by  the  maintenance  of  a  high  level  of  public  spirit  and  justice 
among  the  citizens.  If  the  republic  be  one  in  which  power  is 
confined  to,  or  practically  exercised  by,  a  small  educated  class, 
the  maintenance  of  this  high  level  is  helped  by  the  sense  of  per- 
sonal dignity  which  their  position  engenders.  If  the  republic 
itself  be  small,  and  bear  rule  over  others,  patriotism  may  be  in- 
tense, and  the  sense  of  the  collective  dignity  of  the  state  may 
ennoble  the  minds  of  the  citizens,  make  them  willing  to  accept 
sacrifices  for  its  sake,  to  forego  private  interests  and  suppress 

630 


CH*P.   CI 


FAULTS  OF  AMERICAN   DEMOCRACY 


6ai 


private  reaentmentH.  in  onler  to  U-  stmng  uKaiimt  the  outer 
world     But  if  the  state  l)e  very  large,  uiul  the  rights  of  all 
citizens  equal,  we  must  not  expect  thorn  to  ri«.  al)ove  the  average 
level  of  human  nature.     Rousseau  and  .FelTcrson  will  tell  us 
that  this  level  is  high,  that  the  faults  which  g.-vcrnments  have 
hitherto  shown  are  <lue  to  the  selfi.luu'ss  of  pnv.legeii  jxTsons 
and  classes  that  the    ."dinary  unsophistaated  man  will  l.)ve 
justice,  desire  the  goo<t  of  others,  need  no  construint  to  keep 
liim  in  the  right  path.     Ex!)eriencc  will  contra<lict  them,  and 
whether  it  talks  of  ()rigir,al  Sin  or  a.lopts  some  less  s<;hola8tic 
phrase  will  recognize  that  the  tendencies  to  evil  w  human  nature 
are  not  perhaps  as  strong,  but  as  various  and  abiding  even  m  the 
most  civilized  societies,  as  its  impulses  to  goo<l      Hence  the 
rule  of  numbers  means  the  rule  of  ordinary  inaukmd.  without 
those  artificial  helps  which  their  privileged  jx^sition  ha.s  given 
to  limited  governing  cla.sses.  though  also,  no  douf)t,  without  those 
special  temptations  which  follow  in  the  wake  of  power  and  pnvi- 

Since  every  question  that  arises  ia  the  condu('t  of  government 
is  a  question  either  of  ends  or  of  means,  errors  may  be  eoirmitted 
bv  the  ruling  power  either  in  fixing  on  wrong  cnids  or  in  choosmg 
wrong  mcms  to  secure  those  ends.     It  is  now,  after  long  resist- 
ance by  those  who  maintaine<l  that  they  knew  In-tt.  r  what  was 
good  for  the  people  than  the  people  knew  themselves,  at  last 
agreed  that  as  the  mas.ses  are  better  judges  of  what  will  conduce 
to  their  own  happiness  than  are  the-  elass<.s  ,^acHl  aWe  them 
they  must  1k>  allowed  to  deterniin."  ends.     Tins  is  in  fact  the 
essence  of  free  or  popular  government,  and  the  justification  for 
vesting  power  in  numl>ers.     Hut  assuming  the  end  to  be  given 
who  is  best  qualified  to  select  the  nu  :ins  for  its  accomphshme  ■     . 
To  do  so  needs  in  many  eases  .t  knuwle<lgr  of  the  facts,  a  skill  m 
interpreting  them,  a  power  of  foreeastins  the  resuUs  ..f  measures 
unatTainaHe  by  the  mass  of  mankind.     Such  knowl.lge  js  t^ 
high  for  them.     It  is  attainable  only  by  trained  -   "nonus^s 
lerists.  statesmen.     If  the  ma.s.ses  attempt  it  they  will  comimt 
Sakes  not  leas  serious  than  those  whi,-h  befal  u  htigant  who 
insists  on  conducting  a  complicate<l  case  instead  of  leaving  it  to 
his  attorney  ami  counsel.     Hut  in  popular  Kovt^nmeir  s  tms 
distinction  between  ends  and  means  is  apt   to  be  forgotten^ 
Often  it  is  one  which  cannot  be  sharply  draM-n,  because  some 
ends  are  means  to  larger  ends,  and  some  means  are  desired 


-I! 


632 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAKT  V 


•-  5Kt 


not  only  for  the  sake  of  larRor  ends,  but  for  their  own  sakes  also. 
And  the  hahit  of  trustinR  its  ovnx  wiwlom  ami  enjoying  its  own 
power,  in  wliich  tiie  multitude  is  encouraged  by  its  leaders  and 
wTvants,  dispo.  i's  it  to  ignore  the  distinction  even  where  t\w 
distinction  is  dear,  and  makes  it  refer  to  the  direct  arbitrament 
of  the  iM-ople  matters  hich  the  people  are  unfit  to  decide,  and 
which  they  minlit  safely  leave  to  the'.'  trained  ministers  or  repre- 
sentatives. Thus  we  find  that  the  direct  government  of  the 
multitude  may  become  dangerous  not  only  because  the  muldtudt; 
shares  the  faults  and  follies  of  ordinary  human  nature,  but  also 
l)ecause  it  is  intellectually  incompetent  for  the  delicate  business 
of  conducting  the  daily  work  of  administration,  i.e.  of  choosing 
and  carrying  out  with  vigour  and  promptitude  the  requisite  exec- 
utive means.  The  People,  though  we  think  of  a  great  entity 
when  we  u.se  the  won!,  means  nothing  more  than  so  many 
millions  of  individual  men.  There  is  a  8(>n.se  in  which  it  is  true 
that  the  people  are  wiser  than  the  wisest  man.  But  what  is  true 
of  their  ultimate  judgment  after  the  lapse  of  time  suflicient  for 
full  discussion,  is  not  equally  true  of  decisions  that  have  to  be 
promptly  taken. 

What  are  the  consequences  which  we  may  e.xpect  to  follow 
from  these  characteri.stie8  of  democracy  and  these  conditions 
under  which  it  is  forced  to  work? 

First,  a  certain  commonncs.s  of  mind  and  tone,  a  want  of 
dignity  and  elevation  in  and  about  the  conduct  of  public  affairs, 
an  in.sensibility  to  the  nobler  aspects  and  finer  responsibilities 
of  national  life. 

Secondly,  a  certain  apathy  among  the  luxurious  classes  and 
fastidious  minds,  who  find  themselves  of  no  more  account  than 
the  ordinary  voter,  and  are  dispustetl  by  the  superficial  vul- 
garities of  public  life. 

Thirdly,  a  want  of  knowle<lge,  tact,  and  judgment  in  the 
details  of  legislation,  as  well  as  in  administration,  with  an 
inade<iuate  recognition  of  the  difficulty  of  these  kinds  of  work, 
and  of  the  worth  of  special  experience  and  skill  in  dealing  with 
them.  Because  it  is  incompetent,  the  multitude  will  rot  feel 
its  '"?c.npetence,  and  will  not  He<>k  or  defer  to  the  counsels  of 
those  who  po.ssess  the  requisite  capacity. 

Fourthly,  laxity  in  the  management  of  public  business.  The 
persons  entruste<l  with  such  business  being  only  average  men, 
thinking  themselves  and  thought  of  by  others  as  average  men. 


CHAr.   CI 


FATLTH  OF  AMKRICAN   DKMOCKACY 


(llCt 


and  not  risiiiR  to  ii  (liic  sciisr  of  tlii'ir  roHixmsilnlitics,  may  mc- 
cuinh  to  the  tPinptatioiis  which  tin*  control  of  IcRiMlation  and 
the  pul>lic  fluids  present,  in  cases  where  iwrsons  of  a  more 
enlarged  view  and  with  more  of  a  social  re|)ntation  to  support 
woiihl  remain  incorriii)til»ie.  To  repress  such  (lerolicti(ms  of 
«tuty  is  every  citizen's  (hity,  l>ut  for  that  reason  it  is  in  hirRo 
communities' apt  to  he  neglected.  Thus  llie  very  causes  which 
implant  the  mischief  lavour  <>wth. 


The  alK)ve-mentioned  t 
hie  in  the  Unitinl  State 
already  in  its  proper  » 
sufficient  to  indicate    : 
government  and  t'    t. 
hehind  that  form. 

The  tone  of  [)U' 
in  so  great  a  nation 
man  ^^^ll  iit  any  supn 
level  than  that  on  which  ! 
those  who  c(mduct  th*  atTa 


s  are  )iU  more  or  less  ohserva- 
\        ,  '     .:     I  .  i     has  heen  descrilwHl 
•I    II, IP  ,  ir^  "nee  may  hero  1)C 

i  mocratic  form  of 
I    heory  which  lies 


ir.i     I 


HI 

■W 


M     : 
•I' 


1,1     .       .. 
,1,' 


■  r 
w  I 


.  (   le  expects  to  find  it 
iiin    that  an  individual 
u  Hi      »vii  life  rise  to  a  higher 
it\   "ii(\   s,  so  we  l(M)k  to  find 
■■•.•;it  ■'  .te  inspired  hy  a  sense 


of  the  magnitude  of  the  int(  rots  entrusted  to  them.  Their 
horizon  ought  to  he  expanded,  their  feeling  of  duty  quickeno<l, 
their  dignitv  of  attitude  ••nhanced.  Human  nature  with  all 
its  weaknes.ses  does  show  itself  capahle  of  heing  thus  roused  on 
its  imaginative  side :  and  in  Europe.  wIktc  the  traditions  of 
arisn)cracy  smvive.  (>vervI>odv  condemns  as  mean  or  unworthy 
acts  done  or  language  "held  hy  a  great  official  which  w-ould 
pass  umioticed  in  a  jirivate  citizen.  It  is  the  principle  of  nobles.se 
oblige  withthesense  of  duty  and  trust  suhstitutnl  for  that  of  mere 

here<litarv  rank.  ,     •      »        •  \ 

Such  a  sentiment  is  conjpuratively  weak  m  America.  A 
cahim't  minister,  or  senator,  or  governor  of  a  I-  ite.  sor.ietimes 
even  a  President,  has  sometimes  felt  himse;  --arcely  mo.o 
hound  hv  it  than  the  director  of  a  railwa-  -ompany  or  the 
inavor  of  a  to^^-n  does  in  Europe.  In  order  to  avoid  the 
assumption  of  heing  indivi.lually  uis.T  or  Letter  than  his 
fellow-citizens,  he  h.ns  heen  apt  to  act  and  speak  as  though 
be  were  simplv  one  of  them,  an.l  so  far  from  magnifying  his 
olace  an.l  making  it  honourahle,  s(.eins  anxious  to  show  thai 
he  is  the  mere  creature  of  the  popular  voie,  s.)  hlled  t>y  trie 
s,.nse  that  it  is  the  neopl.'  and  not  he  who  governs  as  to 
fer-  that  he   should   l)e  deemed   to   have   forgotten  his  })er- 


I  :8 


I    : 


634 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART  » 


P 


■  T 


■Si- 


sjonal  insignificance.  There  is  in  the  United  States  abundance 
of  patriotism,  that  is  to  say,  of  a  passion  for  the  greatnes." 
and  happiness  of  the  Republic,  and  a  readiness  to  make  sacrifices 
for  it.  The  history  of  the  VAvW  War  showed  this  passion  at 
least  as  strong  as  in  England  or  France.  There  is  no  want  of 
an  appceiation  of  the  collective  majesty  of  the  nation,  for  this 
is  the  theme  of  inces.sant  speeches,  nor  even  of  the  past  and 
future  glories  of  each  particular  State  in  the  Union.  But  these 
sentiments  do  not  bear  their  appropriate  fruit  in  raising  the 
conception  of  public  office,  of  its  worth  and  its  dignity.  The 
newspapers  assume  public  men  to  be  selfish  and  cynical.  Dis- 
interested virtue  is  not  looked  for,  is  perhaps  turned  into  ridicule 
where  it  exists.  The  hard  commercial  spirit  which  pervades  the 
meetings  of  a  joint-stock  company  is  the  spirit  in  which  most 
politicians  .speak,  and  are  not  blamtnl  for  speaking,  of  public 
business.  Something,  e.s|>ecially  in  the  ca.se  of  newspapers, 
must  be  allowed  for  the  humorous  tendencies  of  the  American 
mind,  which  likes  to  put  forward  the  absurd  and  even  vulgar 
side  of  things  for  the  sake  of  getting  fun  out  of  them.  But  after 
making  such  allowaiu'cs,  the  fact  remains  that,  although  no 
people  is  more  emotional,  and  even  in  a  sense  more  poetical, 
in  no  country  bus  the  ideal  si<le  of  public  life,  what  one  may 
venture  to  call  the  hen)ic  element  in  a  public  career,  l)een  so 
ignore<l  by  the  mass  and  repudiate<l  by  the  leaders.  This  has 
affected  not  only  the  elevation  but  the  independence  and  courage 
of  public  men ;  and  the  country  has  suffered  fron>  the  want  of 
what  we  call  distinction  in  its  conspicuous  figures.' 

I  have  discussitl  in  a  previous  chapter  the  difficulties  which 
surround  the  rule  of  public  opinion  where  it  allows  little  discre- 
tion to  its  agents,  n'lying  upon  its  own  competence  to  supervise 
administration  and  secure  the  legi.slation  wliich  a  progressive 
count,  y  needs.  The  .American  ma.sses  have  been  obliged,  Iwjth 
by  democratic  theory  and  by  the  structure  of  their  government, 
to  proceed  upon  the  assumption  of  their  own  comjietence. 
They  have  succecnled  better  than  could  have  l)een  expected. 
No  people  except  the  choi(!est  chiklren  of  England,  long  trained 
by  the  practic(>  of  local  self-government  at  home  and  in  the 
colonies  before  their  revolt,  could  have  succeeded  half  so  well. 
Nevertheless  the  ma.sses  of  the  United  States  as  one  finds  them 

'  Thorp  arr  simis  thnt  thr  virw  horn  prrsentcd  is  becoming  leas  true  than 
it  wbh  when  thin  imranraph  wiw  first  written. 


CHAP.   CI 


FAULTS  OF  AMERICAN  DEMOCRACY 


636 


to-day  show  whpt  are  the  limitations  of  tho  avoraKe  man.     They 
can  deal  with  broad  and  siniplo  issues,  especially  with  issues  into 
which  a  moral  elemcmt  enters.    They  spoke  out  with  a  clear 
strong  voice  upon  slavery,  when  at  last  it  had  become  plain  that 
slavery  must  either  spread  or  vanish,  and  threw  themselves  with 
enthusiasm  into  the  struggle  for  the  Union.     Their  instinctive 
dislike  for  foreign  complications  as  well  as  for  acquisitions  of  new 
territory  have  from   time   to  time  checked   unwise  attempts 
to  incur  needless  responsibilities.      Their    sense   of   national 
and  commercial  honour  has  defeated  more  than  one  mischievous 
scheme  for  tampering  with  the  public  credit.     Hut  when  a  ques- 
tion of  intricacy  presents  its(«lf,  re(iuiring  either  keen  foresight, 
exact  reasoning,  or  wide  knowle<lge,  they  are  ut  fault .     Questions 
relating  to  currencv  and  coinage,  free  trade  and  protection, 
improvements  in  the  machinery  of  con.<titutions  or  of  municipa 
governments,  the  control  by  the  law  of  corporations  and  still 
more  of  Trusts,  the  metlKxl  of  securing  purity  of  elections, 
the  reform  of  criminal  proce<lure  in  the  State  courts,  these  are 
problems  which  long  bafflfnl,  and   some  of   which  seem  still 
to  baffle  them,  just  as  the  Free  Soil  (luestion  did  before  the  war 
or  the  reconstruction  of  the  revoltcnl  Southern  States  for  a  long 
time  after  it.     In  those  two  instances  a  solution  came  about,  but 
in  the  former  it  was  not  so  much  affectetl  by  the  policy  of  the 
people  or  their  statesmen  as  forcetl  on  them  by  events,  m  the 
latter  it  left  grave  evils  behind. 

Is  this  a  defect  incidental  to  all  popular  governments,  or  is 
there  anything  in  the  American  syst.'in  specially  calculated  to 

produce  it  ?  .    c    i    ^i  •♦!, 

A  state  must  of  course  take  the  people  as  it  finds  them,  witn 
such  elements  of  ignorance  and  i)assion  as  exists  in  masses 
of  men  everywhere.     Nevertheless,  a  representative  or  parlia- 
mentary system  provides  the  means  of  mitigating  the  evils  to 
l)e  feare<l  from  ignorance  or  hastes  for  it  vests  the  actual  conduct 
of  affairs  in  a  bcxlv  of  specially  chosen  and  presumal)l.v  specially 
qualified  men.  who  mav  themselves  entrust  such  of  their  func- 
tions as  ne(Hl  peciliar  knowl(>(lge  or  skill  to  a  smtiller  governing 
bo<ly  or  bodies  selected  in  respect  of  their  mon^  enunent  htness. 
By  this  metho<i  the  defects  of  democracy  are  remedie<  ,  while  its 
strength  is  retained.     Th.-  masses  give  th(>ir  impulse  to  the 
representatives:  the   represe-ntatives,   directinl   by   tlie   people 
to  secure  certain  eiuls,  bring  their  skill  and  experience  to  bear  on 


.  lii 


1 


^^ 


036 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  RKFLKCTIONS 


PAKT   V 


•    \       i 


the  choice  and  upplicatiun  of  the  best  means.  Tlie  Americans, 
however,  have  not  so  constructed  or  composed  tlieir  representa- 
tive botlies  as  to  secure  a  large  measure  of  th(!se  I)enefit8.  The 
legislatures  are  disjoined  from  the  administrative  offices.  The 
roeml>ers  of  legislatures  are  not  selected  for  their  ability  or  ex- 
perience, but  are,  two-thirds  of  them  little  above  the  average  citi- 
zen, being  in  many  places  so  cho.><en  as  to  represent  rather  the 
local  machine  than  the  peoj)le.  They  are  not  mucJi  respecte<l 
or  trustetl,  and  finding  no  exceptional  virtue  expected  from  them, 
they  behave  as  ordinary  men  (lo  wlien  subjecte<l  to  temj)tations. 
The  separation  of  the  executive  from  the  lej^islature  is  a  part  of 
the  constitutional  arrangements  of  the  country,  and  has  no 
doubt  some  ail  vantages.  The  character  of  the  legislatures  is 
due  to  a  mistaken  view  of  human  e<]uality  and  an  exaggeratinl 
devotion  to  popular  sovereignty.  It  is  a  result  of  deniocratic 
theory  pushed  to  extr(>mes,  but  is  not  necessarily  incident  to  a 
democratic  government.  The  go\<rnment  of  England,  for 
instance,  has  now  become  substantially  a  democracy,  but  then* 
is  no  rea.son  why  it  .should  imitate  .America  in  either  of  the  points 
just  mentioned ;  nor  does  democratic  France,  apt  enough  to 
make  a  bokl  u.se  of  theory,  seem  to  have  j)ushed  theory  to  excess 
in  these  particular  directions.  I  d(<  not,  iiowever,  deny  that  a 
democratic  system  makes  the  people  self-confident,  and  that  self- 
confidence  may  ea.-<ily  i)ass  into  a  jealousy  of  delegatinl  poWvT, 
an  undervaluing  of  skill  and  knowledge,  a  belief  that  any  citizen 
is  good  enough  for  any  political  w(jrk.  Tlii-=  is  perhaps  more 
likely  to  hapi><>n  with  a  pe(»[)li'  who  h:iv<'  u\  ily  reached  a  high 
level  of  political  comj)etcn(c :  and  m)  one  may  say  that  the 
American  democracy  is  not  l)etter  just  because  it  is  so  good. 
Were  it  less  educated,  less  shrewd,  less  actively  interestetl  in 
public  affairs,  less  independent  in  spirit,  it  might  Im-  njore  dis- 
posed, Hke  the  masses  in  Euroix  ,  to  look  up  lo  the  classes  which 
have  hitherto  done  the  work  of  government.  So  ixrhaps  the 
excellence  of  rural  local  scll'-govcrnment  lia^  lowered  the  con- 
ception of  niitional  government.  The  ordinary  American  farmer 
or  shopkeeper  or  artisan  bears  a  i)ar1  in  tiie  local  government  of 
his  townshi|)  or  village,  or  county,  or  small  municipality.  He 
is  (juite  competent  t(»  disc  uss  the  questions  that  arise  there.  He 
knows  his  fellow-citizens,  and  can,  if  he  takes  the  trouble,  select 
the  fittest  of  them  for  local  office.  No  high  standard  of  fitness 
is  needed,  for  tl.e  work  oi  local  administration  can  be  adeiiuately 


(MAP.  c;i 


FAILTH  OF  AMKRKAN   DKMOCRACY 


mi 


despatched  by  any  seiisihlc  iiiuii  of  Imsiness  lia^its.  Taking 
his  ideas  from  this  local  government,  he  images  Congress  to 
himself  as  nothing  more  than  a  larger  town  council  or  hoard 
of  county  commissioners,  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  as  a 
sort  of  bigger  mayor  and  city  treasurer  and  education  superin- 
tendent ;  he  is  therefore  content  to  choo.se  for  high  Federal 
posts  such  persons  as  he  would  elect  for  these  local  offices. 
Thev  are  such  as  he  is  himself;  and  if  would  seem  to  him  a 
disparagement  of  his  own  civic  worth  were  he  to(leem  his 
neighbours,  honest,  shn-wd,  hard-working  men,  unfit  for  any 
places  in  the  servi<'<'  of  the  UcpubHc. 

A  European  i-ritic  may  niuark  tiiut  tliis  way  of  presenting 

the  case  i»;norcs  tlu-  evils  :mii  losses  which  d(  tVclivc  government 

involves.  ^  "If,"   he   will   s.iy.     •  the  mass  of  nuiiikind  possesses 

neither  the  knowKnlgf  nor  the  Icisun-  nor  tlif  skill  to  determine 

the  legislation  and  jxilicy  of  a  great  state,  will  not  the  vigour  of 

the  commonwealth  <lf(Tnic  and   its  rcsouni's  be  squandered? 

Will  not  a  nation  ruled  liy  its  average  men  in  reliance  on  their 

own  average  wisdom  be  overtaken  in  the  race  of  jirosperity  or 

overpowered  in  a  warlike  struggle  by  a  nation  of  e«iual  resources 

which  is  guide<l  by  its  most    capal)le    min<ls'.'"     The  answer 

to  this  critici.sm  is  that  America  has  hitherto  lieen  able  to  afford 

to  sfjuander  h.T  resources,  ami  tliat  no  other  state  t!in>atens  her. 

With  her  wealth  and  in  her  position  -he  ean  witli  impunity  <om- 

mit  errors  which  miirht  be  fatal  to  the  nations  of  Western  Kuntpe. 

The  comparative  imlitTerence  to  politieal  life  of  the  educ-ated 

and  wealthy  classes  which  is  so  mm  h  preached  at  by  American 

reformers  and  dwelt  on   by  iMirope.m  eritics  is  i)artly  due  to 

this  attitude  of   the   nu.oitmle.     Tln-e   classes  find  no  smooth 

and  easy   i)alh   lying   before  ihnn.     Since    the  nia-ses  ,|o  not 

h)ok  to 'them  for\iui< lance,  they  do  not   come  jorward  to  give 

it.     If  they  wish  I'or  olfice  they  tnu-t  struggle  for  it,  avoiding 

the  least  a|)i)earance  of  preMitiiiim  on  tlieir  -oci.-il  |)osilion.     I 

think,  however,  that  th<'  al'sieiiti.xi  of  the  upt"'''  ''hiss  is  largely 

ascribable  to  causes,  set  fortti  in  a  previou<  chapter,  that  have 

little  to  do  with  democracy,  and  v  iiije  b.'lieving  that  the  Tnited 

States  hav(>  suiTere<!  from  this  ab-teiitioii.  do  not  regard  it  as  an 

inseparable  incident  ott  heir  y;overni:ieiit.    Accidental  caus.'s.  such 

as  till- SjjoilsSvstem,  which  i-  a  comparatively  recent  distemper, 

alreadv  p.arli.'iliv  eliminated,  liave  \:wjL<'\y  contributed  to  it. 

The  Spoils  Svstem  femiii<i-  u-  oi  the  Machine  ami  the  whole 


638 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   ^ 


organization  Of  RinRs  and  Bosses.  This  ugliest  feature  in  the 
politics  of  the  country  coultl  not  have  grown  up  save  under 
the  rule  of  the  multitude ;  and  some  of  the  arrangements  which 
have  aided  its  growth,  such  as  the  numlier  and  frequency  of 
elections,  have  l)een  dictated  by  what  may  Ix?  called  the  narrow 
doctrinairisra  of  an  irreflective  democratic  theory.  It  is  not, 
however,  necessarily  incident  to  popular  government,  but  is 
in  America  due  to  peculiar  conditions  which  might  be  removed 
without  rendering  the  government  less  truly  popular.  The  city 
masses  may  improve  if  immigration  declines ;  offices  may  cease 
to  be  the  reward  of  party  victory;  the  l)etter  citizens  may 
throw  themselves  more  acti\'ely  into  political  work. 

The  many  forms  in  whicli  wealth  displaj's  its  power  point 
to  a  source  of  evil  more  deep-seated  than  the  last,  and  one  which, 
though  common  to  all  gov(?rnments,  is  e-specially  dangerous 
in  a  democracy.  For  democracy,  in  relying  on  the  average  citi- 
zen, relies  on  two  things,  the  personal  interest  which  he  has  in 
good  government  and  the  public  virtue  which  makes  him  desire 
it  for  the  sake  of  the  community.  Wealth,  skilfully  used,  can 
overcome  the  former  motive,  because  the  share  of  the  average 
man  in  the  State  is  a  small  one,  less  than  the  gain  by  which  wealth 
may  tempt  him.  As  for  virtue,  the  average  man's  standard 
depends  on  the  standard  maintained  by  the  public  opinion  of 
other  average  men.  Now  the  sight  of  wealth  frequently  pre- 
vailing over  the  .sense  of  duty,  \v\th  no  punishment  following, 
lowers  this  standard,  and  leads  opinion  to  accept  as  inevitable 
what  it  knows  to  l)e  harmful,  till  only  some  specially  audacious 
offender  stirs  the  pul)lic  wrath.  Under  arbitrary  governments 
one  expects  a  low  level  of  honour  in  officials,  because  they  are  not 
responsible  to  the  people,  and  in  the  people,  because  they  have 
no  power.  One  looks  for  nniovation  to  frcfnlom,  and  struggles 
for  freedom  acconliiiKly.  If  similar  evils  appear  under  a  govern- 
ment which  is  already  free,  the  remedy  is  le.ss  obvious  and  the 
prospect  darker. 

Such  corrui)tion  as  exists  in  the  United  States  will  not,  how- 
ever, be  ascribed  to  its  democratic  government  by  any  one  who 
remembers  thiit  corrujjlion  was  rife  in  the  Knghsh  Parliament 
in  tiie  days  of  Wulpole,  in  Enfjlish  constituencies  very  mud) 
later,  and  now  i)revails  not  only  in  an  almost  absolutist  State  like 
Kussia  but  also  (less  widely)  in  sonic  other  Iviropean  monarchies. 
There  are  diseases  wiiuh  attack  the  Ixxly  politic,  like  the  natural 


CHAP. 


CI         FAULTS  OP  AMERICAN   DEMOC  RACY 


63» 


body,  at  certain  stages  of  Kro\\'th,  l>ut  (lisapiwar  when  a  nation 
has  passed  into  another  stage,  or  when  sedulous  experimentation 
has  discovereti  the  appropriate  remedy.     The  corruption   of 
Parliament  in  Sir  Robert  Walpoles  days  cliarac-terize<l  a  jwriod 
of  transition  when  power  had  passed  to  tiie  House  of  Commons, 
but  the  control  of  the  people  over  the  House  had  nt/t  yet  In-en 
fully  e^tablisheil,  and  when,  throim;h  a  variety  of  moral  causes, 
the  tone  of  the  nation  was  comparatively  low.     The  corruption 
of  the  electorate  in  English  boroughs  apixared  when  •   scat  had 
become  an  object  of  desire  to  ricii  men,  while  yet  tin-  interest 
of  the  voters  in  pul)lic  affairs  was  so  feeble  that  they  were  will- 
ing to  sell   their  votes,  and  their  numl>er  often  so  small  that 
each  vote  fetched  a  high  price.     The  growth  of  intelligenee  and 
independence  among  the  pe*)ple,   as  well  as  the  intnxluction 
of  severe  penalties  for  bril)ery,  and  th«'  e.xtinetion  of  fUiall  cons- 
tituencies, have  now  almost  extinguished  electoral  corruption. 
Similar    results    may    be    expected    in    .\merican    constituen- 
cies   fn)m    the    better    ballot    and    election    laws    now    Ix'ing 
enacted. 

It  is  not,  however,  oidy  in  the  way  of  bribery  at  popular 
elections  that  the  influence  of  wealth  is  felt.     In  .some  places 
it  taints  the  election  of  Federal  senators  by  State  legislatures. 
In  others  it  induces  officials  who  ought  to  guard  the  purity  of 
the  ballot  box  to  tamper  with  returns.     It  is  always  trying  to 
procure  legislation  in  the  interests  of  coiimiercial  undertakings. 
It  supplies  the  funds  for  maintaining  party  organizations  and 
defraying  the  enormous  costs  of  electoral  campaigns,  and  de- 
mands in  return  sometimes  a  high  administrative  post,  sometimes 
a  foreign  mis.sion.  sometime^  favours  for  a  railroad,  sometimes 
a  clause  in  a  tariff  bill,  soinetime        lucrative  contract.     Titles 
and  ribands  it  cannot,  as  in   Europe,  demand,  for  these  the 
country  happily  knov.s  not ;  yet  tlies(>  would  be  perhaps  less 
harmful  than  tile  recompenses  it  now  obtains.     One  thing  alone 
it  can  scarcely  ever  buy,     -  impimity  for  detected  guilt.     The 
two  protections  which  the  people  retain  are  criminal  justice,  and 
the  power,  when  an  electi(jn  comes,  of  inflicting  ccmdign  chas- 
tisement not  only  on  the  men  over  whose   virtue  wealth  has 
prevailed,  but  even  over  the  party  in  State,  or  nation,  which 
they  have  compromistnl.     Thus  tiie  money  power  is  held  at 
bav,  and  tiiough  cities  have  sutTered  terribly,  and  national  m- 
teresta  seriously,  the  general  tone  of  pubUc  honour  seems  to  be 


1 1 ; 


Si 


Irt 


640 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


11 


Sj.1 


rather  rising  than  faliinR.  It  would,  I  thinii,  rise  faster  but 
for  tLe  peculiar  facilities  which  the  last  few  years  have  revealetl 
for  the  action  of  great  corporations,  wieldiiiK  enormous  pe- 
cuniary resources,  hut  keeping  in  the  background  the  person- 
ality of  those  who  direct  these  resources  for  their  own  behoof. 
()f  the  faults  summarized  in  this  chapter,  other  than  the 
influence  of  wealth,  those  which  might  sin-in  to  go  deepest, 
l)ecaus<'  they  have  least  to  do  with  the*  particular  constitutional 
arrangements  of  the  country,  and  are  most  directly  the  off- 
spring of  its  temper  and  habits,  are  the  want  of  dignity  in  public 
life,  prominence  of  inferior  men,  and  tin-  al)s<'n('e  of  distinguishe«l 
figures.  The  people  are  good,  l)Ut  not  goo«l  enough  to  be  able 
to  dispense  with  efficient  service  by  capabl(>  representatives 
and  officials,  wiso  guidance  by  strong  and  enlightencHl  leaders. 
There  is  too  little  of  goo«l  serving  and  goo<l  leading. 

If  it  were  clear  that  these  are  the  fruits  of  liberty  and  equality, 

the  ]     (spects  of  the  workl  would  be  darker  than  we  hav<>  been 

won'    o  think  them.     They  are,  however,  the  fruits  not  of  liberty 

ant!     ,uality,  but  of  an  optimism  which  has  underrated  the  in- 

f    lifficulties  of  pontics  and  inherent  failings  of  human 

.  of  a  theory  which  has  confuse<l  «Hiuality  of  civil  rights 

ities  with  ecpiality  of  capacity,  and  of  a  thougl»tles.sness 

nas  forgotten  that  the  })roblems  of  the  world  and  the 

-  whidi  !>eset  society  are  always  putting  on  new  faces  and 

ig   ii     new   directions.     The    .Vmericans   starte<l    their 

ic  wit     a  determination  to  prevent  abuses  of  jxjwer  such 

hm'       fered  from  the  British  Crown.     Free<lt)m  .seeiiu'il 

u    lecessary ;  and  freedom  was  thought  to  consist 


lUt 

vhit 

ianjr 
app 
Rej) 
as  ti 
the  . 

in  cuiti.^  utwn  the  powersof  legislatures  and  officials.  Freinlom 
was  the  ional  lM)ast  during  the  years  that  followe«l  down  till 
the  Civil  War;  and  in  tlie  delight  of  proclaimijig  themselves 
superior  in  this  regard  to  the  rest  of  tlie  world  they  <»niitted  to 
provide  themselvi's  with  further  rinjuisites  for  gcMxl  govern- 
ment, and  forgot  that  power  may  be  abused  in  other  ways 
than  by  monarchic  tyramiy  or  legislutive  usurpation.  They 
continu(Hl  to  beat  the  drum  along  the  old  ramparts  erected  in 
1776  and  1789  against  Ceorge  III.,  or  those  wlio  might  try  to 
imitate  him,  when  the  enemy  had  moved  (|uite  away  from 
that  skle  of  the  position,  and  was  U-gitming  to  tlireateii  tlieir 
rear.  No  maxim  wa>  more  {Wipular  among  them  than  tliat 
which  declares    eternal  vi;:i;ance  to  be  the  price  of  freedom. 


7H\V.    <  I 


FAILTS  OF  AMKUK'AN    DK.MOCUACV 


M\ 


Unfortunately   their   viKilunce  t«M)k   a»tount    only  of   the  old 
ilanRiTs,  and  <lid  not  not»'   the  dcvclopiiifiit   of  nvsv  on.s  as 
if  the  captain  of  a  man-of-war  were  to  tliink  only  of  his  nuns 
and  annour-platinK,  and  neshrt  t..  proteet  himself  i.naiiist  tor- 
pedoes.    Thus  almses  were  sulTere<l  to  Ki'ow  up.  winch  sceme<l 
trivial  in  the  midst  of  so  neneral  a  prosp«Tity  :  and  n<.od  (iti- 
zens  who  were  oeeupie<l  in  other  and  more  ennros>iiin  ways, 
allow««-l  poUties  to   fall   int(.   the   hands  of  mean   men.     The 
efforts   whieh   these  eiti/.ens  are   now   making   to   recover   the 
control  of  public  Inisiness  would  have  enc.imtered   fewer  oli- 
staeh's  had   thev   lu-en   mad:'   s(.oner.      Hut    the  (.l^staeles  wdl 
1.0  overcome.     No  one,    I    think,   who   has   studied   either  th.' 
history  of  the   American   iM'oph',  or   their  j.nsent    mind   and 
habits,  will  eonchuh'  that  there  is  amonn  them  any  jealousy  of 
merit,  any  positive  aversion  to  cultun-  or  kno\\led«ie.     NeitluT 
the  political  arrannemenls  nor  the  x.cial  and  ccoiionueal  con- 
ditions of  the  country  t.-nil  at   this  moment    t(.  draw  its  best 
intellects  and  loftiest  characters  into  public  life     I'.ut  it  is  not 
the  democratic  temper  of  the  peoph-  that  stands  m  the  way. 
The  eonunonest  of  the  old  charges  a<-ainst   d.inoeracy   was 
that  it  pass(Hl  into  o.-hlocracy.     I   have  s..uulit    to  >how  that 
this  has  not  happened,  and  is  not  likely  to  happdi  m  America. 
The  features  of  mob-rule  do  not  api>ear  in  her  system,  whose 
most  characteristic  faults  are  the  existence  of  a  prof.ssii.nal 
class  using  K»)vermnent   as  a  means  of  private  nam  and  the 
menacinK  p«»wer  «.f   wealth.     Plutocracy,   which   the  ancients 
contraste<l   with  d(>mocracy.  has  shown  in  .\merica  an  inaus- 
picious affinitv  for  certain  professedly  democratic  institutK.n.s. 
Perhaps  no 'form  of  uovernment  needs  nreat  leaders  so  much 
as  democracy.     The  fatalistic  habit  ol'  mind  percej.tible  anions 
the  Americans  necnls  to  be  correct e<l  by  the  spectacle  of  courane 
and  imU-pemlence  takinu  their  own  path,  and  not  lookim  to  see 
whither  the  mass  are  moving.     Those  wliose  materia;  prosper- 
ity tends  to  lap  them  in  self-coin|)lacency  and  dull  the  edne  of 
aspiration,    nenl    to    be   thrilled  by  the   emotions  which  nreat 
men  can  excite,  stimulated  by  th.-  i.h-als  they  pn-ent,  stirred 
to  a  h>ftier  sens.-  of  what   national  life  may  attain.      In  some 
countries  men  ofbriliiantnifts  may  bedanneroiis  to  free,  lorn;  but 

the  ambith.n  of  Ai«Ti.an  statesmen  has  bee,,  Mho..led  to  flow- 
in  constitutional  channels,  and  th.-  Hcpubh.  ,^  stronn  enoujih 
to  stand  any  strain  u>  which  the  rise  ijf  heroes  may  expos.^  iier. 


It!' 


CHAPTER  CII 


TIIK   STHENOTH    OK   AMERICAN    DEMOCRACY 


Those  merits  of  American  jTovcrnment  which  brlonR  to  its 
FimIcdiI  Constitution  have  already  l)een  «liscusse<l : '  wo  have 
now  to  consider  such  as  flow  from  tlie  rule  of  public  opinion, 
from  the  temper,  habits,  and  ideas  of  the  people. 

I.  The  first  is  that  of  Stal)ility.  As  one  test  of  a  human 
b(Kly's  soundness  is  its  capacity  for  reaching  a  ^rcat  a^o,  so  it 
is  liigh  praise  for  a  political  systenj  that  it  has  stcHxl  no  nmre 
changed  than  any  institution  must  chauRc  in  a  changing  world, 
and  that  it  now  gives  every  pntmise  of  durability.  The  peojile 
are  profoundly  attached  to  the  form  which  their  national  life  has 
taken.  The  Federal  Constitution  has  been,  to  their  eyes,  an 
almost  sacred  thing,  an  .\rk  of  the  Covenant,  whennm  no  man 
may  lay  rash  hands.  All  over  Kuro|M>  one  hears  schemes  of 
radical  change  fn'ely  discussed.  There  is  still  a  monarchical 
party  in  France,  a  repui)lir:ui  party  in  Italy  and  Spain,  a  social 
democratic  parly  everywhere,  not  to  speak  of  sporadic  anar- 
chist groups.  Fvcn  in  Ijiglai\d,  it  is  impossil)le  to  feel  confident 
that  aT>y  one  of  the  existing  institutions  of  the  (■<)untry  will  be 
stan<ling  fifty  years  hence.  Hut  in  the  Cnited  Stat<'s  the  dis- 
cussion of  political  problems  busies  itself  with  details,  so  fur 
as  the  native  .Americans  an-  concerned,  jind  has  assunici 
that  the  main  lines  must  remain  as  they  are.=  This  consiiva 
tive  spirit,  jealously  watchful  even  in  small  matters,  sonietiiiic- 
prevents  reforms,  but  it  assures  to  the  people  an  easy  mind.anil 
a  trust  in  tlieir  future  whicti  tlu'y  f<'el  to  be  not  only  a  pre-ci;! 
satisfaction  but  a  n^servoir  of  strength. 

The  best  [)roof  of  tlie  well-i)raced  solidity  of  the  system  is  that 
it  survived  the  Civil  War.  changed  oidy  in  a  few  jjoints  which 
have  not  greatly  afl'ectecl  the  balance  of  National  and  Statt 
powers,  .\notlier  must  have  struck  every  ICuropcan  trav(>ll('i 
who  (pie^tions  American  pulilicists  about  the  institutions  ot 
their  country.       When  I  fii   ■   travell(>d  in  the  Cnited  State-    1 

'  Srr  Chai)!   r-  XXVII      \\V.  in  \  (.1    I. 

'  Tliis  attitu.l.   j-  hinvrv  r  l>»  jrin.ral  now  than  it  wxs  in  1880. 


CHAP.   <'II 


STRENGTH  OP  AMEUIPAK  DEMOCRACY         643 


used  to  ask  thouRhtful  mm,  sup«Tior  to  thf  firoiiidicea  of  cus- 
tom, whether  they  did  not  think  the  States'  system  defective 
in  such  and  sueh  points,  whether  th*-  leni-liitive  authority  of 
Congresa  might  not  jinjfitahly  he  <  xtendcd,  wluther  the  suf- 
frage ought  not  to  be  restricted  as  re^irds  negHM's  or  inuni- 
grants,  and  so  forth.  Whethei  assenting  or  dissenting,  the 
persons  questionini  invariahly  treated  such  matters  a.  purely 
spectdative,  saying  that  the  present  arraiigeineiits  were  too 
deeply  roote<l  ior  their  alteration  to  come  within  (he  horizon 
of  practical  politics.  So  when  a  serious  tronl>le  arise-;,  such  as 
might  in  Europe  threaten  revolution,  the  people  face  it  (luietly, 
and  as.sume  that  a  toleralile  solution  will  I'c  found.  At  the 
disputed  election  of  IH7G,  when  each  of  the  two  jrreat  parties, 
heate<l  with  conflict,  claimed  that  its  candidate  had  been  chosen 
President,  and  the  Constitution  supplied  no  way  out  of  the 
difficulty,  public  tran(iuillity  was  scarcely  <listiirt)ed,  an<l  the 
public  funds  fell  but  litth'.  A  method  was  invented  of  settling 
the  question  which  both  sides  acfiuiesced  in,  and  although  the 
decision  was  a  boundless  (lisai)poiiitment  to  the  party  which 
had  cast  the  majority  of  the  popular  vote,  that  party  quietly 
submitted  to  lose  those  spoils  of  office  whereon  its  eyes  had 

been  feasting. 

II.  Feeling  the  law  to  be  their  own  work,  the  people  are  dis- 
posal to  obey  the  law.  -  In  a  precedinu;  chapter  I  have  examined 
instances  of 'the  disregard  of  the  law,  and  the  suixrsession  of  its 
tardy  metluxis  bv  the  action  of  the  crowd.  Such  iiistaJices,  seri- 
ous as  they  are,  do  not  disentitle  the  nation  as  a  whole  to  the  cre<ht 

of  law-abiding  hal^its.  It  is  the  best  n-uit  that  can  be  ascribed 
to  the  direct  participation  of  the  peoi)le  in  ih.ir  government  that 
they  have  the  love  of  th-  mak.T  for  his  work,  that  .-very  citizen 
looks  upon  a  statute  as  a  regulation  mack'  by  himself  for  his  own 
guidance  no  less  than  for  that  of  others,  cv.n  oflicial  as  a  person 
he  has  himself  chosen,  and  whom  it  is  therefore  his  interest,  wth 
no  disparagement  to  his  personal  indej>endence,  to  obey.  Plato 
thought  that  those  who  felt  their  own  -n,,.reignty  would  be  im- 
patient of  all  control :  m)r  is  it  to  b.'  .Idiicd  that  the  principle  of 
equality  mav  result  in  lowering  the  status  atul  dignity  of  a 
magistrate.  "But  as  regards  law  and  order  th..  gam  much  ex- 
ccfHis  the  loss,  for  cn-erv  one  feels  that  there  is  no  app<"al  from 
the  law,  behind  which  there  stan.ls  the  fore-  of  tiie  nation. 
Such  a  temper  can  exist  and  bear  tiiese  fruits  only  where  minor- 


is- 


H' 


G44 


ILLIHTRATIONS  AND  RKFLECTIONS 


PART  V 


,1'. 
Hi: 
f !  i 


m 


itit'H,  howt'viT  liirKi',  have  loarnwl  to  Hubmit  patiently  to  majur- 
itios,  howovcr  small.     liut  that  is  the  one  lenson  which  the 
American  Kovcrnim'nt  throuRh  every  graiie  and  in  (  vj-ry  depart- 
ment daily  tt-aehes,  and  which  it  has  woven  into  the  texture 
of  every  citizen's  mind.     The  hal»it  of  living  under  a  rigiil  consti- 
tution supi'rior  to  onUnury  .statutes  —  indeinl  two  rigid  consti- 
tutions, since  the  State  (  un.stitution  is  a  fundamental  law  within 
its  own  sphere  no  less  than  is  the  Ft-ileral — intensifies  this 
legality  of  view,  since  if  may  turn  all  sorts  of  questions  which 
have  not  heen  deterinine<l  by  a  direct  vote  of  the  jwople  into 
(piestiims  of  legal  constniction.      It  even  accu.stonis  jwople  to 
submit  to  see  tlu-ir  direct  vote  given  in  the  enactntent  of  a  State 
Constitution  nullifie<l   by  the  decision  of  a  court  holding  that 
th«'  Federal  Constitution  has  been  contravenwl.     Every  page 
of  .American  history    illustrates  the  wholesome  results.     The 
j'vents  of  th(!  last  f('w  years  present  an  instance  of  the  con- 
.straint  which  the  people  put    on  themselves  in  order  to  re- 
spect e/ery  form  of  law.     The  .Mormons,  a  community  not 
e,\cee<ling  140,000   p<'r.sons,  persistently  defie<l   all  the  efforts 
of   Congress    to    root    out    jiolygamy,   a  practice   eminently 
repulsive  to  Amt'ricaii  notions.     If  they  had  inhabitiKl  a  State, 
Congress  couhl  not  have  interfertMl  at  all,  but  as  Utah  was  then 
only  a  Territory,  Congress  had  not  oidy  a  powjT  of  legi.slating 
for  it   which   overrides  T«'rritorial  ordinances  pas.sed   by   the 
local   legislature,  but  the  right   to  apply  military  force  inde- 
pendent of  local  authorities.     Thus  the  Mormons  were  really 
ut  the  mercy  of  the  Finlcral  government,  had  it  cho.sen  to  em- 
l)loy  violent  metluMls.     Hut  by  entrenching  thems<«lves  iM'hind 
the  letter  of  the  Constitution,  they  contimje<|  for  many  years 
to  maintain  iheir  "peculiar  institution"  by  evading  the  statutes 
pa.ss(Nl  against  it  and  challenging  a  proof  which  under  the  com- 
mon law  rules  of  evidence  it  was  usually  found  inipo.s.siblc  to 
give.     Decliiimers  lioundinl  on  ( 'ongress  to  take  arbitrary  means 
for  the  suppression  of  the  practice,  but  Congress  and  the  E.\ecu- 
tive  sul)mitt(>d  to  be  outwitted  rather  than  depart  from  the 
accustomed  principles  of  a<hninistration,  and  .succetHUnl  at  last 
only  by  a  statute  whose  searching  but  strictly  constitutional 
provisions  the  recul'  itrants  failed  to  evade.      The  .same  spirit  of 
legality  .slu»\\s  itseh   in  misgovernetl  cities.     Even  where  it  is 
notorious  that  offi<  iais  have  been  cho.s<>n  by  the  grossest  fraud 
and  that  they  are  rol)bing  the  city,  the  body  of  the  people, 


CHAP.    <• 


HTUK\<1TII   OF  AMKKK'AN    DKMOfUACV  JH*. 


howrviT  indignuut,  n-counizf  the  Hiithority,  mid  go  on  paying 
thv  tttxos  which  a  Hinn  li-virs,  Immiiiisc  stri«-t  It-nal  pnMtf  of  tht- 
frauds  and  roblM-rics  is  not  forthconiiiiK.  WnuigdoinK  supplies 
a  field  for  thr  display  of  virtnt-. 

HI.   Th«'n'  is  a  broad  simplicity  about  the  political  ideas  of 
the  p<H)plc,  and  a  courageous  con>*istiMi  y  in  carryiiiK  tlieni  out 
in  practice.     When  they  have  accepte.1  a  princii)le,  they  do  not 
shrink  from  applyinn  it   "riKht   alonn."   however  disaKreealde 
in  particular  cases  some  of  the  results  may  lie.     I  am  far  from 
nieaniuK  that  they  are  logical  in  the  French  sense  ot  the  word. 
They  have  litth"  taste  either  for  assuming  abstract  projwtsitions 
or  for  sylloKistically  de^luciuK  |)racti(al  conclusions  therefrom. 
liut  when  they  have  adopted  a  general  maxim  of  iK.licy  or  rule 
of  action  they  sh«)W  more  faith  in  it   lli.iu  the  KiiKlish  ft)r  in- 
stance would  do,  they  adlu-re  to  it  when-  the  KtiKlish    would 
make  exceptions,  they  jm-fer  certainty  ami  uniformity  to  the 
advantages  which  minht  occasionally  be  gained  by  deviation.' 
If  this  tendency  is  jjartly  the  result   of  obedience  to  a   ri^id 
con.stitution,  it  is  no  less  due  to  tlie  democratic  dislike  of  ex- 
ceptions and  complexities,  which  the  nuiltitude  finds  not  nnly 
difficult   of  comprehension   but   <lis(iuietinK  to  the    individual 
who  may  not  know  how  they  will  affect  him.     Take  for  instance 
the  Imundless  fre<>dom  of  the  press.     There  are  al>uses  obviously 
incident  to  such  free«lom,  and  these  al)uses  have  not  failed  to 
appear.     But  the  .Vnjericans  deliberately  hold  that  in  vi<'w  of 
the  benefits  which  such  free<lom  on  the  whole  promises,  abuses 
must  be  lH.rne  with  and  left   to  the  seiitim.iit   of  the  pcoi)le 
and  the  private  law  of  libel  to  deal  wit.i.     When  the  Ku  Klux 
outrages  disgracjMl   s<'veral  of  the  .Southern   States  after  the 
military  occupation  of  thos(>  States  luid  .-eased,  there  was  much 
to  be  .said  for  sending  l)ack  the  tr..ops  to  protect  the  negroes 
and   Northern   immigrants.     But    the  general   judgment    that 
things  ought  to  be  allowed  t..  take  their  natural  i-ourse  pre- 
vailed; and  the  result  justified  this    policy,   for    the   outrages 
after  a  while  ditnl  .ait.  wh.-n  .)rdinary  s.lf-gov.'nim.Mit  ha.l  b.-en 

>  What  hu...  iMM.,.  sai.l  (Clmi.t.Ts  \r.lV  mi,.I  M.V)  uf  >,«•.!:,(  ai.,1  l.>.:.l  I-kIs- 
lution  l.V  tlu-  .><tat..  lr«i.latunH  mmv  s.,  ,n  :.„  .A.-|.n,m  t„  t  ...  ^M  ■■.  >u<l. 
l..Kwluti..n.  howv.T.  is  ..«..;.lly  ,.r..,„r.-.l  in  th-  .l.rk  :.t..l  l.y  .,.ust.onal.l.-    ...  ..nx. 

L<K,kil.«  iK.th  t..  th..  \a.i..>,:.l  :.n.l  t„  tl,-  >t;.t..  «,.v.r„n.,>......  .t  ...ay  U.  «... 

tlmt.  with  a  f.-w  ..x.Tption.s. ..|.i.'  1.^^  >!"'«..  a  ^^'-^Ur  r.«ar,    f'-^    "      < 

ohliKntions.  and  that  i.<.  p.op'-  ha.  n.nr-  ,,r..Mr„.ly  an.l  h,m.,.in,l.ly  r-f™' 
fron.  Unislation  boorinn  har.lly  upoi.  Ih,-  ri.  h.  ..r  .n.lr..l  up....  ai.y  .las*  vMiat- 
fver. 


m 


MKJtOCOrV  RESOLUTION  TEST  CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


Li  12-8 

|5£     ■■■ 

■^ 

u 

1^ 

WItl* 

il.8 

^  /APPLIED  IN/HGE     Inc 

^S  1653  East   Main   SlrMl 

5^  Rochester,   New   York        1*609       USA 

:aS  (716)   482  -  0300  -  Phone 

^B  (716)  288  -  5989  -  Fox 


646 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS  paut  v 


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It 

i  j" 


)     ' 
■-   1 


restoml.  When  recently  a  siKantic  organization  of  unions  of 
working  men,  purporting  to  unite  the  wliole  of  American 
labour,  uttem})te(l  to  enforce  its  sentences  against  particular 
firms  or  corponil  ions  l)y  a  boycott  in  which  all  labourers  were 
urged  to  join,  there  was  displeasure,  })ut  no  panic,  no  call  for 
viohnit  remedies.  The  prevailing  faith  in  liberty  and  in  the 
good  8ense  of  the  mass  was  unsliaken  ;  and  the  result  soon  jus- 
tified this  traiuiuil  faith.  Such  a  tendency  is  not  an  unmixed 
blessing,  for  it  sometimes  allows  evils  to  go  too  long  unchecked. 
But  in  giving  eciuahilily  to  the  system  of  government  it  gives 
steadiness  and  strength.  It  teaches  the  j)eople  patience,  accus- 
toming them  to  exjM'ct  relief  only  by  constitutional  means. 
It  confirms  their  fuitli  in  their  institutions,  as  friends  value  one 
another  more  when  tlieir  friendship  has  stood  the  test  of  a  jour- 
ney full  of  hardsliips. 

IV.  American  government,  relying  very  little  on  officials, 
has  the  merit  of  arming  tiiem  with  little  power  of  arbitrary 
interferences  The  nvider  who  has  followed  the  description  of 
Federal  authoiities,  State  authorities,  county  and  city  or  town- 
ship aurhorities,  may  think  there  is  a  great  deal  of  administra- 
tion;  but  the  des(rii)tion  has  l)een  minute  just  because  the 
powers  of  each  aulhority  are  so  carefully  and  closely  restricted. 
It  is  natural  to  fan<>  that  a  government  of  the  people  and  by  the 
people  will  be  led  to  undertake  many  and  various  functions  for 
the  peoi)le,  and  in  tiie  confidence  of  its  strength  will  constitute 
itself  a  general  philanthiopic  agency  for  their  social  and  economic 
benefit.  Of  late  years  a  current  has  begun  to  run  in  this  direc- 
tion.' But  the  paternalism  of  America  differs  from  that  of 
Europe  in  acting  not  so  much  through  officials  as  through  the 
law.  That  is  Ut  say,  wlien  it  prescribes  to  a  citizen  a  particular 
course  of  action  it  relies  ujion  the  ordinary  legal  sanctions, 
instead  of  investing  the  administrative  officers  with  inquisitorial 
duties  or  powers  tiiat  might  ])rov(>  <)j)i)ressive,  and  when  it  de- 
volves active  functions  ui)on  officials,  tiiey  are  functions  serving 
to  aid  the  individual  and  the  conununity  ratii(>r  than  to  interfere 
with  or  supersede  tlie  action  of  jirivate  enterpri.se.  Having 
dwelt  on  the  evils  which  may  fiow  from  the  undue  application 
of  the  doctrine  of  direct  popular  sovereignty,  I  must  remind  the 
European  rea(hr  that  it  is  only  fair  to  place  to  the  credit  of  that 
doctrine  ami  of  the  arrangements  it  has  dictat(>d,  the  intelligence 

'«.■.,•  Chaiitcr  XCVIII. 


STRENGTH   OP  AMERK^VN   DEMOCRAT Y 


647 


^ 


CHAP.    CII 

which  the  average  native  American  shews  in  his  puUtical  judg- 
ments, tlie  strons  sense  h<-  entertains  of  the  duty  of  giving  a 
vote,  the  spirit  of  ah'rtness  and  (Miti'ipnse,  Nvhim  lias  made  him 
self-helpful  above  all  other  men.  .   .,       ,        ,  •..: 

V    There  are  no  strusglos  between  pnvilej,'ed  and  unprui- 
leged  orders,  not  even  tliat  ,>(Tpetuul  strife  of  rieh  and  poor 
whieh  is  the  ol.lest  disease  of  .ivilized  stat.'s.     One  must^  not 
pronoum-e  broadly  that  there  ar,>  no  elusses  tor  m  parts  of  the 
country  social  <listinctions  have  b.-sun  to  ^rovv  up.     But  for 
political  purposes  c-lasses  .canely  ,.xist.     No  one  ot  the  questions 
which  now  agitate  the  i.ati<.n  is  a  .juestion  between  rich  and 
poor.     Instead  of  suspi.- on,  jeal..u>y,  a.ul  arrogance  embitter- 
ing the  relations  of  c-lasses,  good  f,-e!ing  and  kindliness  re.gn 
Everything  that  government,  as  th.'  Anu-ncans  have  hitherto 
undeLood   the  term,  can  give  tl>em    the  poorer  class  have 
alreadv,  poUtical  power,  ec.ual  .ivil  rights,  a  career  open  to  all 
citizens  alike,  not  to  speak  of  that  gratu.tous  higher  as  well  as 
elementary  education  which  on  their  own  ..conoimc  P"neiples 
the  United  States  might  have  ub<taiued  fn.m  giving,  but  which 
political  reasons  have  UkI  tliem  to  provide  witli  so  unstinting 
a  hand      Hence  the  poorer  have  had   little  to  hght   for,  no 
grounds  for  disliking  the  well-to-.lo,  few  complaints  to  make 
against  them.     The  agitation  of  the  last  iew  years  has  been 
dLcted,  not  against  the  richer  sort  ^^'''''-Ti^Z 
corporated  companies  and  a  few  wealthy  .-apitahsts,  A\ho  are 
deemS  to  have  abused  the  powers  whi.-h  the  privilege  of  incor- 
poration conferred  upon  them,  or  employcl  th.ur  wealth  to 
™re  legislation  unfair  t<,  the  public.     Wiu-re  violent  language 
has  been  used  hke  that  witli  wlii.-h  France  an.l  (Jerimmy  are 
amiliar,  it  has  been  used,  not  b>-  native  Americaiis  but  by  new- 
comers, who  bring  their  Old  World  passions  with  them.      Prop- 
IZ  is  «afe,  because  those  who  hold  it  are  far  more  numerou 
than  those  who  d.>  not :  th,-  usual  motives  .,r  revo  utu,n  vamsh 
universal  sutTrage,  eve.i  when  veste.1  in  ignorant   new-comers, 
"rdo  comparatively  little  harm,  because  the  masses  have  ob- 
aincd  everything  whi.-h  they  could  iu.pe  to  ntt-n  except  by  a 
general  pillage.     And  the  native  Americans,  though  the  same 
cann't  be  sai.l  of  some  of  the  re.-ent  in.migrants.  are  shrewd 
;.nough  to  see  that  the  i>oor  woul.l  suffer  from  suc-h  pillage  no 

"  mri'^evSs!:!  in  1894  the  preceding  part  of  this  chapte. 


!i-^ 


•--f-i 


.«. 


648 


hi=^  ' 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PAPT  T 


I  left  these  words,  which  were  written  in  1888,  to  stand  as  they 
wore.     I  leave  them  still  in  1910,  because  they  seem  still  to 
express  the  view  which  the  most  judicious  Americans  themselves 
then  took  and  take  now  of  their  country.     Looking  at  the  labour 
troubles  which  have  more  than  once  occurred  since  1888,  includ- 
mg  the  great  railroad  strike  riots  of  July,  1894,  that  view  may 
seem  too  roseate.     But  it  must  be  remember.>d  that  strike  riots 
are  largely  due  to  th(>  passion  of  recent  immigrants,  whom  Ameri- 
can mstitutions  have  not  had  time  to  educate ;  and  it  must  also 
be  noted  that  the  opinion  of  the  native  Americans,  ^vith  little 
distinction  of  class,  has  usually  approval  the  action,  however 
bokl,  of  the  Executive,  Federal  or  State,  whenever  it  puts  forth 
all  Its  legal  powers  to  repress  disorder.     It  is  not  wonderful 
that  over  the  immense  area  of  the  country  the  public  should  be 
now  and  then  disturbed,  and  that  the  force  to  preserve  it  should 
sometimes  be  wanting.     But  things,  .so  far  from  getting  worse 
seem  rather  to  be  mending, 

A  Europ(>an  censor  may  make  two  reflections  on  the  state- 
ment of  this  part  of  the  case.     He  will  observe  that,  after  all 
It  IS  no  more  than  saying  that  when  you  have  got  to  the  bot- 
tom you  can  fall  no  farther.     And  he  Aviil  ask  whether,  if  prop- 
erty is  safe   and    contentment    reigns,  the.se   advantages  are 
not  due  to  tlip  economical  conditions  of  a  new  and  resourceful 
country,  with  an  abundance  of  unoccupied  land  and  mineral 
wealth,  rather  than  to  the  democratic  structure  of  the  govern- 
ment.    The  ansA\er  to  the  first  obj(>ction  is,  that  the  descent 
towards  equality  and  democracy  has  involved  no  injury  to  the 
richer  or  better  educated  classes :  to  the  second,  that  although 
much  mu.st  doubtless  be  ascribed  to  the  bounty  of  nature,  her 
favours  have  be(>!i  so  used  by  the  people  as  to  bring  about  a 
prosperity,  a  general  diffusion  of  property,  an  abundance  of 
reedom,   of  e(,uality,  and  of  good  feeling  which  furnish  the 
best  security  against  th(>  recurrence  in  America  of  chronic  Old 
World  evils,  even  when  h(>r  economic  state  .shall  have  become 
less  auspi,-i„„s  than  it  now  is.     Wealthy  and  powerful  such  a 
country  must  have  hon^  under  any  form  of  government,  and 
the  spe,',l  with  whi<-h  she  has  advanced  has  been  no  unmixed 
goo(l,  but  tlie  employment  of  the  sources  of  wealth  to  diffu.se 
comfort  among  millions  of  families  mav  be  placed  to  the  cred'it 
ot  stimulative  freedom.     Whoh^some  habits  have  been  e.stabl 
iished  among  the  i)ecple  whose  value  will  bo  found  when  the 


CHAP.    CII 


STRENGTH  OF  AMERICAN  DEMOCRACY         649 


times  of  pressure  approach,  and  thouKli  tho  troubles  that  have 
arisen  between  labour  and  capital  may  not  soon  iiass  away, 
the  sense  of  human  equality,  the  absence  of  offensive  piivileges 
distinguishing  class  from  class,  will  make  those  troubles  less 
severe  than  in  Europe,  where  they  are  complicated  by  the  recol- 
lection of  old  wrongs,  by  arrogance  on  the  one  sid(>  and  envy  on 
the  other. 

Some  American  panegyrists  of  democracy  have;  weakened 
their  own  case  by  claiming  for  a  form  of  government  all  the 
triumphs  which  modern  science  has  wrought  in  a  land  of  un- 
equalled natural  resources.  An  active  European  race  would 
probably  have  made  America  rich  and  prosperous  undc  any 
government.  But  the  volume  and  the  character  of  the  pros- 
perity attainefl  may  be  in  large  m(>asure  ascril)ed  to  the  insti- 
tutions of  the  country.  As  Dr.  Charles  W.  Eliot  observes  in 
a  singularly  thoughtful  address  :  — 

"Sensible  and  righteous  Kovemment  ought  uUimately  to  make  a 
nation  rich  ;  and  althouRh  this  proposition  cannot  ho  directly  reversed, 
yet  diffused  well-being,  comfort,  and  material  prosperity  estat)Ush  a  fair 
presumption  in  favour  of  the  government  and  prevailing  social  ('on- 
ditions  under  which  these  blessings  have  been  seciirefl.  •  .  • 

"The  successful  establishment  and  supi)ort  of  religious  institutions, 
—  churches,  seminaries,  and  religious  charities.  —  upon  a  purely  volun- 
tary system,  is  an  unprecedented  achievement  of  the  AiiKTican  democ- 
racy. In  only  three  generations  American  democratic  society  has 
effected  the  complete  separation  of  Church  and  State,  a  reform  which 
no  other  people  has  ever  attempted.  Yet  religious  institutions  are  not 
stinted  in  the  United  States  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  a'oound  and  thrive, 
and  all  alike  are  protected  and  encouraged,  but  not  supported,  by  the 
State.  .  .  .  The  maintenance  of  churches,  seminaries,  and  charities  by 
voluntary-  contributions  and  by  the  administrative  labours  of  volunteers, 
implies  an  enormous  and  incessant  expenditure  of  mental  and  moral 
force.  It  is  a  force  which  must  ever  be  renewed  from  generation  to 
generation  ;  for  it  is  a  personal  force,  <'onstantly  exi)iring,  and  as  con- 
stantly to  be  replaced.  Into  the  niaintenance  of  the  voluntary  system 
in  religion  has  gone  a  good  part  of  the  moral  energy  which  three  genera- 
tions have  been  able  to  spare  from  the  work  of  getting  a  living  ;  but  it 
is  worth  the  sacrifice,  and  will  bf  accotmted  in  history  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  feats  of  American  puhlic  spirit  and  faith  iti  freedom. 

"A  similar  exhibition  of  diffused  mental  and  moral  energy  has  accom- 
panied the  establishment  and  the  develo])nient  of  a  system  of  higher 
instruction  in  the  I'nited  States,  witli  no  inheritance  of  monastic  en- 
dowments, and  no  gifts  from  royal  or  ecclesiastical  persontiges  disposing 
of  great  resources  derived  from  tile  State,  and  with  Imi  scanty  help  from 
the  public  purse.  Whoever  is  familiar  witii  the  c.llcg.^s  and  universities 
of  the  United  States  knows  that  the  creation  of  tlicM'  democratic  institu- 


4 


! 

^4. 


1 


650 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


.)  ;i  I 


tions  has  cost  the  life-work  of  thousands  of  devoted  men.  At  th(>  Hacri- 
fice  of  other  aspirations,  and  under  heavy  diseouraKenients  and  disap- 
pointments, hut  with  faith  and  liope,  these  teaeliers  and  trustees  have 
built  up  institutions,  which,  however  iniperfeet,  have  cherished  scientific 
enthusiasm,  fostennl  piety,  literature,  and  art,  maintained  the  standards 
of  honour  and  public  (hity,  and  steadily  kept  in  view  tiie  ethical  ideals 
which  democracy  chen-hes.  It  has  been  a  |)opular  work,  to  which  large 
numbers  of  people  in  successive  generations  have  contributed  of  their 
substance  or  of  their  labour.  The  endowment  of  institutions  of  educa- 
tion, including  libraries  and  museums,  by  private  persons  in  the  United 
States  is  a  phenomenon  without  precedent  or  parallel,  and  is  a  legiti- 
mate effect  of  democratic  institutions.  Under  a  tyranny  —  were  it  that 
of  a  Marcus  Aurelius  —  or  an  oligarchy  —  were  it  as  enlightened  as 
that  which  now  rules  Oeriuany  —  such  a  phenomenon  would  be  simply 
impossible.  Like  the  voluntary  system  in  religion,  the  voluntary  sys- 
tem in  the  higher  education  buttresses  demfK-racy  ;  each  demands  from 
the  community  a  large  outlay  of  intellectual  activity  and  moral  vigour." 

VI.  The  govprnmont  of  the  Republic,  Hmited  and  languid 
in  ordinary  times,  is  capable  of  developing  immense  vigour. 
It  can  pull  itself  together  at  moments  of  danger,  can  put  forth 
unexpected  efforts,  can  venture  on  stretches  of  authority"  trans- 
cending not  only  ordinary  practice  but  even  ordinary  law. 
This  is  the  result  of  the  unity  of  the  nation.  A  divided  people 
is  a  weak  people,  even  if  it  obeys  a  monarch ;  a  unittd  peoj)le 
is  doiibly  strong  when  it  is  democratic,  for  then  the  force  of 
each  individual  will  swells  the  collective  force  of  the  govern- 
ment, ercourages  it,  relieves  it  from  internal  embarrassments. 
Now  the  American  people  is  united  at  moments  of  national  con- 
cern from  two  causes.  One  is  that  absence  of  class  divisions 
and  jealousies  which  has  been  already  described.  The  people 
are  homogeneous :  a  feeling  which  stirs  them  stirs  alike  rich 
and  poor,  farmers  and  traders,  Eastern  men  and  Western  men 
—  one  may  now  add.  Southern  men  also.  Their  patriotism  has 
ceased  to  be  defiant,  and  is  conceived  as  the  duty  of  promoting 
the  greatness  and  happiness  of  their  country,  a  greatness  which, 
as  it  does  not  look  to  war  or  aggression,  does  not  redound  spe- 
cially^, as  it  might  in  Europe,  to  the  glory  or  b(>nefit  of  the  ruling 
caste  or  the  military  profession,  but  to  that  of  all  the  citizens. 
The  other  source  of  unity  is  the  tendency  in  democracies  for 
the  sentiment  of  the  majority  to  tell  uj)on  the  sentiment  of 
a  minority.  That  faith  in  the  popular  voice  whereof  I  have 
already  spoken  strengthens  every  feeling  which  has  once  be- 
come strong,  and  makes  it  ru.sh  like  a  wave,  over  the  country, 


CHAP,  ni      STRENOTH  OF  AMERICAN  DEMOCRACY 


a5l 


sweeping  evorythiiiK  hcforo  it.  I  do  not  mean  that  the  people 
become  wild  with  excitement,  for  beneath  their  noisy  demon- 
strations they  retain  their  comiiosure  and  shrewd  view  of  facts. 
I  mean  only  that  the  jx-rvadiiiji  sympathy  stirs  them  to  unwonted 
efforts.  The  steam  is  superheated,  hut  tlie  effect  is  seen  only 
in  the  greater  expansive  force  which  it  exerts.  Hence  a  spirited 
executive  can  in  critical  times  go  forward  with  a  courage  and 
confidence  possil)h'  only  to  those  who  know  that  they  have  a 
whole  nation  behind  them.  The  peojjle  fall  into  rank  at  once. 
With  that  surprising  gift  for  organization  which  they  possess, 
they  concentrate  themselves  on  the  inuuediate  object ;  they  dis- 
pense wth  the  ordini'.ry  constitutional  restrictions;  they  make 
personal  sacrifices  whicli  remind  one  of  the  selfnlevotion  of 
Koman  citizens  in  the  earlier  days  of  Home 

Speaking  thus,  I  am  tliinking  chiefly  of  the  spirit  evolved  by 
the  Civil  War  in  both  the  Xortli  and  the  Soutli.     But  the  sort 
of  strength  whidi  a  democratic  govermnent  derives  from  its 
(Hrect  depenflence  on  the  people  is  seen  in  many  smaller  in- 
stances.    In  1863,  when  on  the  making  of  a  <Iraft  of  men  for 
the  war,  the  Irish  mob  rose  in  New  York  City,  excited  by  the 
advance  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee  into  Pennsylvania,  the  State 
governor  called  out  the  troops,  and  by  them  restored  order  -with 
a  stern  vigour  wliich  would  have  done  credit  to  Radetzsky  or 
Cavaignac.     More  than  a  thousand  rioters  were  shot  down,  and 
pubUc  opinion  entirely  approved  th(>  slaughter.     Years  after 
the  war,  when  the  Orangemen  of  New  York  purpostnl  to  have  a 
12th  of  July  procession  through  the  streets,  the  Irish  Catholics 
threatened  to  prevent  it.     Th(>  feeling  of  tlie  native  Americans 
was  aroused  at  once;  young  men  of  wealth  came  back  from 
their  moimtain  and  seaside  resorts  to  fill  the  miHtia  regiments 
which  were  called  out  to  guard  th(>  procession,  and  the  display 
of  force  was  so  overwlielming  tliat   no  disturbance  followed. 
These  Americans  had  no  sympathy  with  th(>  childish  and  mis- 
chievous partisanship  wliicli  loads  the  Orangemen  to  perpetuate 
Old  World  feuds  on  New  World  soil.     But  processions  were 
legal,  and  they  were  resolved  that  the  law  should  be  respected, 
and  the  spirit  of  disorder  repressed.     They  would  have  been 
equally  ready  to  protect  a  Roman  Catholic  procession. 

Given  an  adetpiate  or(a?<ion,  executive  authority  in  America 
can  better  venture  to  take  strong  measures,  and  feels  more  sure 
of  support  from  the  body  of  the  peoi)le,  than  is  the  case  in 


'iA 


.  1  ? 


n 


?* 


(m2 


ILLISTKATIONS  AND  IIKKLKCTIOXS 


PART   V 


.J 


/^' 


•jsh 


EiikIhiuI.  \Mini  tlu'ic  is  a  fuilurc  to  cuforc*'  the  law,  the 
fault  lies  at  the  door,  not  of  the  people,  but  of  timid  or  time- 
serving officials  who  fear  to  offend  some  interestwl  section  of  the 
voters. 

VII.    Democrac}-  has  not  only  taufiht  the  Americans  how  to 
use  lilKTty  without  abusing  it,  and  how  to  secure  equality:  it 
has  also  taught  them  fraternity.     That  word  has  gone  out  of 
fashion  in  the  Old  World,  and  no  wonder,  considering  what 
was  done  in  its  name  in  1793,  considering  also  that  it  still  fig- 
ures in  the  ))rogramme  of  assassins.     Nevertheless,  there  is  in 
the  United  States  a  sart  of  kindliness,  a  sense  of  human  fellow- 
ship, a  recognition  of  the  duty  of  mutual  help  owetl  by  man  to 
man,  stronger  than  anywhere  in  the  Old  World,  and  certainly 
stronger  than  in  th(>  upper  or  middle  classes  of  England,  France, 
or  (Jermany.     The  natural  impulse  of  every  citizen  in  America 
is  to  respect  every  other  citizen,  and  to  feel  that  citizenship 
constitutes  a  certain  ground  of  respect.     The  idea  of  each  man's 
equal  rights  is  so  fully  realized  that  the  rich  or  powerful  man 
feels  it  no  indignity  to  take  his  turn  among  the  crowd,  and  does 
not  expect  any  deference  from  the  poorest.     Whether  or  no  an 
employer  of  labour  has  any  strong(>r  sense  of  his  duty  to  those 
whom  he  employs  than  employers  have  in  continental  Europe,  he 
has  certainly  a  greater  sense  of  responsibility  for  the  use  of  his 
wealth.     The  number  of  gifts  for  benevolent  and  other  public 
purposes,   the  number  of  educational,    artistic,   literary,   and 
scientific  foundations,  is  larger  than  even  in  Britain,  the  wealth- 
iest and  most  lil)eral  of  European  countries.     Wealth  is  generally 
felt  to  be  a  trust,  and  exclusiveness  condemned  not  merely  as 
indicative  of  selfishness,  but  as  a  sort  of  offence  against  the  public. 
No  one,  for  instance,  thinks  of  shutting  up  his  pleasure-grounds ; 
he  seldom  even  buikls  a  wall  round  them,  but  puts  up  only  a 
low  railing,  so  that  the  sight  of  his  trees  and  shrubs  is  enjoyed 
by  passers-by.     That  any  one  should  be  permitted  either  by 
opinion  or  by  law  to  seal  up  many  square  miles  of  beautiful 
mountain  country  against  tourists  or  artists  is  to  the  ordinary 
American  ahnost  incredible.     Such  things  are  to  him  the  marks 
of  a  land  still  groaning  under  feudal  tyranny. 

It  may  seem  strange  to  those  who  know  how  difficult  Euro- 
pean states  have  generally  found  it  to  conduct  negotiations 
with  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  who  are  accu.s- 
tomed  to  r(>ad  in  European  newspapers  the  defiant  utterances 


%\ 


CHAP,  cii      STRKXOTII   OF   AMKUICAN    DKNIOCRACy         (m3 


which  Amorican  politicians  address  fnmi  ("oiiRrcss  to  the  cffcto 
monarchies  of  the  Old  World,  to  l)e  told  that  this  spirit  of 
fraternity  has  its  influence  on  international  relations  also. 
Nevertheless  if  we  l(M)k  not  at  the  irresjvuisihle  orators,  who 
play  to  the  lower  feeUngs  of  a  section  of  the  peoi)le,  hut  at  the 
general  sentiment  of  tlie  whole  i)eoi)le.  we  shall  recognize  that 
democracy  makes  both  for  peace  and  for  justice  as  between 
nations.  Despite  the  admiration  for  military  exi)loits  whicli 
the  Americans  have  sometimes  shown,  no  country  is  at  bottom 
more  pervaded  by  a  hatred  of  war,  and  a  sense  that  national 
h<mour  stands  rooted  in  natioi\al  fair  dealing.  Tlic  nation 
has  been  often  misrepresented  by  its  statesmen,  l)ut  although 
it  has  sometimes  allowed  them  to  say  irritating  things  and  ad- 
vance unreasonable  claims,  it  lias  seldom  permitted  them  to 
abuse  its  enormous  strength,  as  most  Muroj^ean  nations  possessed 
of  similar  strength  have  in  tim(>  past  al)Used  theirs. 

The  characteristics  of  the  American  people  which    I  hav(« 
pa.sse<l  in  review,  though  not  all  due  to  democratic  government, 
have  been  strengthened  by  it,  anil  contriiiute  to  its  solidity  and 
to  the  .smoothness  of  its  worl<ing.     As  one  sometimes  sees  an 
imHvidual  man  who  fails  in  life  becaus(>  the  diff«'rent  parts  of 
his  nature  seem  unfitted  to  each  other,   so  that    his  action, 
swayed   by   contending  influences,  results  in  nothing  definite 
or  effective,   so  one  s(>es  nations  whose  jjolitical  institutions 
are  either  in  advance  of  or  lag  behind  their  Mtcial  conditions, 
so  that  the  unity  of  the  body  politic  s>iff(>rs,  and  the  harmony 
of  its  movements  is  disturb(>d.     America  is  not  such  a  nation. 
There  have,  no  doubt,  been  two  diverse  influ(>nces  at  work  on 
the  minds  of  men.     One  is  the  conservative   English   spirit, 
brought  from  home,  expressecl,  and   (if  one  may   say  so)   en- 
trenched in  those  fastn(>sses  of  tiie   Federal  Constitution,  and 
(to  a  less  degree)  of  the  State  constitutions,  whicli  reveal  their 
English  origin.     The  other  is  the  devotion  lodeiiiocratic  equality 
and  popular  sovereignty,  due  partly  to  I'utitainsin,  partly  to 
al.  ♦  'ct  theory,  partly  to  the  (•ircuiiistan((>s  of  th<-  Revolutionary 
stru^Ie.     But  since  neither  of  tli(>se  two  streams  of  tendency 
has  been  able  to  overcome  the  other,  they  have  a(  last  becom.' 
so  blent  as  to  form  a  definite  type  of  political  habits,  and  a  self- 
consistent  bo<lv  of  political  ideas.     Thus  it  may  now  be  .said  that 
the  country  is  made  all  of  a  piece.     Its  institutions  have  become 
adapted  to  its  economic  and  social  conditions  and  are  the  duo 


!■!!■ 


654 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS  part  v 


expression  of  its  chivractor.  The  new  wine  has  been  jwured 
into  new  bottles:  or  to  adopt  a  metaphor  more  appropriate 
to  the  country,  the  vehicle  has  b<>en  built  with  a  lightness, 
strength,  amf  elasticity  which  fit  it  for  the  roads  it  has  to 
traverse.^ 

'  Note  to  Edition  or  1914. 

I  havf  allowed  this  and  tho  twii  last  imTcdiiiK  chapters  to  stand  sulmtan- 
tially  as  they  wero  written  in  1KH8  and  revised  in  ls<)4.  liectiuse  the  picture  they 
prew-nt  seems  to  In-  still  true  in  its  general  outlines,  though  one  nuKht  i|ualify 
it  in  some  of  the  details.  However  in  every  country  time  hriiiRs  certain  ehaiiKcs, 
and  of  thoae  to  bi'  noted  a.s  having  come  to  pass  since  1N94,  the  followiuK  seem 
most  noteworthy. 

RcHpect  for  the  law  is  less  Kenerally  evident,  as  has  appeared  m  the  fri'<iuent 
disorders  caus<(l  by  l.ilxiur  ilisputes. 

The  administration  of  the  criminal  law  is  more  conspicuously  defective. 

There  is  less  faith  in  representative  novernment,  and  less  reverence  for  the 
Federal  Constitution. 

The  power  of  wealth,  and  esi)ecially  the  power  of  the  great  corporations,  has 
bcRun  to  decline.  It  hatl  Rone  so  far  as  in  l!t(M)  to  arouse  fear  and  resentment, 
and  has  since  then  iH'en  curbed. 

The  spirit  whii'h  makes  for  "koihI  citizenship"  is  more  nenerally  diffused,  and 
the  educated  cla.ss  in  particular  are  more  disposed  to  disehariie  their  <-ivic  duties 
with  earnestness  and  i)erseverance.  This  phenomenon,  full  of  promi.se  for  the 
future  of  democratic  Kovernment,  is  due  partly  to  that  ri':-entment  aBainst  the 
undue  influence  of  wealth  already  mentioned,  partly  to  a  tirowiiiK  interest  in 
what  are  called  "social  n  forms." 

A  reader  who  may  think  that  some  recent  events  point  to  conclusions  more  or 
less  at  variance  with  those  .stated  in  these  chapters  ia  requested  to  take  the  latter 
■ubject  with  the  foregoing  qualifications. 


m 


CHAPTER  cm 


'119 


■I 


HOW   FAR  AMERICAN    EXPERIENCE   IS   AVAILABLE   FOR  EUROPE 

There  are  two  substantial  services  which  the  study  of  history 
may  render  to  jwlitics.  The  one  is  to  correct  the  use,  which  ia 
generally  the  abuse,  of  the  de<hictive  or  a  priori  method  of 
reasoning  in  politics.  The  other  is  to  save  the  politician  from 
l)einK  misled  by  superficial  historical  analogies.  He  who  re- 
pudiates the  n  priori  methcMl  is  apt  to  fancy  himself  a  practical 
man.  when,  running  to  the  other  extreme,  he  argues  directly 
from  the  phenomena  of  one  age  or  country  to  those  of  another, 
and  finding  somewhat  similar  causes  or  conditions  bids  us  to 
expect  similar  results.  His  error  is  as  grave  as  that  of  the 
man  who  replies  on  abstract  reasonings;  for  he  neglects  that 
critical  examination  of  the  premises  from  which  every  process 
of  reasoning  ought  to  start.  The  better  trained  any  historical 
inquirer  is,  .so  nnich  the  more  cautious  will  he  be  in  the  employ- 
ment of  what  are  called  historical  arguments  in  politics.  He 
knows  how  neces.sary  it  is  in  attempting  to  draw  any  conclusion 
of  practical  worth  for  on*  country  from  the  political  experience 
of  another,  to  allow  for  the  points  in  which  the  countries  differ, 
because  among  these  points  there  are  usually  some  which  affect 
the  soundness  of  the  inference,  making  it  doul)tful  whether  that 
which  holds  true  of  the  one  will  hold  true  of  the  other.  The 
value  of  history  for  students  of  politics  or  practical  statesmen 
lies  rather  in  its  power  of  quickening  their  insight,  in  its  giving 
them  a  larger  knowledge  of  the  phenomena  of  mans  nature  as 
a  political  being  and  of  the  tendencies  that  move  groups  and 
communities  of  men,  and  thus  teaching  them  how  to  observe 
the  facts  that  come  under  their  own  eyes,  and  what  to  expect 
from  the  men  witli  whom  they  have  to  deal.  A  thinker  duly 
exercised  in  historical  research  vnW  carry  his  stores  of  the  world's 
political  experience  about  with  him,  not  as  a  book  of  pre- 
scriptions or  recipes  from  which  he  can  select  one  to  apply  to 
a  given  case,  but  rather  as  a  physician  carries  a  treatise  on 
pathology  which  instructs  him  in  the  general  principles  to  be 

655 


A 
.i 


i 


■|- 


t 


nl 


(\rA\ 


lIXrsTRATloNS  AND  IIKKLKCTIONS 


PART  \ 


folUiw.'.!    in    oltstrviiijt    1 1"'    syiiiptoiiis   uiitl    invi'stintttiuK   the 
fiiuscrt  of  the  inahi.lifs  that  conu"  l>t'f(»r»'  him.     Si),  although  the 
chuructcr  of  (Iciuocratic  Kovcnmiciit  in  the  TnitiHl  States  is  full 
of  instnietion  for  EurofM>aiis,  it  supplies  few  conehisioiis  directly 
IwariuK  on  the  present   |)olities  of  any  Euroiwan  country,  be- 
cause l)oth  thestrouKund  the  weak  points  of  the  American  peoj 
are  not  exactly  repeati-d  anywhere  in  the  Old  World,  not  eveti  in 
such  countries  us  Fran«'e,  Switzerland,  and  Flngland.     The  pic- 
ture given  of  the  phenomena  of  America  in  preceiling  chai)ters 
has  prol)al)ly  alrea.ly  suggested  t(»  the  reader  the  inferences  to  he 
drawn  from  it,  and  such  application  as  they  may  have  to  Euroi)e. 
I  shall  therefore  In-  here  contei\t  with  recapitulating  in  the  inost 
concise  way  the  points  in  which  the  institutions  of  the  Unitetl 
States  and  the  methods  emi)l()yed  in  working  them  seem,  if 
not  quite  directly    yet  most  nearly,  to  touch  and  throw  light 
upon  European  prohlems.     America  has  in  some  respects  antici- 
pated European  nations.     She  is  walking  before  them  along  a 
path  which  they  may  probai)ly  follow.     She  carries  behind  her. 
to  adopt  a  fainous  simile  of  Dante's,  a  lamp  whose  light  helps 
those  who  come  after  her  more  than  it  always  does  herself, 
because  some  of  the  dangers  she  has  passed  through  may  not 
recur  at  any  other  point  in  her  path ;   whereas  they,  following 
in  her  footsteps,  may  stumble  in  the  same  stony  places,  or  be 
entangled  in  the  (luairmires  into  which  she  slipped. 

I.  Manhood  Suffrage.  —  This  has  been  now  adopted  by  so 
many  peoples  of  Europ<'  that  they  have  the  less  occasion  to 
.study  its  transatlantic  aspects.  The  wisest  Americans,  while 
appreciating  the  str(  igth  which  it  gives  to  iheir  government, 
and  conceiving  that  t.iey  could  hardly  have  stopped  short  of  it, 
hold  that  their  recent  experience  does  not  invite  imitation  by 
European  nations,  unless  at  l"ast  Europeans  adopt  safeguards 
resembling  those  they  have  applied.  With  thos.'  safeguards, 
the  alx)lition  of  property  qualifications  has,  so  far  as  the  bulk 
of  the  nativ  population  is  concerned,  proved  successful ;  but 
in  the  hands  of  the  negroes  at  the  South,  or  the  recent  immi- 
grants of  the  larger  cities,  a  vote  is,  and  is  now  generally 
admitted  to  be,  a  dangerous  weapon. 

n.  The  Civil  Service.  -  To  keep  minor  administrative  offices 
out  of  pontics,  to  make  them  tenable  for  life  and  obtainable  by 
merit  instead  of  by  priv  te  patronage,  is  at  present  one  chief 
aim  of  American  reformers.     They  a  e  laboriously  striving  to 


jiAi>.  nil     AMKRICAX   VXPKRIKNCK   Foil   Kl'R()F»K 


ti-'i 


ln'iiii?  their  civil  service  up  to  the  (leriimii  nr  British  level.  If 
there  is  ;iliy  lesson  they  would  seek  to  impress  on  Kuropejitis, 
it  is  the  (laiijier  of  allowiiijn  politics  to  jrct  into  the  IihikIs  of 
iiH'ii  \vh(»  seek  to  make  a  living  by  them,  auil  of  sufTeririK  [)ul)lic 
offices  to  liecome  the  rewani  of  party  work.  Rather,  th«'y 
would  say,  interdict  office-holders  from  participation  in  politics  : 
appoint  them  l)y  competition,  however  absurd  competition 
may  s«imetimes  appear,  choose  them  I»y  l(»f,  liki'  the  .Vtheniatis 
and  Florentines:  (tnlydoiiot  let  offices  he  t(nal)leat  the|)leusure 
:>f  party  chiefs  and  lie  in  the  uncontrolled  patronage  of  |M'rsons 
who  cm  use  them  to  strennthi'ii  their  own  political  |M)sition.' 

III.  Till  Jiiiliciiir!/.  — The  same  observation  ap|)lies  to  judi- 
cial jHists,  and  with  no  less  force.  The  .\mericaii  State  Bench 
has  suffered  both  from  the  too  prevalent  system  of  jjopulur 
elec.  ion  an<l  from  the  scanty  remuneration  allotted.  To  pro- 
cure men  of  character,  learninp,  and  intellectual  power,  and 
to  secure  in  them  that  i)ublic  confi<lence  which  is  now  .some- 
times absent,  amjjle  remuneration  nnist  be  paid,  a  life  tenure 
secured,  and  the  ajjpointments  ))laced  in  res|)onsible  hund.s. 
There  is  nothing  in  the  Knuli.sh  frame  of  Kovernnvnt  which 
thouKJitful  .\niericans  so  nnich  admire  as  tlie  maintenance  of 
a  liiKh  level  of  intcKrity  and  capacity  in  the  judges;  and  they 
often  express  a  hope  that  nothinR  will  be  done  to  lower  the 
position  of  officials  on  whose  excellence  the  well-bein)?  and  com- 
ni'-rcial  credit  of  a  country  largely  depend.'- 

IV.  Cfifiroctcr  and  WorkiiKj  af  Lcoislatitrvs.^  .\  It  hough  the 
ruh'  of  representative  chambers  has  been  deemed  the  most 
characteristic  feature  of  well-ordered  free  governments,  as  con- 
tra.sted  with  those  impetuous  democracies  of  anti(|uity  whidi 
Ic^islatcvl  by  ])rimary  a.sseinblies,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the 
li'ifishaive  bodies  of  the  United  States  have  done  something  to 
discredit  representative  goveriniient.  Whether  this  result  is 
mainly  due,  as  some  think,  to  the  disconnecticMi  of  the  Executive 
from  the  legislature,  or  whether  it  must  be  traced  to  deeper 
sources  of  w(>akne.ss,  it  is  not  without  instruction  for  those 
who  would  in  Kurojie  vest  in  h'gislatures,  and,  perhaps,  even  in 
one-chani])ered  legislatures,  still  wider  powers  of  interference 
with  administration  than  they  now  possess. 


I  ill 


'  .«!<■!•  riiuptcr  LXV. 

2  Sec  fhaptcrs  .XI.II  an.l  ('II. 

»Scf  Chaptors  -XIV,  XIX,  XLI,  XLIV,  XLV. 


II'.  V 


!  M 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS  part  v 


658 

~V  Second  Chambers} -The  Americans  consider  the  divi- 
sion of  every  political  legislature  into  two  co-ordinate  bodies 
Tbe  ab'lutely  necessary;  and  thf  opinion,  in  this  re^^^^^^^^ 
U  the  more  valuable  because  several  States  tried  for  a  time  to 
work  S  one  chamber,  and  because  they  are  fully  sensible 
r  he^conveniences  which  the  frequent  collision  of  two  cham- 
bers Lvolvel     Their  view  is,  doubtless,  tinged  by  the  Icnv  opin- 
ion Xch  they  hold  of  the  quality  of  their  legislators.     Distrust- 
ne  These  they  desire  to  place  every  possible  check  upon  their 
alon      in  clLs  it  does  not  appear  that  either  the  two-charn- 
SS^or  the  one-chamber-d  system  shows  any  advantage  over 
?Setther ;  but  it  is  now  beginning  to  be  seen  that  city  govern 
meat  has'altogether  been  planned  too  much  on  pohtica   hnes, 
S  is  conducted  too  little  according  to  busmess  methods 

VI  Length  of  Legislative  Terms}  -  The  gam  and  the  loss  in 
havinglSslatures  elected  for  short  terms  are  sufficiently  obvi- 
o'r  To^  European,  the  experience  of  Congress  seems  to  indi- 
cat;  that  the  shortness  of  its  term  is  rather  to  be  avoided  than 
Sated  It  is  not  needed  in  order  to  secure  the  obedience  of 
Sgres^  to  the  popular  will:  it  increases  the  cost  of  politics 
b^maWng  elections  more  frequent,  and  it  keeps  a  considerable 
pJo^rtn  of  the  legislators  employed  *•;  l«--^"«  .^^^^^^ ^^ 
from  which  they  are  dismissed  as  soon  as  they  have  learnt  it. 

VII  /ndtrecf  £iedto««.'- American  experience  does  not 
commend  this  device,  which,  until  the  establishment  of  the  pres- 
ent mode  of  choosing  the  French  Senate,  was  chiefly  known  rom 
its  emplovment  in  the  Republic  of  Venice.  The  ^hoi  e  of  the 
President  by  electors,  chosen  for  the  purpose,  has  wholly  faded 
fo  aUain  the  object  its  authors  desired.  The  election  of  sena- 
tors by  State  legislatures  gives  no  better,  and  possibly  worse, 
men  to  the  Senate  than  direct  popular  election  would  ^ve. 

VIII  A  Rigid  Constitution.* -Although  several  European 
states  have  now  placed  themselves  under  constitutions  not 
alterable  by  their  legislatures  in  the  same  way  as  ordinary 
:ltutes  are  altered,  ^America  furnishes  in  her  ^Jate  govern- 
ments, as  well  as  in  her  Fe<leral  government,  by  far  the  most 
Sukive  examples  of  the  working  of  a  system  under  which 

I  See  Chapters  XVIII.  XL,  and  L. 

»See  ChaptiTS  XIX  and  XL. 

•See  Chapters  V,  X.  and  XH-     ^^„        ,  yyyvtt 

«See  Chapten  XXIII,  XXXI.  XXXV.  and  XXXVII. 


CHAP,  cm    AMERICAN  EXPERIENCE  FOR  EUROPE 


659 


certain  laws  are  made  fundamental,  and  surrounded  not  only 
with  a  sort  of  consecration,  hut  with  provisions  which  make 
change  comparatively  difficult.  There  is  nothing  in  their 
system  with  whose  results,  desi)ite  some  obvious  drawbacks, 
the  multitude,  scarcely  less  than  the  wise,  are  so  well  satisfied  ; 
nothing  which  they  more  frecjuently  recommend  to  the  con- 
sideration of  those  Europeans  who  are  alarmed  at  the  progress 
which  democracy  makes  in  the  Old  World. 

IX.  Direct  Legislation  by  the  People.^  —  In  this  respect  also 
the  example  of  the  several  States  —  for  the  Federal  government 
is  not  in  point  —  deserves  to  be  well  studied  by  English  and 
French  statesmen.  The  plan,  whose  merits  seem  to  me  in 
America  to  outweigh  its  defects,  could  hardly  work  as  well 
in  a  large  country  as  it  does  in  communities  of  the  size  of  the 
American  States,  and  in  the  new  form  of  Initiative  it  offers  an 
alluringly  easy  means  of  effecting  radical  changes.  The  method 
is  useful  less  by  its  own  merits  than  by  comparison  with  the 
faults  of  the  legislatures.  The  people  are  as  likely  to  be  right 
in  judgment  as  are  those  bodies ;  and  they  are  more  honest 
and  more  independent,  but  in  countries  which  have  capable 
and  trustworthy  legislatures  direct  legislation  might  work  ill  by 
lowering  the  dignity  and  importance  of  such  bodies.  It  would 
be  an  appeal  from  comparative  knowledge  to  comparative 
ignorance.  This  consideration  does  not  apply  to  its  use  in 
local  affairs,  where  it  stimulates  the  activity  of  the  citizen  with- 
out superseding  the  administrative  body. 

X.  Locnl  Self-government.^  —  Nothing  has  more  contributed 
to  give  strength  and  flexibility  to  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  or  to  train  the  masses  of  the  people  to  work  their  demo- 
cratic institutions,  than  the  existence  everywhere  in  the  Northern 
States  of  self-governing  administrative  units,  such  as  towTiships, 
small  enough  to  enlist  the  personal  interest  and  be  subject  to 
the  personal  watchfulness  and  control  of  the  ordinary  citizen. 
Abuses  have  indeed  sprung  up  in  the  cities,  and  in  the  case 
of  the  largest  among  them  have  become  formidable,  partly 
because  the  principle  of  local  control  has  not  been  sufliciently 
adhered  to.  Nevertheless  the  system  of  local  government  as  a 
whole  has  been  not  merely  beneficial,  but  indispen.sable,  and 
well  deserves  the  study  of  those  who  in  Europe  are  alive  to  the 
evils  of  centralization,  and  perceive  that  those  evils  will  not 


'  'i 


« S6e  Chapter  XXXIX. 


» See  Chapters  XLVIII-LII. 


ill 


660 


ILLUSTRATIONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


PART   V 


nccossarily  diminish  with  a  further  democratization  of  such 
countries  as  Britain,  Germany,  and  Italy.  I  do  not  say  that  in 
any  of  the  great  European  states  the  mass  of  the  rural  population 
is  equally  competent  with  the  American  to  work  such  a  system  : 
still  it  presents  a  mwlel  towards  which  European  institutions 
ought  to  tend.  Very  ditT.  .-ent  is  the  lesson  which  th(>  American 
cities  teach.  It  is  a  lesson  of  what  to  avoid.  Nowhere  have 
the  conjoint  influen<-es  of  false  theory,  iiarty  cohesion,  and  the 
apathy  of  gocxl  citizens,  together  wth  a  recklessly  grantinl  suf- 
frage, rendered  municipal  government  so  wasteful,  inefficient, 

and  impure. 

XI.  The  Absence  of  o  Chnrch  Kstnblinhnient.  —  A«  the  dis- 
cussion of  ecclesiastical  matters  belongs  to  a  later  part  of  this 
book,'  I  must  be  content  with  observing  that  in  America  every- 
body, to  whatever  religious  communion  he  belongs,  professes 
satisfaction  with  the  complete  separation  of  Church  and  State. 
This  separation  has  not  tended  to  make  religion  less  of  a  force 
in  America  as  respects  either  political  or  social  reform,  nor  does 
it  prevent  the  peojile  from  fonsidering  Christianity  to  be  the 
national   religion,  and  their  commonwealth  an  object  of  the 

Divine  care. 

XII.  Partji  Machimry.-  — The  tremendous  power  of  party 
organization  has  l)een  (lescribe<l.     It  enslaves  local  officials,  it 
increas(>s  the  tendency  to  regard  members  of  Congress  as  mere 
delegates,  it  keeps  men  of  independent  character  out  of  local 
and  national  politics,  it  puts  l)ad  men  into  place,  it  perverts 
the  wishes  of  the  people,  it  has  in  some  places  set  up  a  tyranny 
under  the  forms  of  detnocrucy.     Vet  it  is  hard  to  see  iiow  fre(! 
government  can  go  on  without  parties,  and  certain  that   the 
strenuous  rivahy  of  parties  will  not  disi)ense  with  machinery. 
The  moral  seems  to  be  the  old   one  that    "  Eternal  vigilancf 
is  the  price  of  freedom,"  that  the  best  citizens  must,  as  the 
Americans  sav,  "take  hold,"   must    by   themsehes  accepting 
posts  in  the  organization  keep  it  from  falling  into  the  hands 
of  professionals,  must  entrust  as  f(>w  hu^rative  places  as  i)os- 
sible   to  popular  election   or   political  patronage,   must   leave; 
reasonable  discretion  to  their  representatives  in  the  national 
councils,  must    oudravour    to    maintain    in  pohtics  the   same* 
standard  of  honour  which  guides  them  in  private  life.     These 
are  moral  rather  than  political  precepts,  but  ])arty  organization 

'  Sio  (  hupt.  rs  <  '.\  Miitl  ( 'XI.  '  Sl*;  Chapters  LIX-LXV. 


CHAP,  nil    AMRRir.VN*   RXPRRIENTK    FOR    KUROPK 


(i(U 


is  one  of  those  tliiuj;-^  wliicli  is  jiiood  or  had  iiccordiuK  to  the 
spirit  with  whicli  it  is  worked. 

XIII.  The  rnatlradivene.ss  of  Politics.^  —  Partly  from  the 
influence  of  party  machinery,  partly  from  peculiarities  of  the 
Federal  Constitution,  partly  from  social  and  economical  causes, 
the  American  system  has  hut  imperfectly  succeeded  in  bringing 
the  best  men  to  the  top.  Vet  in  democracy  more  perhaps  than 
in  other  governments,  se«'ing  it  is  the  most  ilelicate  and  difficult 
of  governments,  it  is  essential  that  the  best  men  should  com»'  to 
the  top.  There  is  in  this  fact  matter  for  Europeans  to  reflect 
u|)on,  for  they  have  assumed  that  political  success  will  always 
attract  ambition,  and  that  public  life  will  draw  to  itself  at 
least  enough  of  the  liighest  al)ility.  .Vmerica  disproves  the 
assumption.  Her  example  does  not,  however,  throw  much  light 
on  the  way  to  keep  politics  attractive,  for  her  conditions  are 
dissimilar  to  those  of  European  coimtries,  where  ambition  finds 
less  scope  for  distinction  in  the  field  of  industrial  enterprise, 
and  rank  is  less  disjoined  from  political  eminence. 

XIV.  The  Power  of  Weolth.  —  Plutocracy  usetl  to  be  consid- 
ere<l  a  form  of  oligarchy,  and  opposed  to  democracy.  But 
there  is  a  strong  i)lutocratic  element  infused  into  American 
democracy;  and  the  fact  that  constitutions  ignore  differences 
of  property,  treatin'g  all  vot(>rs  alike,  makes  it  neither  less  potent 
nor  less  mischievous.  ( )f  the  power  of  wealth  democracies  may 
say,  with  Dante,  Here  we  find  the  great  enemy.'-  Though  it 
has  afflicted  all  forms  of  government,  it  seems  specially  per- 
nicious in  a  popular  govermnent,  because  when  the  disease  ap- 
peared under  despotisms  and  oligarciiies.  freedom  was  deemed 
the  only  and  sufficient  antidote.  E.xperience,  however,  shows 
that  in  democracies  it  is  no  less  menacing,  for  the  personal 
interest  of  the  average  man  in  good  government  —  and  in  a  large 
tlemocrac:,  he  feels  himself  insignificant  —  is  overborne  by  tlie 
inducements  which  wealth,  skilfully  "mployed,  can  offer  him  ; 
and  when  once  the  average  man's  standard  of  public  virtue  has 
been  lowered  by  the  sight  of  numerous  deflections  from  virtue 
in  others,  great  is  the  difficulty  of  raising  it.  In  the  I'nited 
States  the  money  power  acts  l)y  corrupting  sometimes  the  voter, 
sometimes  tlie  juror,  sometimes  the  legislator,  sonietijues  a  whole 
party;  for  large  subscriptions  and  promises  of  political  support 


:.':?. 


J   ! 


'  n 


■'  Sf-c  Chapters  LVHl  and  LXXIV, 

2(iuivi  tiuvaiiiiiii)  I'hito  il  uraii  iiciiiiro  :   Inf.  VI,  115. 


602 


TLLUSTRATTONS  AND  REFLECTIONS 


7ART  t 


have  been  known  to  influence  a  party  to  procure  or  refrain  from 
such  legislation  as  wealth  desires  or  fears.  The  rich,  and  espe- 
cially great  corporations,  have  not  only  enterprises  to  promot 
but  dangers  to  escape  from  at  the  hands  of  unscrupulous 
demagogues  or  legislators.  But  whether  their  action  has  this 
palliation  or  not,  the  belief,  often  well  grouncUnl,  that  they 
exercise  a  secret  power  in  their  own  interests,  exasperates  other 
sections  of  the  community,  and  has  been  a  factor  m  producing 
not  only  unwise  legislation  directed  against  them,  but  also 
outbreaks  of  lawless  violence.  ,     ,        .  • 

To  these  scattered  observations,  which  I  have  made  abrupt  in 
ortler  to  avoid  being  led  into  repetitions,  I  need  hardly  add  the 
general  moral  which  the  United  States  teach,  that  thp  masses 
of  the  people  are  more  reasonable,  and  more  temperate  m 
anv  matter  to  which  they  can  be  inductnl  to  bend  their  minds 
thkn  most  European  philosophers  have  l)elieved  it  possible  for 
the  masse-  ^f  the  people  to  l)e ;  because  this  is  the  moral  which 
the  prece  'iiu.  chapters  on  Public  Opinion  have  been  intended 
to  make  clear.     But  the  reader  is  again  to  be  reminded  that 
while  the  foregoing  points  are  those  in  which  Amencan  expe- 
rience seems  most  directly  available  for  European  states    he 
must   not    expect  the    problems  America  has  dealt  with  to 
reappear  in  Europe  in  the  same  forms.     Such  facts  —  to  men- 
tion two  only  out  of  many  -  as  the  abundance  of  land  ami 
the  absence  of  menace  from  other  Powers  show  how  dissimilar 
are  the  conditions  under  which  popular  government  works  in 
the  Eastern  and  in  the  Western  hemisphere.    Instructive  as 
American  experience  may  b-  if  discreetly  used,   nothing  will 
be  more  misleading  to  one        -     ies  to  apply  it  without  allow- 
ing for  the  differences  of  econo.iuc  and  social  environment. 


U 


PART  VI 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


.'■!• 


-■i 


r 


CHAPTER  CIV 


THE  BAR 


Among  the  organized  institutions  of  a  country  which,  while 
not  directly  a  part  of  tlie  government,  influence  politics  as  well 
as  society,  the  Bar  has  in  England,  Scotland,  and  France  played 
a  part  only  second  to  that  played  by  the  Church.  Certainly 
no  English  institution  is  more  curiously  and  distinctively 
EngHsh  than  this  body,  with  its  venerable  traditions,  its  aristo- 
cratic sympathies,  its  strong,  though  now  declining,  corporate 
spirit,  its  affinity  for  certain  forms  of  literature,  its  singular 
relation,  half  of  dependence,  half  of  condescension,  to  the  solici- 
tors, its  friendly  control  over  its  official  superiors,  the  judges. 
To  see  how  such  an  institution  has  shaped  itself  and  thriven 
in  a  new  country  is  to  secure  an  excellent  means  of  estimating 
the  ideas,  conditions,  and  habits  which  affect  and  colour  the 
social  system  of  that  country,  as  well  as  to  examine  one  of  the 
chief  among  the  secondary  forces  of  public  life.  It  is  therefore 
not  merely  for  the  sake  of  satisfying  the  curiosity  of  Enghsh 
lawyers  that  I  propose  to  sketch  some  of  the  salient  features  of 
the  legal  profession  as  it  exists  in  the  United  States,  and  to  show 
how  it  has  developetl  apart  from  the  restrictions  imposcnl  on  it 
in  England  by  ancient  custom,  and  under  the  unchecked  opera- 
tion of  the  laws  of  demand  and  supply. 

When  England  sent  out  her  colonies,  the  Bar,  like  most  of 
her  other  institutions,  reappeared  upon  the  new  soil,  and  had 
gained  before  the  revolution  of  1776  a  position  similar  to  that 
it  held  at  home,  not  owing  to  any  deliberate  purpose  on  the 
part  of  those  who  led  and  ruled  the  new  communities  (for  the 
Puritan  settlers  at  least  held  lawyers  in  slight  esteem),  but  be- 
cause the  conditions  of  a  progressive  society  required  its  exist- 
ence. That  disposition  to  simplify  anfl  pnpul.Trize  Law,  to 
make  it  less  of  a  mystery  and  bring  it  more  uithin  the  reach 
of  an  average  citizen,  which  is  strong  in  modern  Europe,  is 
of  course  still  stronger  in  a  colony,  anil  naturally  tended  in 

665 


66U 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


Amoricu  to  losson  tlu>  ccrponit.'  (.xclusiv.>!u«ss  of  thr  I.>kh   pro- 
^Tso      uul  .lo  aWHy  with  th.  antiMUut..,l  rules  wln.-h  IwuUov- 
oruHli  inE..slana.    ()ntluM.llu.rh:m,MluMmT.asmKco.npl.x.ty 
o     olutions  in  nuKlorn  s...MHy,  unci  tl,.  <K>v.  opnu-nl  of  .nany  n.>w 
a  tVa,ui  .W.artnu-nts  of  appli..!  sn.-u-,  h-mj,  u.lo  an  a  ways 
doarrr  light  tho  importance  of  a  division  of  lal-our  a  ul  hy  M- 
Sig  greater  value  to  special  knowledge  an.l  skill     tend  to 
i  mtand  define  the  aetivity   of  ev.-ry  profession.     In  spite, 
Sef  re,  of  the  den.oeratie  aversion  to  exelus.ve  organizations 
t  0  tvers  in  AnuMiea  s..on  aec.uired  professional  halats  and 
a  coi.  ute  spirit  similar  to  .hat  of  their  brethren  m  England . 
andTrlv  last  cntury  they  ha.l  reaehed  a  power  a.u    s<,eial 
consideration  relatively  greater  than  the  liar  has  ever  held  on  the 
pastern  side  of  the  At lantie. 

But  the  most  charaetc-ristie  peeuliarity  of  the  ^-f^^y^ 
disappeared.     In  the  Inited  States,  as  m  sonu  par  s  of  Europe , 
an7n  ost    British    colonies,    there   is   no   distmetiou   he  wmi 
barristers  and  attorneys.     Every  lawyer  or  ''eov.ns  1      s  per- 
mitted to  take  ..very  kiml  of  business:  he  may  aigue  a  .  ausi 
in  the  Supreme  Federal  court  at  Washington,  or  write  six-aiu  - 
Utpennv  letters  from  a  shopkeeper  to  an  obstinate  debtor. 
He  n  av  hinis(>lf  eon.luet  all  the  proeeedings  in  a  cause,  confer 
^^-ith  the  client,  issue  the  writ,  draw  the  declaration,  get  toj^'the 
the  evidence,  prepare  the  brief,  an<l  conduct  the  ease  whenit 
comes  on  in  ciurt.     He  is  employed,  not  like  the  English  bar- 
rister, by  another  professional  man,  but  by  the  ^jl/ent  hm.self, 
who  seeks  him  out  and  makes  his  bargain  directly  with  him, 
just  as  in  England  people  call  in  a  physician  or  make  their 
bargain  with  an  architect.     In  spite,  however,  of  this  union  o 
all  a  lawver's  functions  in  the  same  person,  considerations  of 
practical  convenience  have  in  many  places  f  ^'f '^ll^^;^/';*- 
sion  of  labour  similar  to  that  existing  in  England.     W  here  t^o 
or  more  lawyers  are  in  partnership,  it  often  happens  that  one 
member  undertakes  the  court  work  and  the  duties  of  the  advo- 
cate, while  another  or  others  transact  the  rest  of  the  business, 
see   the   clients,   conduct    correspondence,   hunt   up  evidence 
prepare  witnesses  for  examination,  an.l  manage  the  thousand 
ittle  things  for  which  a  man  goes  to  his  attorney.     The  ment= 
of  the  plan  are  obvious.     It  saves  the  senior  meml,er  from 
drudgery,  and  from  being  .listracted  by  petty  details ;  it  intro- 
iuces  th^  juniors  to  business,  and  enables  them  to  profit  by 


CHAP,  riv 


THE   BAR 


667 


;''ii 


the  j'Xporicncc  iiml  kuDwIcdKc  of  the  niaturo  priictitioiicr ;  it 
wcuros  to  tlic  vVu'iiX  tlif  licncfit  of  a  closer  attfiition  to  details 
than  a  leailinn  (•(jiiiisei  could  he  expected  to  Rive,  while  yet 
the  whole  of  his  suit  is  niaiiaifed  in  tlie  same  office,  and  the 
rpsp«)iisihility  is  not  (hvidiMJ,  as  in  Knjjland,  between  two  inde- 
pendent jiersona^fes.  However,  tlie  custcjni  of  forniirik  lejral 
partnerships  is  one  which  prevails  nuich  more  extensively  in 
some  parts  of  the  I'nion  than  in  others.  In  Hoston  and  New 
York,  for  instance,  it  is  common,  and  I  think  in  the  Western 
cities;  in  the  towns  of  Coimecticiit  and  in  Pliiladelphia  one 
is  tohl  that  it  is  rather  the  exception.  Kven  apart  from  the 
arranf^ement  which  distril)utes  the  various  kinds  of  l)usiness 
amonK  the  menihers  of  a  Hrm,  there  is  a  icrtain  tendency 
for  work  of  a  different  character  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  dif- 
ferent men.  .V  hejiinner  is  of  course  tlad  enoujrh  to  lie  employetl 
in  any  way,  and  takes  willinjily  lite  smaller  johs  ;  he  will  conduct 
a  defence  in  a  police-court,  or  manage  the  recovery  of  a  trades- 
man's jM'tty  debt.  I  remember  havinir  been  told  by  a  very 
eminent  coun.s(>l  that  when  an  old  ajiiih-woman  applied  to  his 
son  to  have  her  market  licence  renewed,  which  for  some  reason 
had  been  withdrawn,  he  had  insi>led  on  the  younfi  man's  taking 
up  the  case.  As  he  rises,  it  Ix'ciimcs  e;i.-ier  for  him  to  select 
his  business,  and  when  he  has  altiiined  real  eniinei;ce  he  may 
confine  himself  entirely  to  the  hi^iher  walks,  arjminu  cases  and 
giving  opinions,  l)ut  leaving  most  of  the  i)reparatory  work  and 
all  the  eomnnmications  with  the  client  to  be  done  by  the  juniors 
who  are  retained  along  with  him.  lie  is.  in  fact,  with  the  impor- 
tant difference  that  he  is  liable  \'uv  ;uiy  netiligenc( ,  '.cry  nuich  in 
the  position  of  an  English  leader  or  King's  counsel,  and  his  ser- 
vices are  sought,  not  only  by  the  client,  but  by  another  c-ounsel, 
or  firm  of  counsel,  who  have  an  importiuit  suit  in  hand,  to  which 
they  feel  themselves  uneiiual.  He  may  however  be.  and  often  is, 
retained  lUrectly  by  th(>  client  :  aiul  in  tliat  case  he  i>  a"'»wed  to 
retain  a  junior  to  aid  him,  or  to  desire  the  client  to  do  so.  naming 
the  man  he  wishes  for.  a  thing  which  tlie  eti(|uette  of  the  EngHsh 
bar  is  supposed  to  forbid.  In  I'very  great  city  tliere  are  several 
practitioners  of  this  kind,  men  who  only  undertake  the  ^\eightiest 
business  at  the  largest  fe(>s ;  and  even  in  tti"  minor  towns  court 
practice  is  in  the  hands  of  a  companitively  small  group.  In  one 
New  England  citv,  for  instance,  whose  i)opuIati<)n  is  about 
50,000,  there  are,  I  was  tokl,  some  sixty  or  seventy  practising 


'1  -i 


«t(iS 


SOCIAL   IN'STITl'TIONS 


PAHT    VI 


l:i\\\«i>.  «>l  wluMii  not  iiiori'  (liaii  tfU  t»r  Iwtlvi'  t'VtT  rtmiliui  ii 
raw"'  ill  f.mil.  tlu>  rctimiiuU'r  <l«»iiiK  what  EiiKliHiiiucii  w«»iil»l 
I'jill  attdiiify's  :iiul  coiivryaiictT's  wor.v. 

Wliatrvcr  disailvaiitaKi's  this  systciii  «)f  one  uiitlivi(l«Hl  le^al 
proffssion  lias,  it  has  one  conspicuous  merit,  on  which  any  one 
wiio  is  atcustoincl  to  watcli  the  career  of  tlie  swarm  of  young 
men  who  annually  i)ress  into  the  Temi)le  or  Lincoln's  Iiui  full 
of  hri^ht  luipes,  may  l>e  pardonetl  for  (IwellinR.     It  ufTords  u 
far  Itetter  prt»spect  of  speedy  employnu'iit  and  an  active  pro- 
fessional life,  than  tin*  lM>j«;inner  who  is  not  "stroiiKly  backed" 
can  lot»k  f«irward  to  in  England.     Private  friends  caii  do  much 
more  t»)  help  a  youn^  man,  since  he  Rets  business  direct  from 
the  client  instead  of  from  a  solicitor;  h'  may  i)ick  up  little 
hits  of  work  which  his  prosperous  seniors  do  not  care  to  have, 
may  thereby  learn  thosi>  details  of  practice  of  which  in  Eng- 
lanil  a  barrist(>r  often  remains  ignorant,  may  Rain  experience 
and  confidence  in  his  own  powers,  may  teach  himself  how  to 
speak  and  how  t»)  deal  with  men,  may  gradually  form  a  con- 
nection amonK  those  ftir  whom  he  has  managwl  trifling  matters, 
mav  commend  himself  to  the  rojhI  opinion  of  older  lawyers, 
who  will  be  glad  to  retain  him  as  their  junior  when  they  have 
a  brief  to  give  away.     So  far  he  is  better  off  than  the  young 
barrister  in  Englaad.     He  is  also,  in  another  way,  more  favour- 
al)ly  placed  than  the  young  English  solicitor.    He  is  not  taught  to 
rely  in  cases  of  legal  difficulty  upon  the  opinion  of  another  person. 
He  does  not  see  the  path  of  an  honourable  ambition,  the  oppor- 
tunities of  forensic  oratory,  the  access  to  the  judicial  bench, 
definitely  closed  against  him,  but  has  the  fullest  freedom  to 
choose  whatever  line  his  talents  fit  him  for.     Every  English 
lawyer's  experience,  as  it  furnishes  him  with  cases  where  a  man 
was  obliged  to  remain  an  attorney  who  would  have  shone  as  a 
counsel,  so  also  suggests  cases  of  persons  who  were  believwl,  and 
with  n-asoii  believed,  by  their  friends  to  possess  the  highest 
forensic  abilities,  but  literally  never  had  the  chance  of  displaying 
them,  and  languished  on  in  obscurity,  while  others  in  every  way 
inferior  to  them  became,  by  mere  dint  of  i)ractice,  fitter  for 
ultimate  success.     (Juite  otherwise  in  America.     There,  accord- 
ing to  the  universal  witness  of  laymen  and  lawyers,  no  man 
who  combines  fair  talents  with  rea.-onable   industry  fails  to 
earn  a  conjpetence,  and  to  have,  within  the  first  .six  or  seven  years 
of  his  career,  an  opportunity  of  .showing  whether  he  has  in  him 


CHAP.   <  IV 


THK  BAR 


im 


the  makings  o.  somothinR  Rroat.  This  is  not  eluc,  us  iiiiKlit  Ik; 
Hupposofl,  merely  to  tlie  Krcuter  opportunities  wliicli  every- 
IkkIv  has  in  a  new  country,  and  which  nuiivc  Anwricji  the  workiiiK 
man's  paradise,  for,  in  the  Hast  em  States  at  least,  the  profes- 
sions are  nearly  as  crow(le<l  as  they  are  in  Knulaiid.  It  is  nwinn 
to  the  greater  variety  ttf  practi<'e  which  lies  open  to  a  youtin  man, 
and  t«)  the  fact  that  his  patrons  are  the  ucn<'ral  pul)lic,  and  not, 
as  in  Kn^land,  a  liniite<l  class  who  liave  their  own  friends  and 
c<»nnections  to  push.  Certain  it  is  that  .\inerican  lawyers  pn)fcss 
themselves  unal>l<'  to  (n»derst.in<l  how  it  can  hajjpen  that  deserv- 
ing men  remain  hriefless  for  the  hest  years  of  their  life,  and  are  at 
last  ohliKCfl  to  f|uit  the  profession  in  disnust. 

A  further  result  of  the  more  free  and  open  character  of  the 
profession  may  be  seen  in  the  ahseiice  of  many  of  those  rules 
of  etiquette  which  are,  in  theory  at  least,  oltscrvcd  My  the  Kiik- 
lish  lawyer.  It  is  not  thought  undignified,  except  in  the  great 
cities  of  the  East(Tn  States,  for  a  counsel  in  advertise  himself 
in  the  newspapers.'  Ht>  is  aIIowe(l  to  make  whatever  hargain  he 
plea.ses  with  liis  client  :  he  may  do  w(trk  foi  nothinn,  or  n)ay 
stipulate  for  a  c(mimis.sion  on  the  result  of  the  suit  or  a  share 
in  whatever  the  verdict  pnMluces-  a  pr.ictice  which  is  oj)en  to 
grave  ohjecticms,  and  which,  in  the  o|)inion  of  more  than  one 
eminent  American  lawyer,  has  produced  a  goo<l  deal  of  the  mis- 
chief which  caused  it  to  hv  seventeen  centuries  ago  prohihited 
at  Rome.  However,  in  som(>  cities  the  sentiment  of  the  I5ar 
seems  to  he  opposed  to  the  jiractice.  and  in  some  Stat<'s  there 
are  rules  limiting  it.  .V  counsel  can,  exce|)t  in  New  .Icrsty 
(a  State  curiously  conservative  in  somi'  points),  i.ring  ai.  actioi" 
for  the  recovery  of  his  f<>es,  and,  ixirl  nitionc,  can  he  sued  for 
negliRence  in  the  con<luct  of  a  cause. 

A  lawyer  can  readily  gain  admission  to  practise  in  tiif  Fed- 
eral courts,  and  may  hy  courtesy  practise  in  the  courts  of 
every  State.  But  each  State  has  its  own  Mar,  tliat  is  to  say, 
there  is  no  general  or  national  organization  of  the  legal  pro- 
fession, tlie  laws  regulating  which  are  State  laws,  differing  in 
each  of  the  forty-eight  commonwealths.  In  no  State  does  there 
exist  any  hcMly  res(<ml)ling  the  Knglish  Iims  of  Court,  with 
the  right  of  admitting  to  the  pra^'tire  of  j)u!'!ie  advocacy  and 
of   exerci.sing    a   disciplinary   jurisdiction  :    an<l    in   few    have 


'  ("aliforni;i  li:i.s  [Kissed  ;i  slatuti'  forliiil'liiii; 
cases. 


\<i\  tu  advert isc  for  divorc* 


670 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTION'S 


TAKT    VJ 


]l\ 


any  profcssiunul  artHtu-iations  rcsHnihling  th«'  English  In('i)rp<> 
ratcul  Uw  Sdcicty  olttjiiiu'd  Mtututory  n'ldniiitioii.     StuU*  liiw 
geiKTully   vt'sts  ill  the  «'»)Uits  ihv  duty  of  tKliiuttiiiK  persons 
as  attomry.s,  uiul  of  cxfUitliiiK  tbcm  if  ^Mlilty  of  uiiy  scrioua 
offonn-.     But  the  ovorsinlit  of  the  jii<in«s  is  necessarily  so  lax 
that  in  many  States  and  eities  voluntary  liar  Associations  have 
been  fornH  <l  with  the  view  of  exereisniK  a  sort  of  censorship  over 
the  profession.     Such  associations  can  l>lackl>all  Nad  caiididuti-s 
for  admission,  and  exj)el  otYenders  against  i)rofessiniial  honour; 
and  they  are  said  to  accoini)lisli  sjine  ^ood  in  this  way.     More 
rarely  they  institute  proceedings  to  have  l>lack  sheej)  removed 
from  practice.     Heinu  virtually  an  oi)en  profi-ssion,  like  stock- 
brokiriK  or  ennineerinK,  the  jjrofession  has  less  of  a  distinctive 
character  and  corporate  feeiini,'  than  the  i)arristers  of  lOiiKlui.d 
or  France  have,  and  perhaps  less  tliaii  the  suliciiors  of  Eng- 
land have.     Neither  wiji,  hands,  nowu.  cap,  nor  any  other  pr()- 
fessional  costume  is  worn,  and  this  circumstance,  trivial  as  it 
may  seem,  no  doubt  contriinites  to  weaken  the  sentiment  of 
profes-sional  privilege  and  di«nity,  and  to  obscure  the  (hstinction 
between  the  advocate  in  his  individual  caiiacityand  the  advocate 
as  an  advo'ate.  not  deemetl  to  be  phdnhiK  himself  to  the  truth 
of  any  fact  or  the  stuindnessof  any  argument,  but  simply  present- 
ing  his  client's  case  as  it  is  presented  to  him. 

In  most  States  the  judges  impose  some  sort  of  examination 
on  persons  seeking  to  be  admitted  to  practice,  often  <h>lej!;atinK 
the  duty  of  questioning  the  candidate  to  two  or  (hree  counsel 
named  for  the  purpose.  Candidates  are  sometimes  reciuired 
to  have  read  for  a  certain  period  in  a  lawyer's  office,  l)Ut  this 
condition  is  easily  evaded,  and  the  examination,  nowhere  strict, 
is  often  little  better  than  a  form  or  a  farce.  XotwithstandinK 
this  laxity,  tlie  level  of  legal  attainment  is  in  some  cities  as 
high  or  higher  than  among  either  the  banisters  or  the  solicitors 
of  London.  This  is  due  to  the  (>xtraor(linary  excelh  .-e  of  many 
of  the  law  schools.  I  do  not  know  if  there  is  anytliing  in  which 
America  has  advanced  more  beyon<l  the  mother  country  than  in 
the  provision  she  makes  for  l(>gal  eilucation.'  As  fur  back  as  IStiO, 
when  there  was  nothing  that  could  be  called  a  scientihc  school 

>  Modern  EiiKlund  si-onis  to  stand  alom-  in  her  comrmrativc  iiifih-ct  of  tho 
theoretic  study  nf  law  as  a  preparation  for  h-cal  practiee.  Otlier  countries, 
from  CJernianv  at  tli<-  one  end  of  the  scale  of  civilization  to  tlie  Molianiiiiedan 
East  at  the  other  end.  exact  three,  four,  five,  or  r'ven  more  years  spent  lu  this 
Study  bi-fore  the  aspirant  tx'gins  his  practical  work. 


CHAP.   CIV 


THK  BAIt 


071 


of  law  in  KukIuikI,  tlic  Inns  of  Court  luivinn  pnicticully  eeuwHl 
to  trach  law,  n'.\i\  tlic  imivcrsitit's  liaviiin  allowcil  their  two  or 
three  ol<l  <  'iair-<  to  fall  into  iienlert  Jtiid  i)rovi<i«'«l  scarce  any 
new  om  ,  M-veral  Aiiiericaii  iiiiivtrsities  possessed  wel|-e(|uipp<?d 
law  departments,  ^ivin)?  a  IiIrIiIv  eHicient  iti-^truetion.  Even 
now,  when  ImihI.uuI  has  iiestirred  heiself  to  make  a  more  ade- 
qiiate  provision  lor  the  professional  training;  of  lK)th  harristerH 
and  solicitors,  this  provision  s<'enis  insiKiiifieant  heside  that  which 
we  find  in  the  I'nited  States,  where,  not  to  speak  of  minor  insti- 
tutions, all  the  leading  universities  possess  law  schiMtls,  in  each 
ot  which  every  hranch  of  An>{lo-.\merican  law,  i.e.  common 
law  and  e(iuity  as  m<Hlitied  l»y  Federal  and  State  (■••nstitutions 
and  statutes,  is  taught  hv'a  stroim  start"  of  ahle  men,  sometimes 
including  the  most  eminent  'awyers  of  the  State.'  Here  at 
least  the  princii)l(>  of  demaiu.  <id  supply  works  to  perfection. 
No  one  is  ol»li(ie<l  to  attend  ,.iese  courses  in  order  to  obtain 
admission  to  practice,  and  the  examinaHons  ar(>  generally  too 
lax  to  re(iuire  elalKir.ite  preparation.  Mut  the  instruction  is 
found  so  valuable,  so  helpful  for  professional  success,  th.at  young 
men  throng  the  lecture  halls,  willin<i;Iy  sfM-nding  two  or  throe 
years  in  the  scientific  study  of  the  law  which  they  might  have 
spent  in  the  chambers  of  a  i)ractising  lawyer  as  pujals  or  as 
junior  partners.  The  indirect  results  of  this  theoretic  study  in 
maintaining  a  philosophical  interest  in  the  law  among  the  higher 
class  of  practitioners,  and  a  hiijilier  sense  of  the  dignity  of  their 
profes.sion,  are  doubly  valual)le  in  that  absence  of  corporate 
organizations  on  which  I  have  already  cominentcd.- 

In  what  may  be  called  habits  of  legal  thought,  their  way  of 
regarding  legal  (piestions,  their  attitu<l«'  towards  changes  in 
the  form  or  substance  of  the  law,  American  practitioners,  while 


nj 


M 


III 


'  Thir'  iii.itnictidii  is  in  iimsi  of  tin'  li«  sciiools  cimfiiii'il  tn  .AnKlo-Aiiicriran 
law.  (iinittirin  throntic  jiiri.-iniiciriic.',  Honiiiii  law  (ivicpt.  of  cDiirsc,  in  Louisi- 
HK'..  where  tlic  Civil  F,:iw  is  the  liasis  of  tlir  cddc)  ;iii<l  international  law. 
The  latter  sulijeets  are,  ImwiMr.  m.w  lieKiniiiiiLr  to  Ix'  more  fre<Hientl.v  tauuht, 
thoiiKli  .sonietiniis  plaeeil  in  the  histnrieal  euirieiiluni.  In  some  few  law  schools 
eduia'.ioijal  value  is  attrildited  to  the  niofif  courts  in  which  the  stu<leiitb  are 
net  to  armie  eases,  a  niethiMl  much  in  \  oune  in  laiiriaiiii  two  <enturie8  ligit. 

'  .S>ini'  of  the  hest  .\meiican  law-l«>oks.  a~.  fir  instance.  »hat  admirable 
series  which  niach'  .Justice  Storv  famous,  ha\c  !ieen  produced  as  le.turoa  civen 
to  students.  Stor.v  was  profes-^or  at  H.irvanl  \<hili'  judiie  of  the  .Supreme 
Court,  and  uwil  to  travel  to  and  from  Wa-hiMi;ton  to  i;iv<-  his  leeturi>s.  \  fow 
years  hko  there  were  siveral  men  i"  larsre  practice  who  use<l  to  teach  in  the 
law  .schools  out  of  public  spirit  and  from  their  love  of  the  subject,  rather  than 
in  resnect  of  tlie  comparatively  small  puymeut  they  received. 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   \i 


U     I 


,l„selv  n'Sfinl.liiiK  their  ICnglish  biethn-n,  seem  on  the  whole 
„,ore 'conservative.     Su.-h  law  ref(  mis  as  have  been  effected  m 
Kushuul  .lurins  the  last  century  have  mostly  come  from  the 
profession  itself.     They  have  been  carried  through  Parliament 
l,v  attornevs-general  or  lord-chancellors,  usually  with  the  tacit 
approval  of  the  bar  and  the  solicitors.     The  masses  and  their 
leaders  have  seldom  ventured  to  lay  profane  fingers  on  the  law, 
either  in  despair  of  understanding  it  or  because  they  saw  nearer 
an.l  more  important  work  to  be  done.     Hence  the  profession  has 
in  England  been  seldom  roused  to  oppose  projects  of  change; 
and  its  division  into  two  branches,  with  interests  sometimes 
divergent ,  weakens  its  political  influence.     In  the  Unitetl  States, 
although  the  legislatures  are  larg(>ly  composed  of  lawyers,  many 
of  these  have  little  practice,   Uttle  knowledge,  comparatively 
little  professional  feeling.     Hence  there  is  usually  a  latent  and 
sometimes  an  open  hostility  between  the  better  kind  of  lawyers 
and  the  impulses  of  the  masses,  seeking  probably  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  some  lawyer  of  a  demagogic  turn  to  carry  through  legal 
changes     The  defensive  attitude  which  the  upper  part  of  the 
i)r  -  sion    is    thus  led   to    assume  fosters  those  conservative 
instincts  which  a  svstem  of  case  law  engenders,  and  which  are 
further  stimulated  l)v  the  liabit  of  constantly  recurring  to  a 
fundamental  instrument,  th    Fwleral  Constitution.     Thus  one 
finds  the  same  dislik(>  to  theory,  the  same  attachment  to  ol( 
forms    the  same  unwillingness  to  be  committed  to  any  broad 
I)rinciple    which    distinguished  the  orthodox  type  of    English 
lawvers  in  the  first  half  of  last  century.     Preju.iicps  survive  on 
the' shores  of   the  Mississippi  which   Bentham   assailed  when 
those  shores  were  inhal)ited    only  by   Indians    and    beavers; 
and  in  Chicago,  a  i)lace  which  living  men  remember  as  a  lonely 
swam]),  special  denmrrers,  r(>plications  (k  injuria,  and  various 
elaborate  formalities  of  pleading  which  were  swept  a^ay  oy 
the  English  ( "onimon  Law  Procedure  Acts  of  18')0  and  18o2, 
flourish  and  abound  to  this  day. 

Is  the  American  lawvi-r  more  like  an  English  barrister  or 
an  English  solicitor?  this  depends  on  the  position  he  holds. 
The  leading  counsel  of  a  city  recall  the  former  clas-,  the  aver- 
age ijractitioners  of  the  smaller  places  and  rural  thstucts  the 
latter.  But  as  every  American  lawyer  has  the  right  ol  advo- 
cacy in  the  highest  courts,  and  is  accustomed  to  advise  clients^ 
hiniself  instead  of  sending  a  case  for  opinion  to  a  counsel  of 


CHAP.    CIV 


THE   HAR 


(i7;J 


eminence,  the  level  uf  le^al  knowledge  that  is  to  say,  knowl- 
edge of  the  principles  and  sul^stance  of  the  law,  and  not  merely 
of  the  rules  of  practice  —  is  somewhat  higher  than  among  English 
solicitors,  while  the  familiarity  with  details  of  practice  is  more 
certain  to  he  found  than  among  English  barristers.  Neith(>r 
an  average  barrister  nor  an  average  solicitor  is  so  likely  to  have 
a  good  working  all-round  knovvledge  of  the  whole  field  of  common 
law,  equity,  admiralty  law,  prol)ate  law,  patent  law,  as  an 
American  city  ])ractitioner,  nor  to  be  so  smart  and  (juick  in 
api)lying  his  knowledge.  ( )n  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  admitted 
that  England  possesses  more  men  eminent  as  draftsmen,  though 
perlii^ps  fewer  eminent  in  ])atent  castas,  and  that  much  American 
business,  especially  in  State  courts,  is  <lone  in  a  way  which  Euro- 
pean critics  might  call  lax  and  .slovenly. 

I  have  already  observed  that  lx)th  in  Congress  and  in  most 
of  the  State  legislatures  the  lawyers  outnuml)er  the  persons 
Ix'longing  to  any  one  other  walk  of  life.  X(>vertlieless,  they  have 
not  that  hold  on  j)olitics  now  whicli  tiiey  had  in  the  first  and 
second  generations  after  178H.  Politics  have,  in  falling  so  com- 
pletely into  the  hands  of  i)arty  organizaticjns,  l)ecome  more 
distinctly  a  separate  profession,  and  an  engrossing  profession, 
which  a  man  occupied  with  his  clients  cannot  follow.  Thus 
among  the  leading  lawyers,  ihe  men  who  win  wealth  and  honour 
by  advocac}',  comi)aratively  few  enter  a  legislative  body  or 
become  candidates  for  public  office.  Their  inHueiice  is  still 
great  when  any  ([uestion  arises  on  which  the  profession,  or  the 
more  resjiectable  part  of  it,  stands  together.  Many  bad  meas- 
ures have  been  defeated  in  State  legislatures  I )y  the  action  of  the 
Bar,  many  bad  judicial  appointments  averted.  Their  influence 
strengthens  the  respect  of  the  pe<Ji)h'  ft)r  the  C  onstitution,  and 
is  felt  by  the  judgi's  when  they  are  called  to  deal  with  consti- 
tutional <iuestions.  But  taking  a  general  survey  of  the  facts  of 
to-day,  as  compared  with  thost>  of  the  mi(hlle  of  last  century, 
it  is  clear  that  the  Bar  counts  for  less  as  a  guiding  and  restrain- 
ing power,  tempering  the  crudity  or  haste  of  democracy  l>y  its 
attachment  to  rule  and  precedent,  than  it  did  then. 

.\  similar  decline,  due  ])artly  to  tliis  diminished  political 
authority,  may  be  observed  in  its  social  position.  In  a  country 
where  there  is  no  titled  class,  no  landed  class,  no  military  class, 
the  chief  distinctitm  which  popular  sentinuMit  can  lay  hold 
of  as  raising  one  set  of  persons  above  another  is  the  character 
2x 


■  *i 


t1- 


rr" 


i  I 


sr 


674 


SOCMAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT   VI 


of  thoir  occvipation,  the  doprco  of  culture  it  iinplios,  tlu-  oxtcut 
to   whii^h    it   Kivch   tlioin    lui    honouial)l('    proiniiu'iicc.     Midi 
distinctions  curriivl  great  woiRht  in  thccarly  .iuys  of  the  Kepuhlic, 
when  society  was  smaller  aiul  siini)ler  than  it  has  now  hecome. 
But  of  late"vears  not  only  has  the  practice  of  public  speakujK 
ceaswl  to  be,  as  it  once  was,  almost  th(>ir  monopoly,  not  only 
has  the  direction  of  politic-s  slipptnl  in  preat  measure  irom  their 
hands,  but  the  Kro^vth  of  huge  mercantile  fortunes  aiu  of  a  finan- 
cial class  has.  as  in  France  and  EuRland,  lowered  the  relative 
importance  and  .lignity  of  the  Bar.     An  individual  merchant 
holds  perhap^  no  better  pla  -e  comp  ued  with  an  aveiaKC  mdivul- 
ual  lawver  than  he  did  fort,    years  ago ;  but  the  millionaire  is  a 
much  more  frequent  and  j)*  tent  personage  than  he  was  tlien, 
and  outshines  everybody  in  the  country.     Now  and  then  u 
brilliant  orator  or  writer  aclm  ves  fame  of  a  .lifferent  aiul  higher 
kind;  but  in  the  main  it  is  t  le  glory  of  successful  commerce 
which  in   America  and    Euro,  e   uoa"  draws  wondering  eyes. 
Wealth  it  is  true,  is  bv  no  meai.s  out  of  the  reach  of  the  leading 
lawyers':  vet  still  not  such  wealth  as  may  be  and  constantly  is 
gunkfsod    bv    contractors,    railwaymen,    financial    speculators, 
hotel  proprietors,  newspa])er  owaurs,  and  retail  storekeepers. 
The  incomes  of  the  first  coun.sel  in  cities  hke  New  \ork  are 
probably  as  large  as  those  of  the  great  English  leaders.     I  have 
heard  firms  mentiomxl  as  diviiling  sums  of  S3(M),()00  a  year,  and 
individual  la^^-\•ers  as  earning  !5200,0()0  or  more.     It  is,  however, 
only  in  two  or  three  of  the  greatest  cities  that  such  incomes 
can  be  made,  and  iwssibly  not  more  thaa  thirty  counsel  in  the 
whole  country  make  by  their  profession  more  than  SlOO.tKK) 
a  year.     Next  after  wealth,  education  may  be  taken  to  be  the 
element  or  quality  on  which  social  standing  in  a  purely  demo- 
cratic country  depends.     In  this  resp'M'tthelkr  ranks  high.     Most 
lawyers  have  had  a  college  training,  and  are,  by  the  necessity 
of  their  employment,  jx-rsons  of  some  mental  cultivation;  in 
the  older  to\nis  they,  with  tlie  Lading  clergy,  form  t.ie  intel- 
lectual elite  of  the  place,  and  maintain  worthily  the  literary  tra- 
ditions   of    the   ]?oman,   French,   English,  and  Scottish  Bars. 
Bu+  education  is  so  much  mon^  diffused  than  formerly,  and  chea,) 
literature  so  nmch  more  abundant,  llrat  they  do  not  stand  so 
high  above  the  multitude  as  tlu  y  onc.>  <lid.     It  may,  however 
still  be  said  that  the  law  is  the  i)rofession  which  an  active  yout.i 
of  intellectual  tastes  naturally  takes  to,  that  a  large  proportion 


CHAP,   riv 


THK   BAR 


075 


of  the  liighcst  talent  of  the  country  may  i>c  found  in  its  runks, 
and  that  almost  all  the  first  statesmen  of  the  present  and  the  last 
generation  have  Ix-longod  to  it,  though  many  soon  resigned  its 
practice.  It  is  also  one  of  the  links  which  Ix'st  serves  to  hind  th(! 
United  States  to  Kngland.  The  interest  of  the  higher  class  of 
American  lawyers  in  the  English  law,  liar,  and  judges,  is  wonder- 
fully fresh  and  keen.  An  liiiglish  ijarristcr,  if  jnoperly  authen- 
ticated, is  welciiined  as  a  lirother  of  the  art,  and  finds  the  law- 
reports  of  his  own  country  as  sedulously  read  and  as  acutely 
criticised  as  he  would  in  the  Temple.' 

I  have  eft  to  the  last  the  (luestion  which  a  stranger  finds  it 
most  di  cult  to  answer.  1  he  legal  i)r(jfession  has  in  every 
country,  apart  from  its  relation  to  piijitics,  very  im[)ortant  func- 
tions to  di.scharg."  in  connection  with  the  administration  of 
justice.  Its  members  are  the  corfidentiul  advisers  of  private 
persons,  and  the  depositaries  of  their  secrets.  Tiny  have  n  in 
their  power  to  promote  or  to  restrain  vexatious  litigati'  to 
become  accomplices  in  chicai  e,  or  to  check  tlie  al)Use  of  i,  ^al 
rights  in  cases  where  morality  may  retjuire  ncn  to  al  stain  from 
exacting  all  that  the  letter  of  the  law  all(A\s.  They  can  exercis*' 
a  powerful  hifluence  upon  the  n  agist  racy  ly  >lianiiiig  an  unjust 
judge,  or  hy  misusing  the  ascerdency  vhich  tliey  in;  y  happen 
to  pos.sess  over  a  weak  judge,  or  a  judge  vho  has  something 
to  hope  for  from  them.  Does  tl.e  profes.-ion  in  the  lUited  Stales 
rise  to  the  height  of  these  functions,  and  in  inaintaiiiing  its  own 
tone,  help  to  maintain  the  totie  of  the  cotnmunity,  especially 
of  the  mercantile  community,  wliich.  uiidcr  tlic  pressure  of  com- 
petition, seldom  observes  a  higher  n.oral  standaid  tiian  that 
which  the  law  exacts?  So  far  as  iny  limited  oiijmrtunilies  for 
observation  enable  me  to  arswerti  is  (|uesti<  i;.  i  ^huuld  answer 
it  by  saying  that  the  profession,  taken  a-  a  wliolf.  -ecu;-  to  have 
stood  on  a  level  with  the  profession,  also  taken  a.-  a  whole,  in 
England.  But  I  am  bound  to  add  that  souie  judi'inu-  .Ameri- 
can observers  hold  tliat  since  the  ('i\il  Wai  theie  jju-  been  a 
certain  decadence  in  \\w  Har  of  the  greater  cities.  They  say 
that  the  growth  of  enormously  rich  and  powerful  corporations, 


'^^1 


uspful  sinro  tho  nuinln'r  of  (Icrisiuns  uixiti  tin  lori-tni'tit.n  'f  -tat';l<-f  ha*  wj 
irrojitly  iri(Ti'ii.«('(l.  Tlicv  (■(.iii|)l:iiii  of  tlii'  '■\tr<'iiic  'li''  -lilfy  <f  t''i.,!;i;  ii' n-aht 
"f  till'  vast  inultitu<!('  nf  I'li^cs  rc|iiift('l  in  tlnir  <<\\u  'tuiitr-..  fr'.rii  tin-  '"urts 
of  all  the  .'<tate.'<  hh  well  ah  I'cHlcral  r.,iirls. 


nii   •'1". 


670 


SOIMAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


willing  to  pay  vast  sums  for  questionable  services,  has  seduced 
the  virtue  of  some  counsel  whose  eminen(!C  makes  their  ex- 
ample important,  and  that  in  a  f(>w  States  the  degradation 
of  the  Hench  has  led  to  secret  understandings  l)etween  judges 
and  counsel  for  the  iwrversion  of  justic-e.  Stremious  efforts 
have  of  late  been  made  by  the  liar  Associations  to  (>stal)lish 
co(l(«s  of  legal  ethics  and  etiquette,  and  much  good  is  expected 
from  their  action. 

As  the  (luestion  (tf  fusing  the  two  branch(>s  of  the  legal  pro- 
fession into  one  l)ody  has  been  of  iate  much  canvass(Hl  in  Eng- 
land, a  few  wi)rds  may  be  expected  as  to  the  light  which  Ameri- 
can experience  throws  upon  it. 

There  are  two  sets  of  persons  in  England  who  complain  of 
the  present  arrangements  —  a  section  of  the  solicitors,  who  are 
debarred  from  the  exercise  of  advocacy,  and  therefore  from  the 
great  prizes  of  the  profession  ;  and  a  section  of  the  junior  bar, 
whose  members,  depending  entirely  on  the  patronage  of  tlu; 
solicitors,  find  themselves,  if  they  happen  to  have  no  private; 
connections  among  that  branch  of  the  prof(>ssion,  unable  to  get 
employment,  since  a  code  of  etiquette  forbids  them  to  um Up- 
take certain  .sorts  of  work,  or  to  do  work  except  on  a  fixed  scah; 
of  fees,  or  to  take  court  work  directly  from  a  client,  or  to  f(jrm 
partnerships  with  other  counsi^l.  Attempts  have  also  l)een  made 
to  enlist  the  g(>neral  public  in  favour  of  a  change,  by  the  argu- 
ment that  law  would  be  cheapened  if  the  attorn.y  wrre  allowed 
to  argue  and  carry  through  the  courts  a  cause  which  he  has 

prepared  for  trial. 

There  are  three  points  of  view  from  which  the  merits  or  de- 
im«rits  of  a  change  may  be  regarded,  '"'hese  are  the  interests 
respectiv(>ly  of  the  profession,  of  the  client,  and  of  the  community 

at  large. 

As  far  as  the  advantage  of  tli(<  individual  members  of  tin; 
profession  is  concerned,  ilie  example  of  the  United  States 
seems  to  show  that  the  balance  of  advantage  is  in  favour  of 
uniting  barristers  and  attorneys  in  one  body.  Th,-  attorney 
would  hav(>  a  wider  field,  greater  opportunities  of  distinguish- 
ing himself,  and  the  legitimate  satisfaction  of  seeing  his  caus(; 
through  all  its  stages.  The  junior  barri^tiT  wouM  find  it  easier 
to  get  on,  even  as  an  advocate,  and,  if  he  discovered  that  advo- 
cacy w;is  not  liis  line,  could  sul)side  into  the  perhaps  not  less 
prolitable  function  of  a  solicitor.     The  senior  barrister  or  leader 


rHAP.    CIV 


TIIK   BAR 


ini}?lit,  lujwt'vor,  sufiVr,  lor  his  atlciilion  would  In-  iiioii-  (li^tiiictttl 
by  culls  of  (iiffprent  kinds. 

The  Kaiii  to  tlie  client  is  still  cleurer ;  and  even  those  (very 
few)  American  couns<'l  who  say  that  for  their  own  sake  they 
would  prefer  the  Ennlish  i)lan,  a  init  that  the  litiKunt  is  more 
expeditiously  and  effecftively  served  where  he  has  hut  one 
person  to  look  to  and  deal  with  throujihout.  It  does  not  suit 
liim,  say  the  Americans,  to  i)e  lathered  in  oi)(>  shop  and  shaved 
in  anotlier;  he  likes  to  k<>  to  his  lawyer,  tell  him  the  facts, 
j;et  an  ofT-hand  opinion,  if  the  case  he  a  simple  one  (as  it  is  nine 
times  out  of  ten),  and  issue  his  writ  with  some  confidence: 
whereas  un<ler  the  Enjrlish  system  he  mijiht  either  have  to  wait 
till  a  rejfular  case  for  the  opinion  of  cotuisel  was  drawn,  sent  to  a 
barrister,  and  returned,  written  on,  after  serine  days,  or  else  take 
iheriskofbrinKinK  an  action  which  turned  (Kit  to  be  ill-founded. 
It  may  also  be  believed  that  a  case  is,  on  the  whole,  bett«>r  dealt 
with  when  it  is  kept  in  one  office  from  first  to  last,  and  managed 
by  one  person,  or  i>y  partners  who  areincon.stant  eomnnuiication. 
Mistakes  ami  oversishis  are  l(>ss  likely  to  occur,  since  the  advo- 
cate knows  the  facts  better,  and  has  almost  invariably  seen  and 
questioneil  the  witnesses  before  he  comes  into  court.  It  may 
indeed  be  said  that  an  advocate  does  his  work  with  more  ease  of 
conscience,  and  perhaps  more  mng-Jioid,  when  he  knows  nothing 
but  his  instructions.  But  American  ])ractitioners  ire  all  clear 
that  they  are  able  to  serve  their  clients  better  than  they  could  if 
the  resjwnsibility  were  divided  between  the  man  who  prepares 
the  case  and  the  man  who  arfjues  or  addresses  the  jury.  Indeed, 
I  liave  often  heard  them  say  that  they  could  not  understand 
how  English  counsel,  who  rarely  see  the  witjiesses  l)eforehand, 
were  able  to  conduct  witness  causes  satisfactorily. 

T'  L>  English  plan  is  more  conducive  to  tliedesi)atch  of  business, 
because  in  England  the  few  leading  counsel  know  the  judges,  and 
the  judges  know  them,  whereas  in  .America,  the  absence  of  asnuill 
class  to  whom  advocacy  is  restricted  brings  into  court  a  number 
l)roportionately  much  larger  of  lawyers  handling  cau.ses.  Where 
the  counsel  a'ld  the  judges  are  in  constant  contact,  cases  are 
more  promptly  dealt  with.  The  counsel  knows  when  he  '-as 
said  enough  to  the  judge.  The  judge  knows  how  far  lie  can 
trust  the  counsel. 

If  a-skod  whether  th(^  community  has  gained  by  the  disappc.ir- 
anct^  of  a  distinction  iM'tween  the  small  body  of  advocates  and 


M 


678 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


the  larRo  body  of  attorneys,  1  should  r('[)ly  that  it  has  not. 
Society  is  intcrostcil  in  tlic  maintenance  of  a  hi^li  tone  ainonjj; 
those  who  can  powerfully  influence  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice and  the  standard  of  c«)min<>rcial  morality.  It  is  easier  to 
maintain  such  a  tone  in  a  small  body,  which  can  be  kept  under 
a  comparatively  strict  control  and  cultivate  a  warm  professional 
feeling,  than  in  :i  large  body,  many  of  whose  members  are  prac- 
tically just  as  much  m(-n  of  busin(>ss  as  lawyers.  And  it  may 
well  be  thotight  that  the  conscience  or  honour  of  a  member  of 
.'■  ther  branch  of  the  profession  is  »>xiiosed  to  less  strain  where  the 
two  branches  are  kei)t  distinct.  The  counsel  is  under  less 
temptation  tu  win  his  cause  by  doubtful  means,  since  he  is 
removed  from  the  client  by  the  interposition  of  the  attorney, 
and  therefore  less  personally  identified  with  the  client's  success. 
He  probably  has  not  that  intimate  knowledge  of  the  client's 
affairs  which  he  must  have  if  he  had  prepared  the  whole  cas(\ 
and  is  therefore  less  likel;  to  be  tlrawn  into  sjx'culating,  to  take 
an  obvious  instance,  in  tii»>  shares  of  a  client  comi)any,  or  other- 
wise playing  a  double  and  disloyal  game.  Similarly  it  may  bt> 
thought  that  the  attorney  also  is  less  tempted  than  if  he  ap- 
peared himsi'lf  in  court,  and  were  not  obliged,  in  carrying  out 
the  schemes  of  a  fraudulent  client,  to  call  in  the  aid  of  another 
practitioner,  amenable  to  a  strict  prof(>ssional  discipline.  Wher(> 
the  advocate  is  also  the  attorney,  h<>  may  be  more  apt,  when  he 
sees  the  witnesses,  to  lead  them,  perhaps  unconsciously,  to 
stretch  their  rc'collection  ;  and  it  is  harder  to  check  the  i)ractice 
of  payinii;  for  legal  services  by  a  share  of  the  proceeds  of  the 
action. 

Looking  at  the  ciuestion  as  a  whole,  I  doubt  whether  a  study 
of  the  American  arrangements  is  calculated  to  commend  them 
for  imitation,  or  to  induce  England  to  allow  her  historic  bur 
to  be  swallowed  up  and  vanish  in  the  more  numerous  branch  of 
the  profession.  Those  arrangements,  however,  suggest  some  use- 
ful minor  changes  in  the  present  p]nglish  rules.  The  passage 
from  each  branch  to  the  other  might  be  made  easiei  barristers 
might  b»'  permitted  to  form  open  (as  they  n(jw  sometimes  do 
covert)  partnership--  dinong  theiHse!v<"^ ;  students  of  Ixith 
branches  might  be  educated  and  examined  together  in  the  pro- 
fessional law  sci.jols  as  they  now  are^  with  admittedly  good 
results,  in  the  universities. 


CHAPTER  (JV 


THE   BENCH 


So  much  has  already  been  said  n'RiirdiiiK  the  constitution 
and  jurisdiction  of  the  various  courts,  Kcderai  and  State,  that 
what  remains  to  he  stated  renanUaK  the  juthcial  Bench  need 
refer  only  to  its  personal  and  scjcial  sidi".  Wlmt  is  the  social 
staiuUng  of  the  judges,  the  average  stan<lard  of  their  learning 
and  capacity,  their  integrity  and  fidelity  in  the  discharge  of 
functions  whose  gravity  seems  to  increase  with  the  growth  of 
wealth  aiid  the  com[)lexity  of  society? 

The  English  reader  wiio  wishes  to  understand  the  American 
judiciary  ought  to  begin  by  realizing  the  fact  that  his  concep- 
tion of  a  judge  is  jiurely  English,  not  ai)plicable  to  any  other 
country.  For  some  centuries  Englishmen  have  associate<l  the 
ideas  of  power,  dignity,  and  intellectual  eminence  with  the 
judicial  office;  while  a  tradition,  siiurter  no  doubt,  but  still  of 
respectable  length,  has  made  tiiem  regard  it  as  incorruptible. 
The  judges  are  among  the  greatest  permanent  offi(;ials  of  the 
State.  They  have  earned  their  jjjace  by  success,  more  or  les.s 
brilliant,  but  generally  consideral)le,  in  tlu>  struggles  of  the 
Bar;  they  are  removable  by  the  ("nnvn  only  upon  an  address 
of  both  Houses  of  Parhanunt  ;  tliey  enjoy  large  incomes  and 
great  social  respect.  Some  of  them  sit  in  the  House  of  Lords; 
some  are  members  of  the  Privy  ("ouncil.  Wlien  they  traverse 
the  country  on  their  circuits,  they  are  received  i)y  the  High 
Sheriff  of  each  county  with  the  c(>rem()ni(iu>  pomp  of  the  Mid- 
dle Ages,  and  followed  hither  and  thitiier  l)y  admiring  crowds. 
The  criticisms  of  an  outspoken  press  r^iidy  assail  their  ability, 
hardly  ever  their  fairness.  Even  the  Bar,  which  watches 
them  daily,  which  knows  all  their  ins  and  outs  (to  use  an 
^luerican  phrase)  both  before  and  after  their  elevation,  treats 
them  with  more  respect  than  is  commonly  shown  by  the 
clergy  to  the  bishops.  Thus  the  English  form  their  concep- 
tion  of  the  judg(>  as  a  i)ersuiiage   necessarily  an<l  naturally 


■HI 


iT 


6H() 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT   VI 


I 

"  .1 
.'  i 


(ligiiifiod  and  upright;  and,  having  formetl  it,  they  carry  it 
abroad  with  thorn  hkf  their  notions  of  land  tenure  and  other 
insuhir  ooni"ei)tion«,  and  are  astonished  when  tiiey  find  that  it 
does  not  hold  in  other  countries.     It  is  a  fine  and  fruitful  concep- 
tion, and  one  which  one  might  desire  to  see  accepted  every- 
wliere,  though  it  has  been  secured  at  the  cost  of  compelling 
litigants  to  carry  to  London  much  business  which  in  other  coun- 
tries would  have  been  dealt  with  in  local  courts.     But  it  is 
peculiar  to  Britain;   the  British  judge  is  as  abnormal  as  the 
British  Constitution,  and  owes  his  character  to  a  not  less  curious 
and   complex   combination   of   concUtions.     In   most   parts  of 
the  (\mtinent  the  jutlge,  even  of  the  sup(>rior  courts,  does  not 
hold  a  very  high  social  jiosition.     He  is  not  chosen  from  the 
ranks  of  the  Bar,  and  has  not  tliat  connnunity  of  feeling  with 
it  which  England  has  found  so  valuable.     Its  leaders  outshine 
him  in  France  ;  the  famous  pr«)fessora  of  law  often  ex(>rt  'i  greater 
authority  in  (lermany.     His  independence,  and  even  his  purity, 
are  not  always  above  suspicion.     In  no  part  of  Europe  do  his 
wishes  and  opinions  carry  the  same  weight,  or  does  he  conmiand 
thc>  same  tleference  as  in  England.     The   English  ought  not, 
tluTefore,  to  be  surprised  at  finding  him  in  .\merica  different 
from  what  they  expect,  for  it  is  not  so  much  his  inferiority  there 
that  is  exceptional  as  his  excellence  in  England. 

In  America,  the  nine  Fe<leral  judges  of  the  Supreme  (^ourt 
retain  much  of  the  dignity  which  surrounds  the  English  Su- 
preme Court  of  Judicature.  They  are  almost  the  only  officials 
who  are  appointed  for  life,  and  their  functions  are  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  the  smooth  working  of  the  Constitution.  .Ac- 
cordingly great  pui)lic  interest  is  felt  in  the  choice  of  a  judge, 
and  the  i)ost  is  an  object  of  ambition.  Though  now  and  then 
an  eminent  lawyer  declines  it  because  he  is  already  making  l)y 
jiractice  ten  times  as  much  as  the  salary  it  carries,  still  there  has 
been  no  difficulty  in  finding  first-rate  men  to  fill  the  court. 
Tli(>  minor  Federal  judges  are  usually  persons  of  ability  and 
exp(>ri(>nce.  They  are  inadetpiately  paid,  but  +he  life  tenure 
makes  the  i)lace  desired  and  it  is  usually  resi)ected. 

Of  tlie  State  judg''«  it  is  hard  to  speak  generally,  because 
there  are  great  differences  between  State  and  Si  ate.  In  six  or 
seven  commonwealths,  of  which  Massachusetts  is  the  best  ex- 
ampi(>  among  Eastern  and  .Michigan  among  Wi-stcrn  States,  they 
stand  high  —  that  is  to  say,  the  post  attracts  a  prosperous  bar- 


CHAP.    CV 


THK   HKNCH 


(Wl 


rister  though  ho  will  lose  in  iiicoiiic,  or  a  law  professor  though 
he  must  sacrifioe  his  leisure.  liut  in  some  States  it  is  otlierwi.se. 
A  place  on  the  Bencii  of  the  suiM'riur  courts  carries  little  lioiiour, 
and  commands  l)ut  slight  social  con.sideratiou.  It  i>  lower  than 
that  of  an  English  county  court  judtre  or  stii)en<liary  magistrate, 
or  of  a  Scotch  sheriff-suhstitute.  It  raises  no  j)reNumptioii  that 
its  holder  is  able  or  cultivated  or  trusted  hy  his  fellow-citi/ens. 
He  may  he  all  of  these,  hut  if  >o,  it  is  in  respect  of  his  personal 
merits  that  he  will  lie  valued,  not  for  his  oflirial  j)o<ition.  Often 
he  stands  helow  the  leading  members  of  the  State  or  city  liar 
in  all  these  points  and  does  not  move  in  the  he.  t  .society.' 
Hence  a  h'ading  counsel  seldom  accepts  the  post,  an<l  men  often 
resign  a  judgeship,  or  when  their  term  of  office  e.\i)ires  do  not 
seek  re-election,  hut  return  to  practice  at  the  bar.-  Hence,  too, 
a  judge  is  not  expected  to  set  an  examjile  of  conformity  to  the 
conventional  standards  of  deconnu.  Xo  one  is  surprised  to  see 
him  m  low  company,  or  to  hear,  in  tli;-  ruder  parts  of  the  South 
and  West,  that  he  took  part  in  a  shooting  affray.  He  is  as  wel- 
come to  be  "a  child  of  nature  and  of  freedom"  as  any  private 
citizen. 

The  European  reader  may  thiid\  that  these  facts  not  only 
betoken  but  tend  to  perpetuate  a  'ow  standard  of  learning  and 
capacity  among  the  State  judges,  and  from  this  low  standard 
he  will  go  on  to  conclude  that  justice  must  be  badly  administered, 
and  wll  a.sk  with  surpris(>  why  an  iutclligint  and  practical 
people  allow  this  very  important  part  of  their  ])ublic  work  to  be 
ill  discharged.  I  shrink  from  making  positive  statements  on 
so  large  a  matter  as  the  administr;ition  of  justice  over  a  vast 
country  whose  States  differ  in  many  resixcts.  I'ut  so  far  as  I 
could  a.scertain,  civil  justice  is  Iietter  administ"red  than  might 
be  expected  from  the  character  which  the  Bench  bears  in  most 
of  the  States.  In  the  Federal  courts  and  in  the  superior  courts 
of  the  .six  or  .seven  States  ju.-t  mentioned  it  is  e(iual  to  the  justice 
(Uspensed  in  the  superior  courts  of  lOngland,  France,  and  Cier- 


'  YPiirs  aiio  a  prominent  Xi'vv  Yorker  .■^■lid  t( 


speakirii;  of  one  of  ttip  chief 


jiulpps  of  the  eit\  ,   "I  don't  tliink  hiiri  surh  :i  ti:i(l  fellow:    tie  li;is  always  been 


very  friendly  to  me,  and  would  i;i\ 


Ise  fo 


diiiiilit  iiijiiiictioii  or  do  anytliinc 


Moment 


:>r.    li 


ntiin 


,! 


Hilt, 


eoiirse,  he',.,  the  last  person  1  should  dream  of  .iskim:  to  my  house. 


-  Most  Sf.ates  are  full  of  ex-judires  praerisiii 


.at   till 


tiiiiie<l  a.s  a  riiattep  of  eourtes.x    to  the  peiMm  wh 
sometimes  even  exteiideil  to  an  eldi'il\    rm 
tor  social  puriioses,  once  a  jud^e,  alwav  •■  a  jui 


J4ar.  the  title  heinc  ''< 


fori 


II- 
■nioyed  it,  and 


who  has  never  ,sat  on  the  Hench. 


.   tt 


'  V* 


■i"j 


*  • , 


GH'J 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


f 


many.     In  thf  rcrnaindcr  it  i.s  inferior,  that  is  to  sjiy,  civil  trialH, 
whether  the  issue  he  of  hiw  or  of  fa«-t.  more  fre<iu«-ntly  ^ive  an 
unsatisfaetory  result  ;  the  opinions  tlelivenMl  hy  the  judges  are 
wanting  in  scienlitie  aeeunu-y,  and  the  law  hecomes  loose  and 
uncertain.'     This  inferiority  is  more  or  les.s  niark»Hl  according  to 
the  general  tone  of  the  State.     That  it  is  everywhere  h'ss  marked 
than  a  priori  reasonings  would  have  suggested,  may  he  ascriluMl 
partly  to  the  way  shrewd  juries  have  of  rendering  sul)stantially 
just  verdicts,  partly  to  the  ability  of  the  Bar,  wlu»se  argumtmts 
make  up  for  a  ju(lg«''s  want  of  learning,  hy  giving  him  the  means 
of  reaching  a  sound  decision,  partly  to  that  native  acuteness  of 
Americans  which  enables  them  to  handle  any  sort  of  practical 
work,  roughly  p(Thai)s,  hut  W(>ll  enough  for  the  absolute  needs 
of  the  case.     The  injury  to  the  (luality  of  State  law  is  mitigated 
hy  the  fact  that  abundance  of  good  law  is  i)r(Mluc(Hl  by  the  Federal 
courts,  by  the  highest   courts  of  the  l»est   States,  and  by  the 
judges  of  England,  whose  reported  decisions  are  freijuently  re- 
ferred to.     Commercial  men  complain  less  of  the  inefficiency 
than  of  the  (h'lays  of  State  tribunals.  Avhile  the  leading  lawyers, 
whose  int  rest  iii  the  scientific  character  of  law  makes  them 
severe  critics  of  current  l(>gislation,  and  oj)iK)nents  of  these 
schemes  for  codifying  th(>  common  law  which  have  been  dangled 
before  the  multitude  in  several  States,  l)lame  the  legislatures 
more  than  the  judges  for  such  faults  as  they  discover. 

Whatever  the  defects  of  civil  justice,  those  of  criminal  justice 
are  much  more  serious.  It  is  accused  of  being  slow,  overt ech- 
nical,  uncertain,  and  unduly  lenient  both  to  crimes  of  violence 
and  to  commercial  frauds.  Y(  t  the  blame  is  laid  less  on  the 
judges  than  on  the  weakness  of  junes,^  and  on  the  facilities  for 
escape  which  a  cumbrous  and  highly  technical  procedure,  alknv- 
ing  numerous  opportunities  for  inten)osing  delays  and  raising 
points  of  law,  i)rovides  for  prisoners.'^     Indulgence  to  prisoners 

'  Sf^to  r'onstitutioiis  sonictinics  r(i|uir<>  the  jiidjtrs  of  the  hiRher  courts  to 
Rive  tlifir  decisions  in  wiitini;  ;iii<l  this  s.  .ins  to  t,c  the  iinicti virywlicre. 

»  Tht-re  htv  places  where  the  purity  of  juries  is  not  al)ovc  suspicion.  New- 
York  has  recently  ireated  a  new  oliice,  that  of  Warden  of  the  tlrand  .Jury. 
As  a  distintfuishi'd  lawyer  observed  in  mentioning  this,  Qiiis  cuntoiUH  ii>.yum 
cU'ilixtiiii .'  •  I  ■  1 

^  I'.vcn  judnK's  suffer  from  tliis  misplaced  leniency.  Here  is  a  case  winch 
happened  in  Kiiitucky.  A  decree  of  iMreclosure  was  pronounced  hy  :i  respected 
judire  niiainst  a  il(  fendaiit  of  irnoij  local  family  cnnnections.  As  the  judge  was 
walkiiitf  from  tin  court  to  the  railway  station  the  same  afternoon  the  defendant 
shot  him  <lead.     It  was  hard  to  avoid  arresting  and  tryinj;  a  man  guilty  of  so 


rHAP.  rv 


THK   nKXCII 


683 


is  now  us  rnarkcd  as  hurslmis-;  to  thrni  w.is  in  I'lriKlaiul  Ix-fori' 
the  (lays  of  Mcnthiirn  ;iiiil  Hoiiiilly.  Fii'^iislutiuii  is  diicHy  to 
hlaiin-  for  this  procedure,  tluiMiih  stni!iK»'r  nun  (in  flu-  Hcncli 
would  more  often  overrule  trivial  points  of  law  and  cxpi-dite 
convictions.' 

The  European  traveller  n.iist  own  his  surprise  that  stronger 
an<l  more  persistent  efforts  have  nut  heeis  innile  lonj?  a^o  to 
secure  the  needed  improvements  in  tlic  aihiiinistration  of  jus- 
tice in  State  Courts. 

The  causes  which  have  luwereil  the  (|Uidiiy  (if  the  State 
judges  have  heen  referred  tfi  in  previdiis  ( haptcrs.  Shortly 
stated  they  are:  the  snialhic^-  uf  tlie  salaries  paid,  the  limited 
tenure  of  office,  often  for  sevi  n  years  only,  and  the  methcMl  of 
appointment,  nominally  liy  poimlar  elcclidii.  practically  hy  the 
unency  of  party  wirepullers.  The  lirst  two  causes  have  i)re- 
vented  theal)lest  lawyers,  the  last  often  prevents  the  most  hon- 
oural)le  men,  from  seekint!;  the  post.  All  are  the  result  of  demo- 
cratic theory,  of  the  belief  in  e(iuality  and  popular  sovereignty 
pushed  to  extremes.  And  this  theory  has  agKnivated  the  mis- 
chief in  withdrawing  from  the  judge,  when  it  has  appointed  him, 
t  )se  external  badges  of  dignity  which,  childish  as  they  may 
appear  to  the  philosopher,  have  power  over  the  imagination 
<if  the  ma.ss  of  mankind,  and  are  not  without  a  useful  reflex 
influence  on  the  person  whom  they  sur'-iund,  rai.-iiig  his  sense 
of  his  position,  and  reminding  him  of  its  responsiliilities.  No 
American  magistrate,  except  die  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court 
when  sitting  at  Washington,  and  those  of  the  Intermediate 
Federal  Courts  of  Apjieal,  the  judges  of  the  Xew  York  Court 
of  .\ppeals  at  .Mhaiiy,  and  those  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Penn- 

flftaraut  an  ofTiiicc.  j^o  urrcstcd  }>••  \\:i<.  tiicil.  mikI  i^iixicti'd  :  Imf  mi  un  allr- 
Kutiou  of  liinary  hiiiiir  put  furw.iril.  tin'  (iiiiit  of  Appials  niclircd  a  new  trial  ; 
he  was  ai'(|llitti>il  un  tlir  moiilnl  'il  iii>aiiit\,  innlii  iii-liiictiniis  lla^<■ll  on  the 
'ipiiiioii  of  an  appi'llatc  coiiit.  and  pr.  ^iiitly  ^dlowid  tn  c-iapi-  into  (  Oiio  from 
flic  asvluiu  to  wliiili  hr  had  l)i'i  ii  rniisi._;nrd.  Tin  rr  ui-.  I  uas  told  a  v;noH  dral 
of  .syiiipatli..-  for  liiiii. 

'The  iiu'.ssaiic  of  I'rcsidiiit  r:il't  "f  1  irc.iiilMr.  I'.HI'i.  in  m  frrriii^:  to  "tin-  dc- 
ploralili'  delays  in  tin-  ad'iiini^tritinii  nf  ri\il  ahd  laimiaal  hm  "  procct-dod  as 
follows:  ",\  cliani;!'  in  jmlicial  prmi  ilutc,  witli  a  \  ii\v  to  ri'diniiii;  its  expense 
to  private  iitijjaiits  in  (■i\  ii  casr-  and  ia<iiitatiiii;  liic  despatch  oi  husinetis  and 
final  decision  in  l>otli  ci\il  and  iriniiiiil  cj-,-,  coa^tjliites  the  greatest  need  in 
our  American  institutions.  Much  of  the  laujc^,  \iolirici'  and  iTiiclty  exhihited 
in  Ivnehiniis  is  dir  !y  due  to  the  uncertainties  an<l  injustii-e  «.  )winir  out  of  the 
delays  in  trials,  j  .  .irments  and  the  execution  thereof  hy  our  courts."  See  also 
I  note  to  Chapter  <'.,  paj;e  (ilti. 


■|}i 


I 


ff 


(M4 


S(»('I.M.   INSTITITION'S 


IMHT   VI 


"1    ' 


|i . 


svlvaiiia.  wfuis  any   ikIm'  oI'  ollicc,  or  ntlirr  (listiiHtivi'  dn-HS, 
»»r  Ims  !Uiv  iitdiKliiiit  to  rscoil  him,'  or  is  in  uiiy  nsprt-t  In-ali-ii 
(lifTi'rnilly  from  an  onliriarx  citi/fii.     Popular  si-iitiimiit  IoUt- 
atcs  nothing  thai  mu'Iiis  to  titvatc  a  man  al>ovc  his  iVIIows,  even 
\vhr!i  his  dignity  i-i  really  the  iliKiiily  of  the  people  who  have  put 
him  wlu«re  he  is.     I  rememiier  in  New  ^■ork  umler  the  reinn  (»•' 
Moss  Tweeil  to  have  Ixeii  taken  into  one  of  the  eoiirts.      All    . 
t»mene<l-lookiiiK  man,  llasliil\   dressed,  and  rude  in  (h-metmoiir, 
wassittinn  i)eliind  a  tal>l<\  t  wo  men  in  front  were  addressing  him, 
the  rest  of  tlie  room  was  niven  up  to  disorder.     Had  one  not 
l>een  told  that  he  was  a  jmlue  of  the  highest  court  of  the  city, 
one  miuht  have  taken  him  lor  a  criminal.     Ilis  jurisdiction  was 
unlimited  in  amount,  and  though  .m  a|)pcai  lay  from  liim  to  tho 
Court  of  .\ppeals  of  tlie  State,  liis  power  of  i.ssuing  injunctions 
put  all  the  property  in  I  he  district  at  his  mercy.     This  was  what 
democratic  thetcy  had  hroiinht  New  York  to.     For  the  change 
which  that  State  made  in  ISUi  was  a  per"  "tly  wanton  change. 
No  practical  ol>ject  was  to  he  gained  l»y  it.     There  ha«l  been  an 
excellent  licncli,  adorned,  as  it  hap|)cned,  hy  one  of  the  grcati-st 
jud^ies  of  modern  time,  the  illustrious  ('hanceUor  Kent.     Hut 
the  Convention  of  ISttithounht  that  the  l)ower  of  the  people  w.' , 
insulliciently  reco^nizi'il  while  judjj;es  were  nanu'd  hy  the  (lov- 
ernor  and  Council,  and  held  office  for  life,  st)  theory  was  obeyed. 
The  Convention  in  its  circular  address  announcetl  in  proposing 
the  election  of  jud^jes  for  Hve  years  by  the  voters  of  the  dis- 
trict, that  •'the  happiii'-ss  of  tlu-  people  of  this  State  will  hence- 
forth, under  Cod.  l>e  in  tln'ir  own  hands."     But  the  quest  of  a 
more  i)erfect   freeclom  and  ('(piality  on  which  the  Convention 
started  the  peojjle  trave  them  in  twei\ty-five  years  Judge  Bar- 
n;ird  instead  of  Chancellor  Kent. 

The  limited  attainments  of  the  Bench  in  many  States,  ami 
its  consj)icU()Us  inferiority  to  tla-  counsel  who  practise  before 
it,  are,  however,  less  serious  evils  than  the  corruption  with 
which  it  is  often  (■lKir^;e(|.  Nothing  has  done  so  much  to  dis- 
credit American  institutions  in  Europe  as  tlu'  belief  that  the 
fountains  of  justice  are  there  generally  polluted;  nor  is  there 
any  point  on  which  a  writer  treating  of  the  Unittnl  States 
would  more  desire  to  bi'  al)le  to  set  forth  incontrovertible  facts. 

'  Save  that  in  thr  ninil  pountios  of  Mu.ssachusPtts  and  po.ssibly  of  some  other 
Niw  KiinlainJ  Stat(>.  tin-  sliiritr.  as  in  EnKlanii.  escorts  the  judges  to  and  from 
the   -ourt-hous*'. 


rilAl'.  « V 


TMK   UK\(  II 


iVC, 


Unluckily,  thin  in  jiisl  what  from  tdc  iiaiurt'  of  the  nis<-  caiiiio. 
Ih!  (lone  us  rcKiinls  .soiih-  part>  of  the  country.  There  is  no 
(louht  jiM  to  the  purity  of  most  States,  ImiI  as  to  others  it  i- 
extrernely  hiird  to  test  the  nunours  that  are  current.  I  irive 
such  results  as  careful  in(|uiries  in  many  <lis|ricts  have  enal)|e<l 
iiH'  to  reach. 

The  higher  l''e<leral  ju(lv;e>  ari'  al"i\  !•  siispi.iuii.  |  <|<i  imt  know 
that,  any  memlter  (»f  the  .Supretuc  ( 'ourl  or  any  ( "iteuit  ju'lye  ha^ 
heen  ever  acciiseil  of  cornipiion  ;  :inil  ihoufrti  the  appo.nlnniils 
liuulc  to  [)istricl  ju<lt!:eshi|ts  arc  -i.nielinie-  frcel.\'  <  rilicise.l,  the 
tillcKiitions  riuKJe  auainst  these  persons  have  not  lieen,  excej>t  in 
two  or  three  instances,  seriously  pressed. 

The  Stute  ju<lu;es  h;ive  lieen  ami  are  deemr.]  hone-i  an<i  im- 
J)artial  in  inctst  parts  of  the  Cnioii,  In  a  few  States,  -urh  ;is 
M(i.s.siicliu.setts,  Vermont.  I'cnnsylv.-iiiia,  and  Mieliitjaii,  the 
Bench  has  within  the  last  or  the  prcMiii  ueneiati(»ti  included 
men  who  would  do  credit  to  any  court  in  any  country.  lWi\i 
in  other  States  an  eminent  man  is  occasiuiialiy  found,  a-  in 
England  tlMTc  are  some  County  Coint  judv's  who  an  -ounder 
lawyers  and  ahler  men  than  some  of  the  p<  r-ou-  whom  po- 
litical favour  has  occasionally  raised  to  the  Heneh  of  the  ll'ni,\\ 
(  ourt. 

In  some  States,  p(>rha|)s  six  or  xxen  in  all.  -u-picion-  ha\<' 
at  one  time  or  another  since  thet'ivil  W.-ir  attai-hid  to  one  or 
more  of  the  suiwrior  judges  and  in  a  m  w  other  States  they 
SLTV  deemed  to  he,  althoiij^h  i)ersoiialiy  iione-i,  -ul, servient  io 
powerful  local  iiitiuences.  Sometimes  thcM  >u-pi<'ion-  may  have 
heen  ill-f()unde<l.'  Hut  thou;rh  I  kiKAv  of  \  ciy  few  ca-'- in  whuii 
they  have  hoon  sui»stantiate(l,  llierr  can  he  httje  .iduht  tia, 
pomc  improprieties  have  heeii  lommitti  d.     Tli'   judj;i   iiiiy  not 


.  \, 


'  Ati  in.st;mi'(>  tuld  tiic  in  tiic  V>'i-t  ~lii.s\-  Imu  -u  |.i.  !.,i;-.  ,i..i.  :iti-'  \  |.'  r~  n 
liviiiK  in  till'  cMpil.-il  nf  the  St:ilc  n~r.\  lii-  it,ii|.,ir-  «iMi  'I.  -■,|„,i,.  _<,  1^... - 
most  iif  whom  wi-rc  in  tlic  li.-iMi  oi'  !,•<  j-i  .ui'l-.  'iihi'ij  -.m'I. 
Kiints  to  lM-lic\-c  that  liis  inlhiinc.'  v.itli  ili.  I:,  i,.  !,  -.^i.i.i! 
fiivoiinililc  i|i'ci>ioiis.  f 'on>iili-i:iMi-  -iim-  -a  i  ;i  • '.!.!i:,.'!;,  :.-i 
hi.s  «oo(l  wonl.  Wlicn  the  htiL'iinl  '>!.i.iir]i  .1  ih  'I- .1-1  •!,  )ii  •'. 
Kivi'M  WHS  ri'tiiini'il.  Whfii  the  ci^i  w.  u'  i_':mpi-'  iiiiu,  tli' 
Mi'lif'h  w;i.s  ilclic.-itcly  si-ruiiulou-  in  li:.iii|in'-'  i'  I-m  k.  -wn/j 
rnro  had  f;iilci|  to  Drcvuil.  he  louhl  n..i  |....-il.|',  liurii,  '.t  i. 
KvcrytliiiiK  was  done  in  flii'  nio>t  >i 'i.  1  ;!ii'!  ^  iiii;i  i.  ::'!  1!  w  . 
till  afttT  till'  death  of  thi.^  jndii  ioii-  i|l:iii  r  /i.  1  li.i'  i'  w  . 
h("  had  ni'vcT  spoken  to  ihi-  jiidu"-  mIi^.ui  I.u  -  ri-  i'  li 
h.iit  Iain  undiT  a  uroundli  s>  su-pii-icn  mI  -Iimiiu^  Ur  -jnu- 
made. 


I|l!l:       |.r     !      .    i     ;:'■■- 
.in.   Ml.       !.   I      •!.    li. 

.  :.  i,i;!.  t..   -.  .-..r. 

-.p-.!.  tfi.    n,.,ii.  > 

'  •■ii!i.i:i;it    ■.:    I.'j. 

'.  ;i    :.-    I,,-    l.,l!'l- 

!.!•  -   th      ire-'i'  %  . 

■.Ill    I'    w-r-    ii'il 

■l!-  ..■.  .  ■...i    tint 

■,  I     t-.  ,t     t(,iy 

til"  ir  in-  :i  J    had 


tVi 


686 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT   VI 


1 ;-/' 


w- 


have  takon  a  bribe,  but  he  has  perverted  justk-e  at  the  instance 
of  some  person  or  persons  wiio  eitlier  Rave  him  a  consideration 
or  exercised  uu  un(hie  influence"  over  him.  It  would  not  follow 
that  in  such  instances  th(>  whole  Bench  was  tainted  ;  indeed  I 
hav  never  heard  of  a  State  in  wliich  more  tiian  two  or  tliree 
of  tlie  superior  judges  were  tlie  objects  of  distrust  at  the  same 

time.' 

In  one  .State,  viz.  New  York,  in  1H()<)-71,  there  were  flagiant 
scandals  which  led  to  the  disapi)earance  of  three  justices  of  the 
.superior  courts  wlio  had  unquestionably  both  sold  and  denied 
justice.  The  Tweed  Hinfi,  when  masters  of  New  York  City 
and  engaf^ed  in  iilundering  its  treasury,  found  it  convenient  to 
have  in  the  seat  of  justice  accomiilic(>s  who  miylit  clu>ck  incjuiry 
into  their  misdeeds.  This  the  system  of  popular  elections  for 
very  short  terms  enabled  them  to  do;  and  men  where  accord- 
ingly placed  (m  the  Bench  whom  ore  might  rather  have  expected 
to  see  in  the  dock  —  bar-room  loafers,  broken-down  Tombs  -  at- 
torneys, needy  adventur(>rs  whose  want  of  charact(>r  made  them 
absolutely  dependent  on  their  patrons.  Being  el(>cted  for  eight 
years  only,  these  fellows  were  obliged  to  purchase  re-("lecti<)n 
by  constant  subservience  to  the  party  managers.  They  did 
not  regard  social  censui.-,  for  they  wer<"  already  excluded  from 
decent  society;  impeachment  had  no  terrors  for  them,  since 
the  State  legislature,  as  well  as  the  executive  macliinery  of  the 
city,  was  in  the  hands  of  their  masters.  It  would  have  l>een 
vain  to  expect  such  jieople,  witliout  f(nir  of  (lod  or  man  before 
their  eyes,  to  resist  the  influence  politicians  could  exert  or  the 
temptations  which  capitalists  could  otTer. 

To  what  precise  point  of  infamy  they  descended  I  cannot  at- 
tempt, among  so  many  discordant  stories  and  rumours,  to 
det'^-nine.  It  is,  liowever,  l)eyond  a  doubt  that  they  male 
orders  in  defiance  of  the  plainest  rules  of  practice ;  issued,  hi 

'  For  instance,  thorr  i-i  n  Wistorn  Stato  in  whi.'h  not  Ioml'  asro  thoro  was 
nno,  hut  onlv  <m<\  of  llw  siii"ii'ir  j.i.l-ics  whose  iiitciintv  was  doiihtcd.  So 
little  wrret  w.is  niaflr  of  the  mtittiT,  that  when  a  very  distiniiuishfd  ".'Iish 
lawyer  visited  the  eil.\ .  anil  was  taken  to  sif>  the  courts  sittinn,  the  no\  ip'TS 
announced  the  fact  next  day  as  follows  :     - 

"  Ijord  \'.  in  the  eity. 
He  has  seen  .ludKC  V." 

A   statu'.i-  of    Arizona   prescrihes  a   ehanire  of   venue   where  an   nffid.ivif 
made  all'-irinR  that  a  judire  is  hiassol. 

'  Til.'  Tombs  is  the  name  of  1h<>  city  prison  of  New  York,  round  which  law- 
yers of  the  lowest  claa-s  hover  in  the  hope  of  pickhig  up  defences. 


CH/.P.    fV 


THE  BENCH 


687 


ruiii-sli()i)s,  injuiK'tions  wl  =<'li  tlicy  had  not  even  road  over; 
apjniintt'd  notorious  v,  <•■;:'!'  k  •civTrsof  valuable  property;' 
turned  over  iniportui;  cas.s  to  .i  iV end  of  their  own  stamp, 
and  Rave  whatever  <1  .  i-  .n  he  suL-i-ested.  There  were  mem- 
bers of  the  Bar  who  (•(,;!.,  o!.r:;in  U\)v.\  ihese  ina^ist rates  what- 
ever order  or  deeree  tliey  ch(.>!  >,,  ask  lor.  A  leadinfj;  lawj'er 
and  man  of  hijjh  character  said  to  nie  in  1S7(),  "When  a  client 

brings  me  a  suit  which   is   bcfon (luiminp;  a  judge),  I  feel 

myself  bound  to  tell  him  that  tliough  I  will  take  it  if  he  pleases, 
he  had  much  better  give  it  to  So-and-So  (naming  a  lawyer), 
<"or  we  all  know  tltut  he  owns  that  judge."  A  system  of  client 
robbery  had  sjirung  up,  by  wh.ich  each  judge  enriched  the  knot 
of  disreputalile  lawyers  who  surrounded  him  ;  he  referred  cases 
to  them,  granted  them  monstrous  allowances  in  the  iiame  of 
costs,  gave  them  receivc-ships  with  a  large  percentage,  and  so 
forth;  they  in  turn  cilhcr  at  the  time  sharing  the  booty  with 
him,  or  undertaking  to  do  the  same,  t'or  him  when  he  should 
have  (h'scciided  to  the  Rar  and  they  have  climlied  to  the  Hench. 
Nor  is  there  any  doubt  that  criminals  who  had  any  claim  on 
their  party  often  managed  to  elude  punishment.  The  police. 
:t  was  said,  would  not  arrest  such  an  ofTender  if  they  could 
help  it;  the  District  AttoriKv  would  avoid  prosecuting;  the 
court  officials,  if  i)ublic  oi)iniou  had  forced  the  attorney  to  act, 
wou'd  try  to  pack  the  jury:  the  judge,  if  th(>  jury  seemed 
honest,  would  d<»  his  best  to  procure  an  accjuittal;  and  if,  in 
spite  of  police,  attortiey,  officials,  and  judge,  the  criminal  was 
convicte<l  and  sentenc.HJ.  he  might  still  hope  that  the  influence 
of  !iis  ])arty  would  procure  a  i);irdon  from  the  governor  of  the 
State,  or  enable  him  in  some  other  way  to  slip  out  of  the  grasp 
of  justice.  Tor  governor,  judge,  attorney,  officials,  and  jJoHce 
Were  all  of  them  party  nomiincs  ;  a!id  if  a  nian  camiot  count  on 
being  helped  by  liis  party  at  :>  jnnch,  who  will  be  faithful  to  his 
party  ? 


!. ' 


'  * ' 


'  "In  ty-  iiiiii.I-  of  icitaiii  \<>\v  York-  ju.li.'.  s,"  sail  Mr.   Charles  F.  Adams 
!it  that  time,  " the  old-fashidiicrl   ili^tiii.-tion  li.twccii 
<'i)iirt  of  i;i|uit>   anil  a  receiver  of  sic 


II  a  receiver  of  proixTty  in  a 

.     -  -       -^er  of  stolen  nood-  at  eonnnon  law  niay  be  said  tcj 

have  liecMi  lo>l."  The  abuses  of  judicial  autlcitii\  wcv,-  niostly  pcTjictrated  in 
the  exerc'ise  of  eciuital)Ie  jurisdii^tion,  which  i-  no  d.jul>t  tlw  nio.st  delicate  part 
of  a  judges  work,  not  only  l>ccau-^e  there  i~  m,  jur\,  hut  hecau.se  the  effect  of 
an  injunction  nia;.  he  irrcincclialilc'.  whcr  a-  a  d  .i^ion  on  the  main  <|uestion 
lilay  !«•  reversed  on  appeal.  In  ScollancI  -iUie  cjf  the  local  cciuns  have  a  juri.s- 
diction  unlimited  in  .miounl.  hut  no  actio:;  i  an  he  taken  on  an  interdict  issued 
hy  su'h  a  court  if  an  appeal  i.-i  made  with  clue  proinptnc.ss  to  the  ('uurt  of  .Sea 


eaaiou. 


088 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


I'Aur  VI 


■1-4 


Altliou.uli  these  iii:ili)r:ietiees  diverted  tn^innl  deal  of  business 
from  tlie  courts  to  private  arhitration,  the  duumKe  to  the  regular 
course  of  civil  justice  was  much  less  than  iniKht  have  been 
(>xpected.  The  [rxuhy  judji;es  were  but  three  in  number,  and 
there  is  no  reason  to  think  that  even  they  decided  unjustly 
in  an  ordinary  conunercial  suit  iu'tween  man  and  man,  or  took 
direct  money  i)ribes  from  one  of  the  i)arties  to  such  a  suit.  The 
l)etter  oi)inion  seems  to  l)e  that  it  was  only  where  the  influence 
of  a  jK)litical  party  or  of  some  particular  jxTsons  came  in  that 
injustice  was  ixM-jM-t rated,  and  the  truth,  I  believe,  was  spoken 
by  another  judj!;e,  an  honest  and  worthy  man,  who  in  talking 
to  me  at  the  time  of  the  most  unl)lushiiif2;  amonf;;  these  offenders, 

said,  "Well,  I  don't  much  liU( ;  he  iscertaiidy  abad  fellow, 

with  verv  little  delicacy  of  mind.  IIe"ll  f^ive  you  an  injunction 
without  "hearing  what  k's  about.  Hut  1  don't  think  he  takes 
money  down  from  everybody."  In  the  instance  which  made 
most  noise  in  Europe,  that  of  the  Erie  Railroad  suits,  there  was 
no  need  to  give  bribes.  The  s^mK  <>•"  thieves  who  had  Ka.i»»'tl 
control  of  the  line  and  were  "waterini-"  its  stock  were  leagued 
with  the  political  "rinfj;sters"  who  ruled  the  city  and  nominatinl 
th(>  judges;  and  nobody  doubts  that  the  monstrous  decisions 
in  these  suits  were  obtained  by  the  influence  of  the  Tammany 
leaders  over  their  judicial  minions. 

The  fall  of  the  Tanunany  King  was  swiftly  followed  by  the 
imi)eachmen+  or  resignation  of  these  judges,  and  no  similar 
scandal  has  since  disgraced  the  Em]Hre  State,  though  it  must 
be  confessed  that  some  of  the  criminal  coiuts  of  the  city  would 
be  more  worthily  ])resided  over  if  they  were  "taken  out  of 
]iolitics."  At  present  New  York  a])i)oints  her  chief  city  judges 
for  fourteen  years  and  i)ays  them  a  large  salary,  so  she  gets 
fairly  good  if  not  first-rate  men.'  rnhajipily  the  magnitude  of 
this  one  judicial  scandal.  hapi)ening  in  the  greatest  city  of  the 
Union,  aiid  tlie  oni'  which  Europeans  hear  most  of,  has  thrown 


1  As  to  thi'  r  prnt  introduction  in  sonio  .'^tatcs  of  tlio  Kccall  of  judftPs  by  poiui- 
lar  vote,  so.-  Vnl.  1.  Clinp.  XLII  (Stato  .Iii.li.iary).  .Mtliouph  the  Recall  w  a 
.HiKiiificant  .■viacncc  of  ilistiust  in  the  Hcncli,  that  .listnist  si.ritiKS  not  so  much 
from  suspici<ins  ..f  corruption  as  from  the  belief  that  judKe«  arc  apt  to  be  too 
nuch  undci  th.  i.,fir,(iirr  of  Hnaiida!  liit.T<-t-^,  ,-,,c-rially  tho«-  of  Rrcit  cor- 
porations. The  .similar  proposal  for  a  Recall  ii.i.  reversal)  of  judicial  decisions 
by  the  people  is  Kroun<le<l  on  the  notion  that  in  interpretinK  the  .State  Con- 
.stitutioiis  tlie  juilites  ari'  over  technical,  and  are  too  much  in  sympathy  with  the 
sentiments  of  the  wealthy  class. 


il  I 


CHAP,  rv 


THE   BENCH 


(VS9 


1  < , 


over  the  intof?rity  of  tlic  American  liciich  a  shadow  whicli  docs 
{frcat  injustice  to  it  as  a  wlioie. 

Although  jiuHcial  jnirity  lias  of  late  years  come  to  he  deemed 
an  indispensahle  accompaniment  of  hi}!.h  civilization,  it  is  one 
which  has  been  realized  in  very  few  times  and  countries.  Hesiod 
complained  that  the  kings  who  heard  the  cause  between  himself 
and  his  brother  received  {>;ifts  to  decide  against  him.  Felix 
expected  to  get  money  for  loosing  St.  Paul,  .\mong  Orientals 
to  this  day  an  incorruptible  jnagistrat"  is  a  rare  exception  ' 
in  England  a  lord  chancellor  was  removed  for  taking  briwes  as 
late  as  the  time  of  George  I.  In  Spain.  Portugal,  Russia,  parts 
of  the  iVustro-Hungarian  monarchy,  and  even  in  Italy,  the 
judges,  excei)t  perhaps  those  of  th(>  highest  court,  are  not  as- 
sumed by  general  opinion  to  be  above  suspicion.  Many  are 
trusted  individually,  but  the  office  is  not  ileemeti  to  guarantee 
the  lionour  of  its  occupant.  Yet  in  all  these  countri(\s  tlie  judges 
are  appointed  by  the  government,  ;ind  hold  either  for  life  or  at 
its  pleasure,-  whereas  in  America  suspicion  has  arisen  only  in 
States  where  popular  election  i)revails  ;  that  is  to  say,  where  the 
responsibility  for  a  bao  appointment  cannot  be  fixed  on  any  one 
person.  The  shortcomings  of  the  B<>nch  in  these  States  do  not 
therefore  indicate  unsoundness  in  the  tone  either  of  the  people 
or  of  the  profession  from  wliom  the  offenders  have  been  taken 
but  are  the  natural  result  of  a  system  which,  so  fa-  from  taking 
l)recautions  to  place  worthy  persons  on  the  seat  of  justice,  has 
left  the  choice  of  them  in  four  cas{>s  out  of  five  to  -•  ecret  com- 
bination of  wirepullers.  When  this  system  has  been  got  rid  of, 
—  and  the  current  seems  to  be  Howing  against  it,  —  tlu'  quality 
of  the  Bench  will  doubtless  improve. 

'  Neither  is  ho  at  all  too  common  in  Central  and  South  Ameriea.  In  Egypt  I 
was  told  in  ISHS  that  there  niijslit  he  here  and  there  anvonc  the  native  judges  a 
man  who  did  not  take  hrihes,  but  prohahly  not  more  than  two  or  three  iti  the 
whole  eountry.     Things  have,  however,  tuended  siiiee  then. 

'There  is  the  •  uportant  difference  hetwei-n  these  countries  and  7'lnnlatid 
that  in  all  of  them  not  only  is  little  or  no  use  made  of  the  civil  jury,  li..'  i)iil)lic 
opinion  is  less  active  and  justice  more  hx'alized.  i.i .  a  smaller  i)roportion  of  im- 
|)ortant  siiits  are  hroucht  before  the  supreme  I'ouits  of  the  capital.  The  ci-ntral- 
ization  of  English  justice,  co.stly  to  suitors,  has  contributed  to  n-.i:'  e  law  more 
pure  as  well  aa  more  scientific. 


CHAPTER  CVI 


RAILROADS 


!..; 


No  one  will  expect  to  find  in  a  hook  like  this  a  description 
of  that  prodigy  of  labour,  wealth,  and  skill  —  the  American 
railway  system.  Of  its  management,  its  finance,  its  commercial 
prospects,  I  do  not  attempt  to  speak.  But  railroads,  and  those 
who  own  and  control  ♦hem,  occupy  a  place  in  the  political  and 
social  life  of  the  country  which  requires  some  passing  words, 
for  it  is  a  place  far  more  significant  than  similar  enterprises  have 
obtained  in  the  Old  World. 

The  United  States  are  so  much  larger,  and  have  a  population 
so  much  more  scattered  than  any  European  state  that  they 
depend  even  more  upon  means  of  internal  communication.     It 
is  these  communications  that  hold  the  country  together,  and 
render  it  one  for  nil  social  and  political  purposes  as  well  as  for 
commerce.     They  may  indeed  be  said  to  have  made  the  West, 
for  it  is  along  the  lines  of  railway  that  the  West  has  been  set- 
tled, and  population  still  follows  the  rails,  stretching  out  to 
south  and  north  of  the  great  trunk  lines  wherever  they  send 
off  a  branch.     The   Americans  are  an   eminently   locomotive 
people.     Were  statistics  on  such  a  point  attainable,  they  would 
probably  show  that  the  average  man  travels  over  thrice  as  niany 
miles  by  steam  in  a  year  as  the  average  Englishman,  six  times 
as  many  as  the  average  Frenchman  or  German.     The  New 
Yorker  thinks  of  a  journey  to  Chicago  (900  miles)  as  a  Londoner 
of  a  journey  to  Cdasgow  (400  miles) ;  and  a  family  at  St.  Louis 
will  go  for  sea-bathing  to  Cape  May,  a  journey  of  thirty-five 
or  forty  hours,  as  readily  as  a  Birmingham  family  goes  to  Scar- 
borough.    The  movements  of  goods  traffic  are  on  a  gigantic 
scale.     The  greatest  branch  of  heavy  freight  transportation  in 
England,  that  of  coal  from  the  north  and  west  to  London,  is 
not  to  be  compared  to  the  weight  of  cotton,  grain,  bacon,  cattle, 
fruit,  and  ores  which  come  from  the  inland  regions  to  the  Atlantic 
coast.     This  traffic  does  not  merely  give  to  the  trunk  lines  an 

690 


CHAP.    CVI 


RAILROADS 


601 


enormous  yearly  turnover,  —  it  interests  all  clas.«ses,  I  might 
almost  say  all  individuals,  in  railway  operations,  seeing  that  every 
braneh  of  industry  and  every  profession  except  divinity  and  medi- 
cine is  more  or  less  directly  eonneettnl  Avith  the  movements  of 
commerce,  and  prospers  in  proportion  to  its  pro.-  erity.  Conse- 
quently, railroads  and  their  receipts,  railroad  directors  and  their 
doings,  occupy  men's  tongues  and  pens  to  a  far  greater  extent 
than  in  Europe. 

Some  of  the  great  railway  (fompanies  possess  yet  another 
source  of  wealth  and  power.     At  the  time  when  they  were 
formed,  the  enterprise  of  laying  down  rails  in  thinly-peopled, 
or  perhaps  quite  uninhabited   regions,  in  some  instances  over 
deserts  or  across  lofty  mountains,  seemed  likely  to  prove  so 
unremunerative  to  the  first  shan>holders,  yet  so  beneficial  to 
the  country  at  large,  that  f  ongress  was  induced  to  encourage 
the  promoters  by  vast  grants  of  unoccupied  land,  the  property 
of  the  United  States,  lying  along  the  projected  line."     The  grants 
were  often  improvident,  and  they  gave  rise  to  endless  lobbying 
and  intrigue,  first  to  secure  them,  then  to  keep  them  from  Ijeing 
declared  forfeited  in  respect  of  some  br(>ach  of  the  conditions 
imposed  by  Congress  on   the  company.     However,   the  lines 
were  made,   colonists  came,  much  of  the  lands  was  sold  to 
speculators  as  well  as  to  individual  settlers;   but  much  long 
remained  in  the  hands   of   two   or   three  companies.     These 
gifts  made  the  railroads  great  landowners,  e;ave  them  a  local 
influence  and  divers  local  interests  besides  those  arising  from  their 
proper  business  of  carriers,  and  brought  them  into  intimate 
and  often  perilously  delicafe  relations  with  leading  politicians. 
No  wonder,  then,  that  the  railroads,  even  those  that  held  no 
land  beyond  that  on  which  their  rails  ran,  acrjuired  immense 
power  in  the  districts  they  traversed.     In  a  new  and  thinly- 
peopled  State  the  companies  were  by  far  the  wealthiest  bo<lies, 
and  able  by  their  wealth  to  exert  all  sorts  of  influence.     A  city 
or  a  district  of  country  might  depend  entirely  upon  them  for 
its  progress.     If  they  ran  a  line  into  i(  or  through  it,  emigrants 

'  These  grantfl  usually  ronsistcf!  of  alf-rtiatc  sections,  in  the  earlier  r.-tses 
nf  five  to  the  mile  ulniiK  the  line.  The  tdtal  Krant  made  tn  the  Inion  Paeifie 
•lailway  wa.-!  13,000,100  aere.s  ;  to  the  Kansiw  I'aeihe,  tj.lHJO.OOO  ;  to  the  Central 
Pacific,  12,100.i()n;  to  the  Northern  Paeifie,  47.0(XJ,000  ;  Ut  the  \tlantie  arid 
Pacific,  4:>,0(X),(HK)  ;  to  the  ,«!outhern  Paeifie,  <),.il>0,tKK).  lOnormous  money  sub- 
Siduis,  PxceedinK  f()0,000,(XK),  were  also  granted  by  fongrers  t<j  the  first  tran»- 
coutiuental  linen. 


tf^-f 


'^ 


f 


69J 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


HAHT   VI 


followed,  the  value  of  fixed  property  rose,  trade  heeame  brisk : 
if  th"y  passefl  it  by,  and  bestowetl  transportation  facilities  on 
some  other  district,  it  saw  itself  outstrippwl  and  l)eKan  to  lan- 
puish.     If  a  company  owned  a  trunk  line  it  could,  by  raisiuR 
or  lowering  the  rates  of  freight  on  that  line  tluoiigh  which  \hv 
products  of  the  district  or  State  passed  towards  the  sea,  stimu- 
late or  retard  the  prosperity  of  the  agricultural  poiMilation,  or 
the  miners,  or  the  luml>ermen.     That  is  to  say,  the  great  c()iri- 
panies  held  in  their  hands  the  fortunes  of  cities,  of  counties, 
even  sometim(>s  of  Stat(>s  and  Territories.'     California  was  for 
many  years  practically  at  the  mercy  of  the  Central  Pacific  Rail- 
way, then  h(>r  only  road  to  the   Mississippi   Valley  and   tin; 
Atlantic.     (Oregon   and   Washington  wer(>  almost   equally  de- 
pendent upon  the  Oregon  Railroad  and  Navigation  Company, 
and  afterwards  upon  the  Northern  Pacific.     What  made  the 
position  more  singular  was  that,  altlu)ugh  th(>se  railroads  had 
been  built  under  statutes  passed  by  the  S*ate  they  traversed 
(or,  in  the  case  of  Territories,  wholly  or  partially  under  Federal 
statutes),  they  were  built  with  Eastern  capital,  and  were  owned 
l)y  a  immber,  often  a  small  number,  of  rich  men  living  in  New- 
York,  Boston,  or  Philadelphia,  unamenable  to  local  influences, 
and  caring  no  more  about  the  wishes  and  feelings  of  the  State 
whence  their  profits  came  thnii  an  English  bondholder  cares 
about  the  f(>elings  of  Paraguay.     Moreover,  although  the  rail- 
roads held  a  fuUe-  Avay  in  the  newer  States,  they  were  sometimi's 
potent  political  factors  in  the  older  ones.     In  1870  I  oft(<ii  heard 
men  say,  "Camden  and    Amboy   (the    Camden    and    Amboy 
Railroad)  rules  New  Jersey."     In  New  York  the  great   N.-n 
York    Central    Railroa.l,    in    Peimsylvania  the    Pennsylvania 
Railroad  under  its  able  chiefs,  exerted  immense  influence  with 
the  legislature,  partly  by  their  wealth,  partly  l)y  the  oppor- 
tunities  of    bestowing   favours   on    individuals   and    localities 
which   th<>y   possessed,   including   the   gift   of   free   j)a.-  ^es,  and 
possibly  influence  exercised  on  the  votes  of  lluMr  (>nii)loyees. 
Sometimes,  at  least  in  I'ennsylvania  and  New  York,  they  even 
threw  their  weight  into  the  scale  of  a  political  party,  givinj:; 
it  money  as  well  as  votes.     But  more  commonly  they  have 

1  This  was  of  coursp  pspooiallv  the  caso  witli  tlio  nrwcr  Western  Statos  ;  yil 
ovon  in  the  older  parts  of  ttie  rountry  any  very  Inrge  railway  system  had  great 
power,  'or  it  might  hav<-  a  monopoly  of  communieation  ;  or  if  there  were  two 
lin.'s  they  might  have  agreed  to  "pool,"  as  it  is  ealled,  their  trafhc  roeoipta  and 
work  iu  harmouy. 


rn.Kr.  rvi 


RAILROADS 


m.i 


confined  tlicnisclvcs  to  securing  their  own  interests,  and  ohli^ed, 
or  threatened  an«l  used,  the  State  leaders  of  both  parties  alike 
for  that  iiurpose.  The  same  sort  of  jiower  was  at  one  time 
exerted  over  some  of  the  cantons  of  Switzerland  hy  Ihe  greater 
Swiss  railway  companies;  thoiiu;h,  after  the  Constitution  of 
1874,  it  was  believed  to  have  disajjpeared.' 

In  such  circumstances  conflicts  l)etwe<'n  the  railroa<ls  and 
the  State  governments  were  inevitable.  The  companies  might 
.succe(>d  in  "capturing"  individual  legislators  or  committees 
of  either  or  both  Houses,  but  they  could  not  silence  the  di.s- 
content(Hl  cities  or  counties  who  complained  of  the  way  in  which 
they  were  neglected  while  s(Hne  other  city  obtained  better 
facilities,  still  less  the  farmers  who  denounced  the  unduly  high 
rates  they  were  forced  to  pay  for  the  carriage  of  their  produce. 
Thus  a  duel  began  between  the  companies  and  the  peoj)les 
of  some  of  the  States,  which  has  gone  on  ^\^th  varying  fortune 
in  the  halls  of  the  legislatures  ami  in  the  courts  of  law.  The 
farmerscjf  the  North- West  formed  agricultural  associations  called 
"Patrons  of  Husbandry,"  or  popularly  "dranges,"  and  pas.sed 
a  number  of  laws  imposing  various  restrictions  on  the  railroads, 
and  providing  for  the  fi.xing  of  a  maximum  scale  of  charges. 
But  although  the  railDad  companies  had  been  formed  under, 
and  derived  their  powers  of  taking  land  and  making  bye-laws 
from.  State  statutes,  these  statutes  had  in  some  cases  omitted  to 
reserve  the  right  todeal  freely  with  the  lin(>si>  subsequent  legisla- 
tion ;  and  the  companies  therefore  atttMupted  to  resist  the 
"  Clranger  laws  "  as  being  unconstitutional.  They  we-e  defeated 
by  two  famous  decisions  of  the  Supreme  PVderal  Court  in  1876,^ 
establishing  the  right  of  a  State  to  impo.se  restrictions  on 
public  undertakings  in  the  nature  of  monopolies.  Hut  in  oth<>r 
directions  they  had  better  luck.  The  (Jranger  laws  proved 
in  many  respects  unworkable.  The  companies,  alleging  that 
they  could  not  carry  goods  at  a  loss,  vexed  the  people  by  refusing 
to  construct  branches  and  otluT  new  lines,  and  in  various 
ways  contrived  to  make  the  laws  difficult  of  execution.  Thus 
they  procured  (in  most  States)  the  repeal  of  the  first  .set  of 
( tranger  laws  ;  and  when  further  legislation  was  projected,  secret 
engines  of  influence  were  matle  to  play  upon  the  legislatures, 

'  The  Swiss  railways  are  now  the  property  of  the  Federal  Government. 
'See  Munn  v.  Illinois,  and  Piakc  v.  Chicago,  Burlinglon.  oiui  Quincy  Rail- 
road,  94  U.  S.  Reports. 


ttl 


604 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT   VI 


I  *:' 


influences  which,  since  the  first  wave  of  p()])ulur  impulse  had  now 
spent  itself,  often  provcxl  efficacious  in  averting  furtluT  restric- 
tions or  impeding  the  enforcement  of  those  imposed.  Those 
who  profited  moat  by  the  strife  were  the  less  scrupulous  among 
the  legislators,  who,  if  they  did  not  receive  some  favour  from 
a  railroad,  could  levy  blackmail  upon  it  by  bringing  in  a  threaten- 
ing bill.' 

The  contest,  however,  was  not  confined  to  the  several  States. 
It  passed  to  Congress.  Congress  was  supposcnl  to  have  no  au- 
thority under  the  Constitution  todeahvith  a  railway  lying  entirely 
within  one  State,  because  it  carried  intra-state  conunerce  only, 
but  to  be  entitled  to  legislate,  under  its  power  of  regulating  com- 
merce between  dilTerent  States,  for  all  lines  (including  connect- 
ing lines  which  are  worked  together  as  a  through  line)  which 
traverse  more  than  one  State  there  being  agencies  of  inter-state 
commerce.  And  of  course  it  has  always  had  power  over  rail- 
ways situate  in  the  Territories.  As  tlie  Federal  courts  decideil 
some  time  ago  that  no  State  could  legislate  against  a  railway 
lying  partly  outside  its  o^vn  limits,  l)ecause  this  would  trench 
on  Federal  competence,  the  need  for  Fwleral  legislation,  long 
pressed  upon  Congress,  became  urgent ;  and  after  much  debate 
an  Act  was  passed  in  1887  establishing  an  Inter-State  Com- 
merce Commission,  with  power  to  regulate  railroad  transporta- 
tion and  charges  in  many  material  respects.  The  companies 
had  opposed  it ;  but  after  its  passage  they  discovered  that  it 
hurt  them  less  than  they  had  feared,  and  in  some  points  even 
benefited  them ;  for  the  prohibition  of  all  discriminations  and 
secret  rebates,  and  the  requirement  to  adhere  to  their  publishe<l 
fist  of  charges,  although  they  could  not  "  take  care "  of  the 
commissioners  as  they  often  had  State  legislatures,  gave  them 
a  readj'  answer  to  demands  for  exceptional  privileges.*  This 
momentous  statute,  which  forbade  the  exaction  of  unreasonable 
charges  and  all  chscriminations  between  persons  and  places 
gave  rise  to  a  swarm  of  difficult  legal  questions,  and  while 


m 


'  Some  time  aRo  the  legislature  of  Iowa  passed  a  Btatute  giving  the  State 
Railway  Cor.mission  full  powers  to  fix  charges ;  and  injunctions  were  obtained 
from  the  courts  rcsiruining  the  ConiHiission  from  inposiiig,  u»  they  were 
proceeding  to  do,  rates  so  low  as  to  Im-  d(>stnictive  of  reas<jnable  profits. 

•  .Subsequent  statutes  have  enlarged  the  functions  of  this  Commission  and 
have,  among  other  things,  put  an  end  to  the  bestowal  of  free  passes  for  passen- 
gers, a  form  of  preference  which  had  assunietl  large  proportions  and  given  rise 
(especially  where  legislators  were  concerned^  to  some  abuses. 


CHAP.    CVI 


RAILUOADS 


605 


hamptiritiK  tho  milnmds  did  n;)t  at  first  do  much  to  Uw.scn  the 
complaints  of  the  fanning  and  coninuTcial  classes.  It  has,  how- 
ever, IxM'n  am<!n(l'  d,  and  the  Act  of  1900,  while  streiiRthening 
the  Conimission  in  its  numbers  and  its  jwwers,  provided  for 
it  a  more  efficient  procedure.  The  .\ct  of  1910  has  still  further 
extended  its  j)owers,  which  now  cover  telegraph  and  telephone 
companies  so  far  as  relates  to  inter-state  business,  and  also 
pipt^-lines  carrying  oil.  A  ( \niri  of  Commerce  was  also  created, 
consisting  of  five  judges  to  l)e  selected  from  the  Federal  Circuit 
judges. 

That  the  railroads  had  exercised  autocratic  and  irresponsible 
power  over  some  regions  of  th(  country,  and  had  occasionally 
abused  this  power,  especially  by  imposing  disciriminations  in 
their  freight  charges,  is  not  to  be  denied.'  They  had  become 
extremely  unjwpular,  a  constant  tli(>me  for  demagogic  denun- 
ciations ;  and  their  success  during  many  years  in  resisting  public 
clamour  by  their  secret  control  of  legislatures,  or  even  of  the 
State  commissioners  a|)i)ointed  to  deal  with  them,  increased 
the  irritation.  All  corjjorations  are  at  present  unpopular  in 
America,  and  especially  corporations  possessed  of  monopolies. 
The  agitation  may  continue,  though  the  confidence  felt  in  the 
honesty  of  the  Commission  has  done  .something  to  allay  it, 
and  attempts  be  made  to  carry  still  more  stringent  legislation. 
Some  have  proposed  tliat  all  railways,  as  well  as  telegraphs, 
should  be  taken  over  i  y  the  nation,  and  that  not  merely  for 
revenue  purposes,  but  to  make  them  .serve  more  perfectly  the 
public  convenience.  Apart  from  the  question  of  amending  the 
Constitution  for  this  end,  the  objection  which  to  most  men 
seems  decisive  against  any  su(!h  arrangement  is  that  it  would 
not  only  encumber  government  with  most  difficult  rate-problems, 
affecting  local  interests,  and  therefore  involving  the  certainty  of 
local  political  pressure,  but  would  also  throw  a  stupendous  mass 
of  patronage  and  power  into  the  hands  of  the  party  for  the 
time  being  holding  office.  Considering  what  a  perennial  spring 
of  bitterness  partisan  patronage  has  been,  and  how  fiable  to 
perversion  und*  r  the  best  regulations  patronage  always  must 
be,  he  would  be  a  bold  man  who  would  toss  an  immense  number 

'  It  would  appear  that  the  freight  charecs  on  American  railways  were, 
iH'fore  1SS7.  Kciierally  low  r  tli:in  tlioM-  ii  lOnnhuKl  and  in  Western  Europe 
Reneraily.  They  are  now  lower,  and  in  soni<'  ciiscx  very  much  lover,  than  thoae 
of  Hritinh  railways.  KiiKlisli  tliird-cla.ss  ivisscntjcr  farc^^  iirc,  however,  an  a  rule 
blightly  lower  than  those  in  tin  ordinary  Anicriian  earn. 


ti 


006 


SOCIAL  INSTITI'TIONS 


PAHT    Vl 


of  plai'cs  —  the  ruilruiids  oinploycd  in  11K)7,  l,(i72,000  porsoiis 
ami  wero  payiiiR  thcin  $l,072,38(),427  -  into  the  lap  of  a  party 
minister.  lOcononiicr  Rain,  ussuiniuK  that  !si  ;-h  gain  could  Uv 
secured,  would  be  dearly  bouKht  by  politicrl  danger. 

Their  strife  with  the  State  novenuueiits  ha.  not  been  enough 
to  occupy  the  j)ugnacity  of  the  couipiiiiics.  They  must  needs 
fight  with  one  another;  and  their  \vars  liave  been  long  and 
fierce,  involving  immense  pecimiary  interests,  not  oidy  to  the 
shareholders  in  the  combatant  lines,  but  also  to  the  inhabitants 
of  the  districts  which  they  served.  Such  conflicts  have  been 
most  frequent  between  the  trunk  lines  competing  for  the  car- 
riage of  goods  from  the  West  to  the  Atlantic  cities,  and  have 
been  conducted  not  only  by  lowering  charges  so  as  to  starve 
t)Ut  the  weaker  line,'  but  by  attacks  upon  its  stocks  in  the  great 
share  markets,  by  efforts  to  defeat  its  bills  in  the  State  legisla- 
tures, and  by  law-suits  with  applications  for  injunctions  in  the 
courts.  Sometinjes,  ;i  in  the  famous  ease  of  the  struggh* 
of  the  Atchison  Topeki  und  Santa  F6  railway  with  the  Denver 
and  Rio  drande  for  the  possession  of  the  great  canon  of  the 
Arkansas  River,-  the  easiest  route  into  an  important  group  of 
Rocky  Mountain  valleys,  the  navvies  of  the  two  companies 
fought  with  shovels  ancl  pickaxes  on  the  spot,  while  their  coun- 
sil  were  fighting  in  the  law  courts  si.xteen  hundred  miles  away. 
.\  well-established  company  has  sometimes  had  to  meet  a 
peculiarly  annoying  form  of  attack  at  the  hands  of  audacious 
adventurers,  who  construct  a  competing  line  where  the  traffic 
is  only  suflicient  to  enable  the  existing  one  to  i)ay  a  dividend 
on  the  capital  it  has  expended,  aiming,  not  at  the  creation  of  a 
l)rofitable  undertaking,  but  at  levying  blackmail  on  one  which 
exists,  and  obtaining  an  opportunity  of  manipulating  bonds 
and  stocks  for  th(>ir  own  benefit.  In  such  a  :\isi\  the  railway 
company  in  possession  has  its  choice  betwet'u  two  cc  jrses :  it 
may  allow  the  new  enterprise  to  go  on,  then  lower  its  own  rat<>s, 
and  so  de.strc}  all  possibility  of  profits;  or  it  may  buy  up  tin- 
rival  line,  perhaps  at  a  heavy  price.     Sometimes  it  tries  the  first 


'  In  one  of  thoso  contests,  one  railway  havinR  lowered  its  rates  for  ivittlc 
to  3  fij?ure  hi-imv  ij:i.viiiK  point,  tlic  nianaRrr  of  the  oth.'r  pri<iu|)tl.\'  Udinht  up 
all  the  cattle  he  could  find  at  the  inland  terminus,  and  sent  thetn  to  the  coast 
hy  the  enemy's  line,  a  costly  les-son  to  the  latter. 

'This  s<«-i'alled  "Royal  (Jorce"  of  the  Arkansas  is  one  of  the  most  strikiim 
|)iec-en  of  scenery  on  the  North  American  continent,  not  unlike  the  Krande.-<t 
part  of  the  famous  Daricl  Pass  in  the  Cuucuaus. 


•  HAP.  rvi 


RAILROADS 


m7 


courso  loiiR  enough  to  l»c;it  down  the  alrcatly  small  prosju'cts  of 
the  new  line  and  then  huys  it  ;  but  altliouKli  this  may  ruin 
tlir  "pirates"  who  have  built  the  new  line,  it  involves  a  hideous 
waste  of  the  moiu-y  spent  in  (•;)nst ruction,  and  the  shareholders 
of  the  ol  '  company  as  well  as  the  bondholders  of  the  new  one 
suffer.  1  his  is  a  form  of  rairl  upon  property  which  evidently 
oUKht  to  be  prevented  by  a  greater  care  on  the  part  of  State 
legislatures  in  refusing  to  pass  special  Acts  for  unnecessary  rail- 
roads, or  in  so  inctdifyinK  their  law  as  to  prevent  a  group  of 
promoters  from  using,  for  pur|)oses  of  blackmail,  the  powers  of 
taking  land  and  constructing  railroads,  which  general  statutes 
confer.' 

This  atmosphere  of  strife  has  had  something  to  do  with  the 
feature  of  railway  management  which  a  European  finds  most 
remarkai)le;  I  mean  its  autocratic  character.  Nearly  all  the 
great  lines  are  controlled  and  managed  either  by  a  small  knot  f)f 
j)ersons  or  by  a  single  man.  S(nnetimes  one  man,  or  a  knot  of 
three  or  four  capitalists  acting  as  one  man,  holds  an  actual  ma- 
jority of  the  shares,  and  then  he  can  of  course  do  exactly  what 
he  pleases.  Sometimes  the  interest  of  the  ruling  maji  (or  knot) 
comes  so  near  to  being  a  controlling  interest  that  he  may  safely 
assume  that  no  majority  can  be  brought  against  him,  the  ten- 
dencies of  many  shareholders  being  to  support  "the  admini.stra- 
tion"  in  all  its  i)olicy.  This  accumulation  (<f  voti'ig  power  in 
a  few  hands  seems  to  ho  due  jKirtly  to  the  fact  that  the  shares 
of  new  lines  do  not,  in  the  first  instance,  get  scattered  through 
the  general  public  as  in  Knglaiid.  but  are  commonly  allotted  in 
mas.ses  to  a  few  persons,  often  as  a  sort  of  bonus  upon  their  sub- 
scribing for,  or  undertaking  to  place,  the  bonds  of  the  company. 

'"It  i.s  an  fxtrnnrdiriiiry  f.ut,"  said  Mr.  Ilitcluuck.  "that  tlic  iwwcr  of 
ciniiiciit  (loiiiairi  which  the  Statr  itsilf  i-diifcssi'dlx-  oii^lil  never  to  use  save  on 
grounds  of  piililie  ik ssit.\-  should  1m'  ;!t  the  e<inunan<l  of  irrespousiMi'  indi- 
viduals for  |juri«)se»  of  private  (j.iin.  not  only  without  any  tjuarantee  that  the 
publie  interest  will  l)e  promoted  thereliv.  liut  when  it  is  perfectly  well  known 
that  it  may  Im',  and  has  been,  delihenitely  availe<l  of  for  merely  .sixTulative 
purpo.se.s.  The  facility  with  which,  under  loosely  drawn  railroad  laws,  purol.v 
speculative  railroad  <'harters  c.in  lie  olitaiueil  has  coritriliuted  not  a  little  to 
develop  the  law  of  reeeivershipo.  In  Missouri  there  is  nothing  to  prevent  any 
five  men  whose  comhinrd  f:ipir:i!  w.iiii.i  li.it  cna!)!r  th.m  to  huiid  five  niilfs 
of  track  on  a  level  prairie  from  forming  a  railroad  corporation  with  |K)wer  to 
construct  a  roati  fivi-  huiulred  miUs  lone  inid  to  eondenui  |)rivato  projM'rty  for 
that  puriMise,  for  a  line  whosi'  construction  no  puhlic  interest  demands,  ami  from 
whic'h  no  ex|x>rienced  man  coidd  cxpoi't  ilividends  to  aeeruc."  —  .Vddross  to 
the  -Vmcrieau  Bar  .\ssociatiou,  ls!>7. 


«M 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


V- 


V  ■ 

i 

I  !  ' 


Mr' 


In  the  Unite*!  Stat«'s  sharcH  do  not  usually  rcprcwnt  a  cohU  huI>- 
Bcription,  the  practice  iM'ing  to  construct  a  railway  with  tho 
proceeds  of  the  ImndH  ami  to  regard  tho  Bhares  as  the  materialH 
for  future  profit,  things  which  may,  if  the  line  be  of  a  speculative 
character,  Im>  run  up  in  price  and  sold  off  hy  the  pronH)ters ; 
or,  if  it  Ik'  likely  to  prosper,  Iw  held  by  thenj  for  the  puriK)s<« 
of  controlling  as  well  as  gaining  profits  from  the  undertaking, 
the  profits  including  those  derivable  from  watering  the  stock.' 
It  is  partly  also  to  be  ascrilxHl  to  the  sjilendid  lM)ldness  with  which 
financial  operations  are  ('onducttxl  in  America,  v.-liere  the  leaders 
of  Wall  Street  do  not  hesitate  to  buy  up  enormous  musses  of 
shares  of  stock  for  the  purpose  of  some  coup.  Having  once  gol 
into  a  single  hand,  or  a  few  hands,  these  stock  masses  stay  there , 
and  give  their  possessors  the  control  of  the  line.  Hut  the  power 
of  the  railways,  and  the  position  they  hold  towards  local  govern- 
ments, State  legislatures,  and  one  another,  have  also  a  great 
deal  to  do  with  the  phc-nomenon.  \VHr  used  for  u  time  to  !«•,  and 
in  some  parts  of  the  country  is  still,  the  natural  state  of  an  Ameri- 
can railway  towards  all  other  authorities  an  '  its  own  fellows, 
just  as  war  was  the  natural  state  of  cities  towanls  one  another 
in  the  ancient  world.  And  as  an  army  in  the  field  must  be  com- 
manded by  one  general,  so  must  this  latest  militant  product  of  an 
eminently  peaceful  civilization.  The  president  of  a  great  rail- 
road needs  gifts  for  strategical  combiiuitions  .scarcely  inferior  to 
those,  if  not  of  a  great  general,  yet  of  a  great  war  minister  — 
a  Chatham  or  a  Camot.  If  his  line  extends  into  a  new  coun- 
try, he  mu.st  be  quick  to  seize  the  best  routes,  —  the  best  phy.si- 
cally,  because  they  will  be  cheaper  to  operate,  the  best  in  agri- 
cultural or  mineral  resources,  because  they  will  offer  a  greater 
prospect  of  traffic.  He  must  .so  thro.v  out  his  branches  as  not 
only  to  occupy  promising  tracts,  but  keep  his  competing  enemies 
at  a  distance ;  he  must  annex  small  lines  when  he  sees  a  good 
chance,  first  "bearing"  their  stocks  so  as  to  get  them  cheaper; 

'  The  great  Central  Pnoifip  Railway  was  ronBtnictod  hy  four  mpn,  two  of 
whom  were,  when  they  l>o(j!in.  «forckp<'iM>r»  in  a  small  way  in  Sun  I'ranciwo, 
and  nonu  of  whom  could  Ix-  railod  rnpifahsts.  Their  united  fuiulH  when  they 
began  in  1860  were  only  $120.WK)  (t'l'4,00()).  They  went  on  iR.-iiinc  bonds  and 
building  the  lin^  hit  by  bit  as  tht-  htmils  put  thrm  in  funds,  n  t:iining  the  con- 
trol  of  the  company  throunh  the  shares.  This  Central  Parifie  Company  ulti- 
mately built  the  Southern  Pacific  and  numerous  branihew,  and  became  by  far 
the  greatest  power  in  the  West,  owning  nearly  all  the  railways  in  California 
and  Nevada.  When  one  of  the  four  died  in  1878,  his  estate  was  worth  «30,(XX),000, 
a  vast  sum  for  those  days. 


THAP.   rvi 


RAILROADS 


600 


ho  miwt  make  a  rloso  allianco  with  at  least  one  other  great  line, 
which  oinph'tcs  }ii.s  commuiiicatioiis  with  the  Kust  or  with  the 
farth«v  West,  atid  l)0  prepared  to  join  this  ally  in  a  conflict 
with  some  threatJ-ninR  eoinpetitor.  fie  must  know  the  (lovem- 
ors  .ncl  wftteh  the  IcKisliiture^  of  tli(>  States  through  which 
his  Hne  runs;  nuist  liuve  adroit  agents  at  the  State  rapitals, 
well  suppiiiHl  with  the  sinews  of  war,  ready  to  "see"  leading 
legislators  and  to  defeat  any  legislative  attacks  that  may  bo 
made  by  blackmailers  or  the  tools  of  ri\al  |)residents.  And  all 
the  while  he  must  not  only  keep  his  eye  upon  the  markets  of  New 
York,  prepareil  for  the  onshiUKht  which  may  be  made  upon  his 
own  stock  by  some  other  railroad  or  l)y  speculators  desiring  to 
make  a  proht  as  "Iwars,"  and  maintaining  friendly  relations 
with  th<'  capitalists  whose  help  he  uill  need  when  he  l)rings  out 
a  new  loan,  but  imist  supervis(>  the  whole?  administrative  system 
of  the  railroad  -  -  its  stations, permanent  way,  locomotives,  rolling 
stock,  engineering  shops,  freight  and  passenger  rates,  perhap8 
also  the  sah'  of  its  land  grants  and  their  defence  against  the  cabals 
of  Washington.  No  talents  of  the  practical  order  can  be  too 
high  for  such  a  position  as  this;  and  even  the  highest  talents 
would  fail  to  fill  it  properly  except  with  a  free  hand.  Concen- 
tration of  iK)wer  and  an  ahnost  uncontrollHl  discretion  are 
npednl ;  and  in  America  whatever  conunercial  success  needs 
is  sure  to  be  ^nelded.  Hence,  when  a  grouj)  of  capitalists  own 
a  railway,  they  commit  its  management  to  a  very  small  com- 
mitTve  among  themselves,  or  even  to  a  single  man  ;  and  when 
the  -ihart--  an-  more  widely  distributed,  the  shareholders,  recog- 
nizin£  tm-  n«-cesi!<iiry  conditions  of  prosperity,  not  to  say  of  sur- 
vivui  a  tu-  -triiaaiir  for  exi-'t'iice,  leave  themselves  in  the  handa 
of  !»  ?5sw*tMien=  .  who  has  little  t()  fear  except  from  the  shares 
Im-hje  f^inwrv  Hsueht  up  l)y  some  syndicate  of  enemies  seeking 
~M  «!thr<^  ram 

■  »f  ttn**  erea:  railway  chiefttJns,  some  come  to  the  top 
straeaailn.  t-  the  display  in  sul)ordiii,ite  posts  of  brilliant  ad- 
TTwrwantrr".  ens.  Some  begin  as  financiers,  and  spring  into 
tht  pr»««tentaal  saddle  at  a  bound  by  forming  a  combina- 
tiagr  wmnth  c^pHires  the  railway  by  buying  up  its  stock.  Oc- 
ca«onaiiy  ,  gr'>at  capitalist  will  seize  a  railroad  only  for  the 
s^>  (X  Toanipulanng  its  stock,  clearing  a  profit,  and  throwing 
i!  ;[war  BisT  more  fretjuently,  when  a  really  important  line 
tami  pmwin  in?'  th(>  haitds  of  a  man  or  group,  it  is  held  fast  and 


700 


SOCIAL   INSTIT'TIONS 


PAIIT   VI 


'iV-1 

m 


it-* 


developoi)  into  a  higher  efficiency  by  means  of  the  capital  he  or 
they  command. 

These  railway  kings  are  among  the  greatest  men,  perhaps  I 
may  say  are  the  greatest  men,  in  America.  They  have  wealth, 
else  they  could  not  hold  the  position.  They  have  fame,  for 
every  one  has  heard  of  their  achievements ;  every  newspaper 
chronicles  their  movements.  They  have  power,  more  pow(>r  — 
that  is,  more  opportunity  of  making  their  personal  will  prevail 
—  than  perhaps  any  one  in  political  life,  except  the  President 
and  the  Speaker,  who  after  all  hold  theirs  only  for  four  years 
and  two  years,  while  the  railroad  monarch  may  keep  his  for 
life.  When  the  master  of  onv  of  the  greatest  VVesterii  lines 
travels  towards  the  Pacific  on  his  palace  car,  his  journey  is 
like  a  royal  progress.  Governors  of  States  bow  before  him ; 
legislatures  receive  him  in  .solemn  session ;  cities  seek  to  pro- 
pitiate him,  for  has  he  not  the  means  of  making  or  marring  a 
city's  fortunes?  Although  the  railroad  companies  are  un- 
popular, and  although  this  autocratic  sway  from  a  distance 
contributes  to  their  unpopularity,  I  do  not  think  that  the 
ruling  magnates  are  themselves  generally  disliked.  (3n  the 
contrary,  they  receive  that  tribute  of  admiration  which  the 
American  gladly  pays  to  whoever  has  done  l)est  what  every 
one  desires  to  do.  Probably  no  career  draws  to  it  or  unfolds 
and  develops  so  much  of  the  characteristic  ability  of  the 
nation.  Not  even  legislation  can  greatly  reduce  the  command- 
ing positions  which  these  potentates  hokl  as  the  masters  of 
enterprises  whose  wealth,  geographical  extension,  and  influence 
upon  the  growth  of  the  country  and  the  fortunes  of  individuals, 
find  no  parallel  in  the  Old  World. 

It  has  already  been  shown  how  the  task  of  regulating  rail- 
roads by  law,  nowhere  an  easy  one,  is  in  the  Unitcnl  States  ren- 
dered more  pjTplexing  l)y  the  division  of  jurisdiction  between  the 
National  government  and  the  States,  the  control  of  th(>  former 
having  been  deemed  to  be  confincKl  to  traffic  between  the  States. 
To  adhere  to  and  apply  this  distinction  has  becoiiic  in  practice 
more  and  more  difficult  with  the  increase  not  only  of  inter-state 
traffic  but  of  the  deman<ls  made  for  regulating  matters  formerly 
untouched  l>y  legislation.  Thus  the  tendency  to  enlarge  the 
scope  of  national  control  is  inevitable,  and  likely  to  go  further. 
Little  as  the  railroads  relish  regulation  from  either  quarter,  they 
prefer  that  which  proceeds  from  Congress,  becau.se  it  is  uniform,  it 


CHAP.    CVI 


RAILROADS 


701 


hampers  thorn  less,  it  is  less  suhjoct  to  frequent  change,  and  it  is 
exerted  through  a  body,  the  inter-state  Commci  e  Commission, 
whose  members  possess  capacity  an( I  experience.  People  already 
ask  whether  the  ultimate  issue  will  not  be  the  assumption  by  the 
National  government  of  the  sole  power  of  controlling  an  agency 
of  transportation  of  national  magnitude  which  ought  to  be  dealt 
with  as  a  whole  and  which  would,  one  can  hardly  doubt,  huvo  been 
assigned  to  that  (Jovornment  by  the  framers  of  the  Consti- 
tution had  it  existe<l  in  their  day. 

It  may  b(>  thought    that   some  of  th(>  phenom;>na  I    have 
described  belong  to  an  era  of  colonization,  and  that  when   the 
West  has  Ikhmi  filled  up,  and  all  the  arterial  railways  made, 
when,  m  fact,  the  Tnitcd  States  have  become  even  as  England' 
or   France,  the  power  of  railroads  and  their    presidents  will 
declme.     No  douI)t   ther(>  will  be  l(>ss  room    for  certain  bold 
ventures  and  feats  of  constructive  strategy  ;  and  as  the  network 
of  railways  grows  closer,  Slates  and  distri''ts  may  come  to  depend 
less  upon  one  particular  company.     At  the  same  time  it  must 
b<>  remembered  that  the  more  pojiulous  and  wealthy  the  country, 
so  nmch  the  larger  the  businos  of  a  trunk  line,  an'd  the  number 
()f  Its  branches  and  its  emjiloyces  ;  while  the  con.solidation  of  small 
lines,  or  their  absorjjtion  by  large  ones,  is  a  process  evidently 
d(>stined  to  continue.     In  1910  six  or  seven  financial  groups  con- 
trolled more  than  four-fifths  of  all  the  2")0,()0()  miles  of  railroad 
in  the  United  Stales  ;  and  it  seemed  jjrobable  that  some  of  these 
groups  might  unite  or  make  arrangements  with  one  another, 
under  which  the  vast  syst(>ms  which  each  group  administered 
might  be  w<)rked  as  one  system.     It  may  therefore  be  conjectured 
that  the  railroad  will  long  stand  fortli  as  a  gr(>at  and  perph'xing 
force  in  the  economico-})oliticaI  life  of  tli(<  country.     It  cannot  be 
left  to  itself —  th(>  most  extreme  advocate  of  hiis.sc  Jairr  would 
not  contend  for  tliat.  for  to  leave  it  to  itself  would  be  t;)  make  it  a 
tyrant.     It  can  hardly  be  taken  over  and  worked  by  the  National 
government  as  are  the  railways  of  Switzerland  and  many  of 
those  in  Cermany  and  the  Austro-Hungarian  monarchy      Only 
the  most  sanguine  state  socialist   would  propose  to  impose  so 
terrible  a  strain  on  the  virtue  of  .Vmerican  politicians,  not  to 
speak  of  the  effect  upon  the  constitutional  balance  between  the 
States  and  the  Fe<leral  authority.     .Many  experiments  may  Ije 
ne(Hled  before  the  true  mean  course  between  these  extremes  is 
discovered.     Meanwhile,  the  railroads  illustrate  two  te'idencies 


m 


702 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


H. 


|5  H 


specially  conspicuous  in  America,  —  the  power  of  the  principle 
of  association,  which  makes  commercial  corporations,  skilfully 
handled,  formidable  to  individual  men ;  and  the  way  in  which  the 
principle  of  monarchy,  banished  from  the  field  of  government, 
creeps  back  again  and  asserts  its  strength  in  the  scarcely  less 
momentous  contests  of  industry  and  finance. 


CHAPTER  CVII 


^ 


WALL  STREET 

No  invention  of  modern  times,  not  even  that  of  negotiable 
paper,  has  so  changed  the  face  of  commerce  and  deUghted  law- 
yers with  a  variety  of  new  and  intricate  problems  as  the  creation 
of  mcoiporated  jomt-stock  companies.     America,  though  she 
came  latest  into  the  field,  has  developed  these  on  a  grander 
scale  and  with  a  more  refined  skill  than  the  countries  of  the 
Old  World     Nowhere  do  trading  corporations  play  so  great  a 
part  m  trade  and  industry;  nowhere  are  so  many   .uge  under- 
takings m  their  hands;  nowhere  else  has  the  method  of  con- 
trolhng  them  become  a  political  problem  of  the  first  magnitude 
So  vigorous,  indeed,  is  the  inventive  genius  of  American  com- 
merce that,  not  satisfied  with  the  new  applications  it  has  found 
for  the  principles  of  the  joint-stock  corporation,  it  subsequently 
attempted  a  further  development  of  the  arts  of   combination 
by  creating  those  anomalous  giants  called  Trusts,    groups  of 
individuals  and  corporations  concerned  in  one  branch  of  trade 
or  manufacture,  which  are  placed  under  the  irresponsible  man- 
agement of  a  small  knot  of  persons,  who,  through  their  com- 
mand of  all  the  main  producing  or  distributing  agencies,  intend 
and  expect  to  dominate  the  market,  force  manufacturers  or 
dealers  to  submit,  and  hold  the  consumer  at  their  mercy  » 

Here  however,  I  am  concernetl  ^vith  the  amazing  expansion 
of  jomt-stock  companies  in  America,  only  as  the  cause  of  the 
not  less  amazmg  activity  in  buying  and  selling  shares  which 
the  people  display.  This  is  almost  the  first  thing  that  strikes 
a  European  visitor,  and  the  longcT  ho  remains  the  more  deeply 
is  he  impressed  by  it  as  something  to  which  his  own  country, 
be  It  England,  France,  or  Germany,  furnishes  no  parallel.     In 

•  The  question  what  is  the  legal  status  (if  .,„v)  „f  thes,-  Trusts  the  fimt  „f 
which  was  created  in  1869,  has  l.een  nmrh  .iisru^s.'.,   by  An.^ric^n  jurist^      wLn 

.^,Snff ''/•'"■  '''•'^'  ^''"  l'"'"  "•'*"*'  ''»w«u«s  have  been  brought  by  succeMive 
TnZ«  „^H  T';""'^"  the  Hherman  Act,  to  restrain  the  monopolistic  act,' "of 

703 


Il 


••■ig 

m 


II 


V(A 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   \'\ 


li> 


Europe,  speculation  iu  bonds,  shares,  and  stocks  is  confined  to 
a  section  of  tlie  commercial  world,  with  a  few  stragglers  from 
other  walks  of  business,  or  from  the  professions,  who  flutter 
near  the  flame  and  bum  their  wings.     Ordinary  steady-going 
people,  even  people  in  business,  know  little  or   nothing  about 
the  matter,  and  seklom  think  of  reading  the  share  Usts.     When 
thej'  have  savings  to  invest  they  do  as  they  are  bidden  by  their 
l)anker  or   stockbroker,   if  inileed    they    have  a   stockbroker, 
and  do  not  get  their  br.nk(>r  to  engage  one.'     In  the  Unittnl 
States  a  nmch  larger  part  of  the  population,  hiduding  profes- 
sional men  as  well  as  l)usiness  men,  seem  conversant  with  the 
subject,  and  there  are  times  when  the  whole  community,  not 
merely  city  people  but  also  storekeepers  in  country  towTis,  even 
farmers,  even  domestic  servants,  interest  themselves  actively  in 
share  speculations.     At  such  times  they  watch  the  fluctuations 
of  price  in  the  stocks  of  the  great  railroads,  telegraph  compa- 
nies (or  rather  the  Telegraph  Compiny,  since  one  overshadows 
all  others),  and  other  leading  undertakings;  they  discuss  the 
prospects  of  a  rise  or  fall,  and  the  probable  policy  of  the  great 
operators;  they  buy  and  sell  bonds  or  stocks  on  a  scale  not 
always  commensurate  with  their  own  means.^     In  the  great 
cities  the  number  of  persons  exclusively  devoted  to  this  occu- 
pation is  very  large,  and  naturally  so,  l)eoause,  while  the  under- 
takinr,s  lie  all  over  a  vast  extent  of  country,  the  capital  which 
owns  them  is  mostly  situate  in  the  cities,  and,  indeed,  six- 
sevenths  of  it  (so  far  as  it  is  held  in  America)  in  four  or  five  of  the 
greatest  Eastern  cities.     It  is  chiefly  in   railroads  that  these 
Easterns  speculate.     But  in  the  Far  West  mines  are  an  even 
more  exciting  and  pervasive  intere.-.t.     In  San  Francisco  every 
one  gambles  in  mining  stocks,  even  the  nursemaitls  and  the 
Chinese.     The  share  lists  showing  the    oscillations  of  prices 
are  hung  up  outside  the  newspaper  offices,  and  fixed  on  posts 
in  the  streets,  and  are  changetl  every  hour  or  two  during  the  day. 
In  the  silver  districts  of  Colorado  and  New  Mexico,  the  .same 

1  There  am,  of  course,  simple  folk  in  Kngland  who  take  shares  on  the  faith 
of  prospectuses  of  new  roinpanies  sent  to  them  ;  but  the  fact  that  it  pays  to 
send  such  prospectuses  is  the  Ust  pr<K)f  of  the  gen.Tal  ignorance,  in  such  matters. 
of  laymen  (iiiduding  the  clcrKv)  and  women  in  thnt  country  „    ,  ...      ,    ^ 

» In  many  country  towns  there  are  small  ofTiccs,  commonly  called  bucket 
shops  "  to  which  farmers  and  tradesmen  resort  to  effect  their  purchases  and 
sales  in  the  stock  markets  of  the  great  cities.  Mot  a  few  ruuj  themselvea 
Borne  SUtc-8  have  endeavoured  to  extiuKuish  them  by  peual  legislation. 


CHAP,    evil 


WALL  STREET 


70-> 


kind  of  thing  goes  on.'  It  is  naturally  in  such  .spots  that  the 
fire  burns  hottest.  But  go  where  you  will  in  the  Union,  except, 
be  sure,  in  the  more  stagnant  and  impecunious  parts  of  the 
South,  you  feel  bonds,  stocks,  and  shares  in  the  atmosphere  all 
round  you.  Te  veniente  die  —  they  begin  the  tlay  with  the  news- 
paper at  breakfast :  they  end  it  with  the  chat  over  the  nocturnal 
cigar.^ 

This  eager  interest  centres  itself  in  New  York,  for  finance, 
more  perhaps  than  any  other  kind  of  business,  draw.s  to  few 
points,  and  New  York,  which  has  as  little  claim  to  l)e  the  social 
or  intellectual  as  to  be  the  pohtical  cujMtal  of  the  country,  is 
emphatic.'ii'/  its  financial  capital.  And  as  the  centre  of  America 
is  New  York,  so  the  centre  of  New  York  is  Wall  Street.  This 
famous  thoroughfare  is  hardly  a  (juarter  of  a  mile  long,  a  little 
longer  than  Lombard  Street  in  London.  It  contains  the  Sub- 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Stock  Exchange  (which 
used  to  be  in  it)  is  quite  close  to  it.  In  it  and  the  thre(> 
or  four  streets  that  open  into  it  are  situated  the  Produce  Ex- 
change, the  offices  of  the  great  railways,  an<l  the  i)laces  of 
business  of  the  financiers  and  stockbrokers,  together  represent- 
ing an  accumulation  of  capital  and  intellect  comparable  to 
the  capital  and  intellect  of  London,  and  destined  before  many 
years  to  surpass  every  similar  spot  in  either  lunnisphere.'  Wall 
Street  is  the  great  nerve  centre  of  all  Ameri(;an  business ;  for 
finance  and  transportation,  the  two  determining  powers  in 
business,  have  here  their  headquarters.  It  is  also  the  financial 
barometer  of  the  country,  which  every  man  engaged  in  large 
affairs  niust  constantly  consult,  and  whose  only  fault  is  that  it  is 
too  sensitive  to  slight  and  transient  variations  of  pressure. 

The  share  market  of  New  York,  or  rather  of  the  whole  Union, 
at  "the  Street,"  as  it  is  fondly  named,  is  the  most  remarkable 

■  In  a  mining  town  in  Colorado  tho  landlady  of  an  inn  in  which  I  staved  for 
a  niKht  pressed  me  to  l)rinK  out  in  London  a  c-onipanv  to  work  a  niininK  claim 
which  she  had  acquired.  oiTering  me  what  is  called  an  oi.tion.     I  in-iuired  how 
much  inoney  it  would  take  to  Ix-gin  to  work  th,.  claim  and  cct  out  the  ore. 
Less  than  thirty  thousand  dollars"   (t'()(X)0).     (The  carlK)i.  are  in  that 

part  of  Colorado   very   near  the  surface.)    "And   what   is  to  In       le  capital  of 
your  company  ?        "  Five  millions  of  dollars"  (fl  (XH)  (KM))  ' 

»  Of  course  I  am  speakins  of  the  man  yo.i  „ir,-t  in  travriiin«.  nvI.u  i.  a  sample 
of  the  ordinary  citizen.  In  polite  soci.ty  one's  entertain.r  would  no  more 
bring  up  such  a  subject,  unless  you  drew  him  <,n  to  d..  so,  than  he  would  think 
of  talking  politics. 

.v.'J^^,  balances  settled  in  the  New  ^ork  (^learing  House  eacli  day  are  tw..- 
uurda  of  all  the  deanngs  iu  the  United  States. 
2z 


i 


1! 


706 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


sight  in  the  country  after  Niagara  and  the  Yellowstunc  Geysers. 
It  is  not  unlike  those  geysers  in  the  violence  of  its  explosions,  and 
in  the  rapid  rise  and  equally  rapid  subsidence  of  its  a(;tiye  parox- 
ysms. And  p  •  W  sparkhng  column  of  the  geyser  is  girt  aljout 
and  often  haii  concealed  by  volumes  of  steam,  so  are  the  rise 
and  fall  of  stocks  mostly  surrounded  liy  mists  and  clouds  of 
rumour,  some  purposely  created,  some  self-generated  in  the 
atmosphere  of  excitement,  curiosity,  ereduUty,  and  suspicion 
which  the  denizens  of  Wall  Street  breathe.  Opinions  change 
from  moment  to  moment ;  hope  aiul  fear  are  equally  vehement 
and  equally  irrational ;  m(>n  are  constant  only  in  inconstancy, 
superstitious  because  they  are  sceptical,  distrustful  of  patent 
probabiHties,  and  therefore  ready  to  trust  their  oa\ti  fancies  or 
some  unfathered  tale.  As  the  eagerness  and  passion  of  New 
York  leave  European  stock  markets  far  behind,  for  what 
the  Paris  and  London  exchanges  arc  at  rare  moments  Wall 
Street  is  for  weeks,  or  perhaps,  with  a  few  intf>nni3.^ions,  for 
months  together,  so  the  operations  of  Wall  Street  are  vaster, 
more  boldly  conceived,  executed  with  a  steadier  precision,  than 
those  of  European  speculators.  It  is  not  only  their  bearing  on 
the  prosperity  of  railroads  or  other  great  undertakings  that  is 
eagerlv  watched  all  ov(t  the  country,  but  also  their  personal  and 
dramatic  aspects.  The  various  careers  and  characters  of  the 
leading  operators  are  familiar  to  every  one  who  reads  a  news- 
paper ;  his  schemes  and  exploits  are  followed  as  Europe  followed 
the  lortunes  of  Prince  Alexander  of  Battenberg  or  the  Dreyfus 
trial.  A  great  "corner,"  for  instanct',  is  one  of  the  exciting 
events  of  the  year,  not  merely  to  those  concernetl  with  the  stock 
or  species  of  protluce  in  which  it  is  attempted,  but  to  the  public 

at  large. 

How  far  is  this  state  of  things  transitory,  due  to  temporary 
causes  arising  out  of  the  swift  material  development  of  the 
United  States?  During  the  Civil  War  the  creation  of  a  paper 
currency,  which  rapidly  depreciattnl,  produced  a  wld  specula- 
tion in  gold,  lasting  for  several  y(vars,  whoso  slightest  fluctua- 
tions were  followe<l  with  keen  interest,  because  in  indicating 
the  value  of  the  paper  currency  they  indicated  the  cnnlit  of 
the  nation,  and  the  view  taken  by  the  hnancial  community  of 
the  prospects  of  the  war.  The  re-establishment  of  peace  brought 
with  it  a  burst  of  industrial  activity,  specially  (Hrected  to  the 
making  of  new  railroads  and  general  opening  up  of  the  West. 


CHAP.    CVII 


WALL  STREET 


70? 


Thus  the  eyes  that  had  been  accustonifHl  to  watch  Wall  Street 
d.d  not  cease  to  watch  it,  for  these  new  e.^terprises  nvl ed  many 
fortunes  had  drawn  much  capital  from  small  investors  and 
were  rmlly  of  ^reat  c<,nsequenc..-  the  transcontinental  rahvay 

the  w<rk  (f  railway  construction  shicke.is,  when  trade  is  de- 
pr(ss:.:l  an,!  lo.tns  are  less  easily  raised,  l,„t  it  pres,.„tlv  revives 
n  the  hve  years  from  1903  to  1!M)7  inclusive  the  ave  uRe  nu  .: 
ber  o  miles  annually  added  exceeded  mm.  Silver  n  hu^  have 
been  less  profitable  since  the  heavy  fall  in  tha  meta  coppir 
mmes    however,   continue  subject   to  rapi<l   variations    their 

eTe^tricirV'*'^  "Tr*  V'''  ^^^^  "^^^-  -^PP'i-ti'ons  o 
eiectncity     Ihe  price  of  Inited  States  l,on<ls  fluctuates    in 

ordinary  times,  less  than  does  that  of  the  public  secm-it.S  of 

the  great  European  countries.     Times  of  commercial  depression 

are  comparatively  quiet,  yet  even  when  transactions  are  fewer 

the  mterest  of  the  public  in  the  stock  markets  does  not  greatly 

dinunish.     Trade  and  manufactures  cover  the  wl.oirhorrzon 

of  American  hfe  far  more  than  they  do  any.here  in  Europe 

They -I  include  agriculture,  because  it  has  been,  in  \mericr 

commercialized   and  become  really  a  branch  of  trade -aretTe 

main  concern  of  the  country,  to  which  all  others  ar<^  subordinate 

of  joint  stock  companies,'  .so  easy  a  method  do  these  com- 
pames  furnish  by  which  the  smallest  investor  mav  take  parHn 
commercia  ventures  and  increase  his  pile,  so  g<.neral  "^^s  the 
diffusion  of  information  (of  course  often  incorrect)  regard  ng 
their  state  anc  prospects,  so  vehement  and  pervading  Is  e 
passion  for  wealth,  so  seductive  are  the  examples  of  a  few  men 
who  have  realize.!  stupendous  fortunes  by  elever  or  merely  luTky 
hits  when  there  came  a  sharp  rise  or  fall  in  the  stock  market 
80  vast,  and  therefore  so  impressive  to  the  invagination  ^sthe 
scale  on  which  these  oscillations  take  place,^  that  thcTniversa! 
attention  given  to  stocks  and  shares,  and  th;  tendei    ;   o  "ecu 

^rtoTJ    '""  """-«r'"''^'  '■'---  -»-•''  reveals  itse/from 
time  to  time,  seem  amply  accounted  for  by  permanent  causes, 


fi 


708 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


fei 


and  therefore  likely  to  prove  normal.  Even  admitting  that 
neither  such  stimulations  as  were  present  during  the  war  period 
nor  those  that  belonged  to  the  era  of  inflated  prosperity  which 
foUowwl  are  Ukely  to  recur,  it  must  be  observed  that  habits 
fornuHl  under  transitory  (conditions  do  not  always  pass  away 
Willi  those  conditions,  but  may  become  a  permanent  and,  so  to 
speak,  liere<litary  element  in  national  life. 

So  far  as  politics  ar'-  concerned,  I  do  not  know  that  Wall 
Street  does  iiny  i.    m.     There  is  hartUy  any  speculation  in 
f»)reigii  securities,  because  capital  finds  ample  employment  in 
domestic  un<lertakings  ;  and  the  United  States  are  so  Uttle  likely 
to  be  involvinl  in  foreign  complications  that  neither  the  action 
of  European  powers  nor  that  of  the  Federal  government  bears 
directly  cnougli  upon  the  .stock  markets  to  bring  politics  into 
stock  or  stocks  into  politics.'     Hence  one  source  of  evil  which 
poisons  public  life  in  Europe,  and  is  l)elieve<l  to  have  proved 
specially  i)eriiicious  in  France  — the  influence  of  financial  specu- 
lators or  hoklers  of  foreign  bonds  upon  the  foreign  policy  of 
a  government  —  is  wholly  ab.scnt.     An  American  Secretary  of 
State,  supposing  him  l)ase  enough  to  use  his  oflScial  knowledge 
for  stock-jobbing  operations,  would  have  little  advantage  over 
the  meanest  broker  in  Wall  Street.^     Even  as  regards  domestic 
politics,  the  division  of  power  between  Congress  and  the  State 
legislatures  reduces  the  power  of  the  former  over  industrial 
undertakings,  anil  leaves  comparatively  few  occasions  on  which 
the  lu-tion  of  the  Federal  government  tends  to  affect  the  market 
for  most  kinds  of  stocks,  though  of  course  changes  in  legislation 
r(<garding  railroads  and  corporations  generally,  as  well  as  in 
mutters  relating  to  the  public  debt  and  the  currency,  affect 
by  symputliy  every  part  of  the  machinery  of  commerce.     The 
shares  of  railroad  companies  owning  latid  grants  used  to  be 
depressed  and  ruiscd  by  the  greater  or  slighter  prospects  of 
legislative    inti  rference ;    but    this   point   of   contact   between 
speculators   and   politicians,  which,  like  the   meeting-point  of 

1  Of  course  the  prospcr'ts  of  war  or  peace  in  Europe  do  sensibly  affeet  the 
American  produce  markets,  and  therefore  the  railroads!,  and  indeed  all  great 
conunercial  undertakintis.  Hut  these  prospects  are  as  much  outside  the  prov- 
ini'..  of  the  Aiueiieai,  ^.ta'csnian  as  the  drouRlit  wlii.h  affects  the  coming  crop 
or  the  blizzard  that  stops  the  earniuKS  of  a  railway. 

2  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  by  his  control  of  the  public  debt,  has  no 
doulit  means  of  affectint?  the  markets  ;  but  I  have  never  heard  any  charRc  of 
improper  conduct  in  such  matters  on  the  part  of  any  one  coimected  with  the 
Treasury  Department. 


CHAP,  evil 


WALL  STFIKKT 


7(m 


.■urrents  in  tlu-  sea,  was  ,uark,.,l  hy  a  kchmI  .loal  of  roufih  a.ul 
urbK  water  ha.s  now , -..as.!  fo  exist,  there  l,..i„g  no  more  rail- 
road lands  which  Congress  has  to  deal  with 

The  more  serious  (juestion  remains:  H.ny  ,|(>es  Wall  Street 
tell  on  the  character  o  the  people  ?  They  are  naturally  inclinc.l 
to  bo  speculative  Th,.  pursuit  of  wealth  is  nowhere  so  caRer 
as  in  America,  the  opportunities  for  a.(,uirin^r  it  are  nowhere 
so  numerous  Nowhere  is  one  ,.(,ually  impressed  l,v  the  prog- 
ress which  the  sci,.nce  an.l  arts  of  ^ain  ~  I  .lo  noi  mean  th.- 
arts  that  add  to  the  world's  wealth,  hut  those  hy  which  individ- 
uals appropriate  an  exceptionally  htrfre  share  of  it  -  mak(>  from 
year  to  year.  The  materials  with  which  th.'  investor  or  the 
speculator  has  to  work  may  receive  no  sensible  addition ;  but 
the  constant  apphcation  of  thousands  of  keen  int.'llects,  spurrwl 
by  sharp  desire,  involves  new  combinations  out  of  these  old  mate- 

sktul  hInT  "T  ""'?'"'••  ""•'  ->"t"^— ^  '^Pt  for  a  boldan.l 
skilful  hand,  just  as  <>lectr,cians  go  on  perfecting  the  machinc-rv 
of  the  telegraph,  just  as  the  accumulated  labours  of  scholars 
present  us  wth  always  more  trustworthy  texts  of  the  classical 
writers  and  more  precise  rules  of  Greek  and  Lat  n  vn  Ix 
Under  these  new  methods  of  business,  speculation  Jhoud  Tt 
seems  to  become  more  of  a  science,  does'no?  becom  ;««' pecull 
t.ve.  People  seem  to  l)uy  and  sell  on  even  slighter  indications 
han  m  Pans  or  London.  Th..  processes  <,f  "  bulling  "  and  '' bear- 
ng     are  more  constant  and  more  skilfully  applied      The  whole 

worked  out  P'^^^'^W'"'-'^--"  '>-  '--more  complet^ 
worked  out.  The  stock  market  is  worked  in  conjunction  with 
the  stock  markets   of   Europe,   and   the  fact    thlt   the  s  ock 

York^en^n    ^T^r  "^"^'^  '""  '^"'"-^  '-"-  ^'>-  that  of  New 

However  riiVr''"''  *"  '"  """'  ^'^  =^^  *"  ^^^'^t  the  latter. 
However,  It  is  of  less  consequence  for  our  present  purpose  to 

nle  the  *'"  ^';"'"""7  '''  ^'"  professional  operator  than  o 
note   the  prevalence   of   th,.   habit  of  speculation  •   it   is  not 

Except  in  New  York,  and  perhaps  in  Cliicago,  which  is  more 

o    NrVcT'T  '^/'^^^f^-r'  •^""--  the'characten'i 
Engiishcll     Hot""'"''"''  iH-t  less  upon  horse-races  than  the 
i^ngiish  do.     Horse-races  are.  inde,.,!,  far  less  common   though 
there  is  a  goo<l  deal  of  fuss  made  alH,u(  trotting-matX  '     How 
ever,  much  money  changes  hands,  especially'in  Eastern  ^ 


710 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


rwt  VI 


f*-:- 


over  yaclit-rat'es,  iiml  plenty  everywhere  over  elections.'  The 
purchase  and  sale  of  "pnxiuce  futures,"  i.e.  of  cotton,  wheat, 
maize,  bacon,  lard,  and  other  staples  not  yet  in  existence  but  to 
be  delivered  at  some  distant  tlay,  has  reached  an  enormous 
development.-  The  Produce  Exchange  in  New  York  and  the 
Wheat  Pit  in  ( 'hicaKo  are  among  the  most  remarkable  sights  of 
the  country.  There  is,  <«ven  in  the  Eastern  cities,  where  the 
value  of  land  might  Ik*  thought  to  have  l)ecome  stable,  a  real 
estate  market  in  which  land  aiui  houses  are  dealt  in  ^  matter 
for  pure  speculation,  nith  no  intention  of  holding  except  for  a 
rise  within  the  next  few  hours  or  daj's ;  while  in  the  new  West 
tlie  price  of  lands,  especially  near  cities,  undergoes  fluctuations 
greater  than  those  of  the  most  unstable  stocks  in  the  London 
market.  It  can  hardly  l)e  doubted  that  the  pre-existing  ten- 
daicy  to  encounter  risks  and  "  back  one's  opinion,"  inborn  in  the 
Americans,  and  fostered  l)y  the  circumstances  of  their  country, 
is  further  stimulated  l)y  the  exi.stence  of  so  vast  a  number  of 
joint-stock  enterprises,  and  by  the  facilities  they  offer  to  the 
smallest  capitalists.  Similar  facilities  exist  in  the  Old  World ; 
but  few  of  the  inh.'ibitants  of  the  Old  ^^■orkl  have  yet  learned  how 
to  use  and  alnise  them.  The  Americans,  quick  at  everything, 
have  learnwl  long  ago.  The  habit  of  speculation  is  now  a  part 
of  their  character,  and  it  increases  that  constitutional  excitability 
and  high  nervous  tension  of  which  they  are  proud. 

Some  may  think  that  'vhen  the  country  fills  up  and  settles 
down,  and  finds  itself  altogether  under  conditions  more  nearly 
resembling  those  of  the  Old  World,  these  peculiarities  will  fade 
away.  I  doubt  it.  They  seem  to  have  already  passed  into  the 
national  fibre. 

'  The  mischief  has  Ikch  tlioiiulit  aufTicipnt  to  l>e  epcpially  chcrked  by  the 
oonRtitutions  or  statutes  of  some  States;  ami  there  haa  been  a  good  deal  of 
Ipfti^lition  .-wtainst  h<'ttinK  on  races. 

»  It  is  stated  that  the  Cotton  Kxehantje  »<'lls  in  each  year  five  times  the 
value  of  the  cotton  crop,  and  that  tlie  Petroleum  KxehanRe  has  sometimes  sold 
fiftj'  times  the  amount  of  that  year's  \i(ld. 

1  have  referre<l  in  a  note  to  a  preci'dinc  chapter  to  some  attempts  to  check 
by  legislation  this  form  of  speculation  (p.  o'JS,  ante). 


;^ 


CHAPTKR   CVIII 


THE   rNIVKHSITIES 

Amono  the  univ(Tsiti(.s  of  Amcricu  there  is  none  which  har 
sprnnK  up  of  itself  hke  HoloKua  or  Paris  or  i:i  Azhar  or  Oxford 
none  founded  by  an  Knipcror  like  PraKue,  or  hv  a  Pojje  lik<' 

(Ilasgow.     All  have  I n  the  creatures  of  private  nuniificenee 

or  denomumtional  zeal  or  State  action.  Their  liistory  is  short 
indeed  oonipared  with  that  of  the  universities  of  Eun)pe.  Yet 
It  is  full  of  interest,  f(.r  it  sliows  a  steadv  growth,  it  reeon's 
many  experiments,  it  gives  valuable  data  for  coinj)arinK  the 
educational  results  of  diverse  systems. 

When  the  first  English  colonists  went  to  America,  the  large 
and  liberal  mediaeval  conception  of  a  university,  :is  a  place 
where  graduates  nught  teach  freelv  and  students  live  freely 
was  waxing  feeble  in  Oxford  and  ('ambridire.  The  instruction 
was  given  chiefly  by  the  c(.lle.u-,.s,  which  h:id  already  become, 
what  they  long  continue.l,  or-janisnis  so  strou- as  collectively 
to  echpse  the  university  they  hud  i)een  meant  to  uid.  Accord- 
mgly  when  places  of  superior  instruction  Infrun  to  grow  up  in 
the  colonies,  it  was  on  the  hkkIcI  not  of  an  iuiglish  miiversity 
but  of  an  English  college  that  they  Mere  created.  The  glory 
of  founding  the  first  place  of  leaniii)g  in  tlie  Kngli.sh  parts  cl 
America  belongs  to  a  I'uritan  minister  and  f,raduate  of  C  am- 
bndge,  John  Harvard  of  Emmanuel  College,'  who,  dyuig  in 
1638,  eighteen  years  after  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 
gave  half  his  property  for  the  establishment  of  a  college  in 
the  town  of  Cambridge,  three  miles  from  Boston,  which,  origi- 
nally organized  on  the  plan  of  lunmanuel  Colleg,.,  and  at  once 
taken   under   the   protection  of   the  infant  commonwealth  of 

'Emmanuel  was  a  c-oIIi-ko  thrn  niucl.  frcnu-nto.!  hv  th<.  Puritans.  <^f  the 
t^nglwh  Kraduat.-a  wlio  pmi«rut.-tl  to  Xcw  Kiurl.in<l  U-twvvi,  Ki'O  and  1647 
Camilrid'e   ^''""^"''^  '"   ""'"^^'•"-   threo-f.,urths  .ani.-   fron-   tho   University  o( 

VI I 


1> 


712 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PABT  VI 


Massachiist'tts,  Ims  now  urown  into  the  most  fumouH  university 
on  the  Nortli  Anicricun  continent.' 

Thi>  second  foiuuiiition  was  due  to  the  Colonial  Assembly  of 
VirKinia.  So  early  as  KilJ),  twelve  years  after  the  first  settle- 
ment at  Jamestown,  the  N'irKinia  Company  in  KuKland  vote«l 
ten  thousand  acres  of  land  in  the  colony  for  the  establishment 
of  a  seminary  of  learning,  an»l  a  site  was  in  1024  actually  set 
apart,  on  an  island  in  the  Sus(|uehanmi  Hiver,  for  the  "  Found- 
injic  and  Maintenance  of  a  University  and  such  schools  in  Vir- 
Kinia as  shall  then"  Im"  erected,  and  shall  be  calliHl  Academia 
V'irginietisis  et  Oxoniensis."  This  scheme  was  never  carrie<l 
out.  But  in  l(ii)ii  the  Virginians  obtained  a  grant  of  land  and 
money  from  the  home  government  for  the  erection  of  a  college, 
which  received  the  name  of  tho  College  of  William  and  Mary.- 
The  third  foundation  was  Yale  College,  established  in  Connect- 
icut (first  at  Saybrook,  then  at  New  Haven)  in  1700;  the 
fourth  Princeton,  in  New  Jersey,  in  1746.  None  of  these 
received  the  title  of  university:  Harvard  is  called  a  "school or 
coUedge  "  ;  Yale  used  the  name  "  collegiate  school "  for  seventeen 
years.  "  We  on  pur|)ose  gave  your  academy  as  low  a  name 
as  we  could  that  it  might  the  better  stand  the  wind  and  weather" 
was  the  reason  assigned.  Other  academies  or  colleges  in  Nt>w 
England  and  the  Middle  States  followed  :  such  as  that  which 
is  now  the  Univei>ity  of  Pennsylvania,  in  1749;    King's,  now 


"  In  10.'Ui  the  fii-nrnil  Court  of  the  colDiiy  of  Masmichusptls  Uny  iinrpcd  "to 
civr  Four  Iiuii<lri-<1  I'miiulH  tnwunls  a  mhool  or  rollrnr,  whrrfof  Two  Hundrol 
i'ouixls  hIiuII  Im-  paid  thr  iifxt  year,  and  Two  Huntlrrd  I'ouikIh  when  tho  work 
ir.  fini>hc(l,  and  the  next  Court  to  apiMiint  wlirn-  and  what  Imililinn."  In  lt'>;<7 
tlic  Cii'ni'ral  Crnirf  appointi'd  a  CfHiiniission  of  twelve  "to  take  order  for  ii  eol- 
lege  at  N.wtiiwn."  The  name  Newtown  was  presi'iitly  ehan(E<'d  to  Canibridge. 
■Irihn  Har\:uir.-'  UMpiest  lieinj!  worth  more  than  twiic  the  i'4(Hl  voted,  tho  name 
of  Harvaril  College  was  uiv<'n  to  tlie  institution  :  and  in  l(>4:i  u  statute  was 
passed  for  tlie  orderiric  of  tlie  siime.      Teai'hiuB  lieKaii  in   lt>,"iO. 

=  The  \iritinians  had  workid  at  tliis  proji'et  for  more  than  thirty  years 
liefore  tlie.\  Kot  their  eharti  i-  and  (jrant.  "When  Wilham  and  Mary  had  aureed 
to  allow  IL'OOO  out  of  till'  c|iiit  rents  of  Vircinia  towards  liuildinc  the  rolletje, 
the  Hev.  Mr.  Mlair  went  to  Se.\  niour.  tlie  attorney -(jeneral,  with  tho  royal 
eommand  to  is-ue  a  charter.  Seymour  demurred.  The  country  was  then  on- 
Kaeed  in  war,  :ind  eould  ill  afford  to  plant  u  (oUoko  in  VirKinia,  Mr.  Blair 
urced  that  tlie  institution  was  to  |)repare  youiiK  nien  to  l«>eomp  ministers  of 
the  L'ospel.  \irL'iniaiis.  he  saiil.  h,id  souls  to  1«"  save<l  as  well  as  thoir  EnKlish 
countrymen.  Souls!'  said  Seymour.  '  Damn  your  souls  !  Make  tobacco  ! " 
--  Thr  Coll, III  (\f  W'illiiim  iiwl  Muru.  hy  Dr.  II.  H.  .\dams.  This  oldest  of 
Southern  colleges  was  destroyed  in  the  Civil  War  (1802)  (it  has  recently  received 
a  national  jtraiit  of  .«(>■). (KM)  as  compensiition),  hut  was  restored,  and  has  heen 
n'-<'ndowed  hy  the  lejiislature  of  Niininia  in  isss. 


•  •HAP.    CVIU 


(\)iumbia  ("(ill 


('..II 


THK   I  NIVKIISITIKS 
i'Kv  ill   New  York,  in    i7."| 


713 


k'Rf  (now  Hrown   rnivtrsit 


\  i. 


Hiul  RIkkIc  Isluiul 
,  i"    l~»W  ;  ami   the  hul.it   of 

RrantinK  (l('Km.s  ^rc'w  up  i.iitunilly  i.n.l  uliMo^t  innM'r.vptil.lv 
A  now  depart  I J  re  is  niarkcl  after  the  Hevoli.tiui,  l.y  the  estahlisj,' 
inent,  at  the  instanee  of  Jeff.-rsoij,  of  the  Iniversitv  of  Virdnia 
who*,  lar^e  a.ul  liberal  lines  «av..  it  more  rese.nl.'laiur  t..  the 
universities  of  the  Kuroix-an  eoiitioent  than  to  the  then 
.Hlunitionally  narn.w  aiul  s.uiallv  ,lo,nestie  eolleKcs  of 
Lii^land.  '^ 

At  present  most  of  the  Anieriraii  uiiiv..rsities  are  referul.le 

»  one  of  two  types,  wliieh  may  Ik-  .leseril....!  as  tl Meraiul 

the  newer,  or  th..  Private  and  the  Puhlie  type.     My  (he  Old  or 
Private  type  I  d,.not..  a  eolh-Ke  on  th.>  mumI..|  of  a  eolleire  in 

number  of  teaelurs,  now  geiu-rally  eall.'d  professors;  a  body  of 
governors  or  trustees  in  whom  the  property  an,I  general  eontrol 
of  the  institution  is  v.^sted  ;    a  preserihe,!  ,.o„r.-  of  ii.struet  o 
whieh  all  stiLlents  are  expc-eted  to  follow;  l„nldin«s,  ,.2 
called  dormitories,  provi.led  f„r  th(.  lo.lKimr  of  the  stu.lents 
and  a  more  or  |,.ss  striet,  but  always  pretty  ..fTeetiv,..  diseipline 
onforml  by  the  teaehinR  staff.     Sueh  a  <.olIe«e  is  „s„al  vof 
private  foun.lation,  and  is  almost  always  ..omu.  ted  with  some 
rcliRious  denomination.  on.omt 

Under  the  term  NVw  or  Pnblie  type  I  hu-lnde  universities 
0.S  ub  ished,  endowed,  and  governed  by  a  State,  usuallv  through 
a  body  of  persons  called  RegeMts.  I,,  su.l,  a  univer;itv  there 
c-ommonly  exists  eonsi.lerable  f„.,.d..M.  ..f  ehoi.-e  amon^  various 
<-ourses  of  study.  The  students.  <,r  at  |,.ast  the  ma'or  t  > 
hem,  resKle  where  tlu-y  please  in  the  eity,  and  a,,  s  ibje,  t 

tional  affiliations,  wom.M,  are  admitte.l.  an.l  very  low  eharces 

are  made  for  instriu'tion.  *  ^"'irR'^ 

There  are,  however,  instituti..ns  Mi,i..h   it  is  hard  to  refer  to 

w.th  a  eollesiate  and  quasMlonu.sti.-  ehara.t<>r,  but  have  now 
developed  into  true  universities,  «,.nc.,..-dly  res..-Ml.lin«  thoseTf 
Germany  or  Scotland.  Harvard  ir.  Massaeln.s.  t.  ...ti  Ynl  •  =• 
Connecticut  are  instan,-es.  (),l„.rs  hav,>  been  fo„nde.l  !,;  pri! 
vate  person.s  but  as  fully  quipped  univ,.rsiti,.s,  and  wholly 
undenom.natKmal.  Cornell  at  Ithaca  in  Western  New  i"  k 
and  t.  .  University  of  Chieago  are  mstances;  Johns  Hopkins 


1!i 


714 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


in  Baltimore  is  another  of  a  different  order.  Some  have  been 
founded  by  public  authority,  yet  have  been  practically  left  to 
be  controlletl  by  a  Ixjdy  of  self-renewing  trustees,  Columbia 
College  in  New  York  City  is  an  instance.  Still  if  we  were  to  run 
through  a  list  of  the  universities  and  colleges  in  the  United 
States,  we  should  find  that  the  great  majority  were  either  strictly 
private  foundations  governed  by  trustees,  or  wholly  pubUc  foun- 
dations governed  by  the  State.  That  is  tc  saj ,  the  two  most 
familiar  English  types,  viz.  the  University,  which  though  a  pubhc 
institution  is  yet  little  interfered  with  by  the  State,  which  is 
deemed  to  be  cbmposeil  of  its  graduates  and  students,  and 
whose  self-government  consists  in  its  being  governed  by  the 
graduates,  and  the  College,  which  is  a  private  corporation, 
consisting  of  a  head,  fellows,  an<l  scholars,  and  governed  by  the 
head  and  fellows— neither  of  them  appear  in  modern  Anaerica.^ 
On  the  other  hand,  the  American  university  of  the  PubUc  type 
differs  from  the  universities  of  (Jermany  in  being  placed  under 
a  State  Board,  not  uniler  a  Minister.  Neither  in  Germany  nor 
in  Scotland  do  we  find  anything  correspcmding  to  the  American 
university  or  college  of  the  Private  type,  for  in  neither  of  these 
countries  is  a  university  governetl  by  a  body  of  self-renewing 
trustees.* 

It  is  impossible  within  the  limits  of  a  chapter  to  do  more 
than  state  a  fev/  of  the  more  salient  characteristics  of  the  Ameri- 
can universities.  I  shall  eiuU  avour  to  present  these  characteris- 
tics in  the  fewest  jwssible  wonls,  and  for  the  sake  of  clearness 
shall  group  wiiat  I  have  to  say  under  separatt^  heads. 

Statifitiai.  —  Tho  United  States  Education  Bureau  received 
in  1912  reiHjrts  from  5%  universities  and  colleges  and 
technological  sclu)ols,  i.e.  institutions  }i;,anting  degrees  and 
l)rofessing  to  give  an  instruction,  higher  tlian  that  of  si  hools, 
in  the  liberal  arts.  Of  thes(>  141  w<'re  for  men  (mly  and 
343  for  both  men  and  women,  while  10«»  were  for  women 
only.  The  total  ninnl)er  of  teachers  was  :}0,034,  24,508  men 
and  552t)  women  teachiTs,  teaching  in  the   5<Jti   institutions. 


'  As  nspM't.s  KdviruiiKiit  the  AiiHTuaii  Univirsity  num'  nucmlilcs  tho  m-wtr 
t>-p<'  of  I'liiviTMify  rcicntly  crciitcd  in  .sdiih'  nnut  litics,  which  is  novcriii'd  by  a 
Pj.jjj.pjj  jj,  „.j,j,.},\..s^;,,..^.  ,  !..|.;.t.f.;   lip.   r,.pr's"n'"'(|   .•iml,  for  .sdhh'   I'duratioiKil 

purpost'ti,  by  its  !•' acuity. 

2  The  Scotch  UiiivrrsiticM  {siiiic  the  Act  of  ls5^),  undt'r  their  liiivcrsity 
Cmirts,  present,  however.  :i  certain  re.siinl;l.iliie  to  the  Ainerii  an  system. 
inBsmiiVh  ;ih  the  «overiiin«  body  is  in  thes  •  institiiticns  not  the  tittchinn  body. 


CHAP.   CVIII 


THK  UNIVERSITIES 


n 


715 


with 


l.")(»2 
1707 


tfviclicrs 


11.212 
20,7tiO 
1N,.')42 
i;!,.{.")2 


stiidonts 


Of  tho  t..tal  numlx-r,  80.2  ,ht  c-nt  vv.tc'  men,    1!).8  per  cent 
woincn.-  ^  i«  I   n  III; 

Th.-  total  numlHT  of  students  in  t  Ih>  undergraduate  and  gradu- 
ate departments  ol  1  i.e  :mi  insti,  utions  was  l«»S.4.-^3  viz  125  7^0 
men  and  72.70;}  won.,,.  In  the  KM,  <-olle^es  for  women  onlv 
there  were  21.423  under.ra.iuate  stu.l,.nt'.  Tluv'TunZ  s 
do  mvt  me lude  those  in  the  preparatory  departments.     The 

a^B^-d'H  "'';;''"'•■  •■  '  '-^  ''•'"'■'"  ^'^^'*  "'■  ^■*'^''^--  y-^r 
ago.     liesides  these  theiv  arc  returned 

Schools  of  theoloRv       1.S2 
"  law       '         lis 

tiicdiciiie-      ]l.",  ^,^v, 

dentistry  and  i)li;)nn;icy  SfCiO 

I' 29?A'  T'"''  '^^'''^^-''^'l^''--^^''  'l'.^--'-^-  conferred  is  relumed 
as  22  .}.i4.  .,S  per  e     ^  on  nu  n,  42  p,.r  cent  on  women  :  of  era.l- 
uat.>  degrees  022G, .  .4  per  .-er.t  on  men,  1  G.G  per  eent  on  women. 
General  Character  of  the  V.-rr.itic.  and  CnlUges. -Out  of 
h,s  enormous  total  of  degree-grant  ins  l,odies  very  few  answer 
to  the  modern  eoneeption  ..f  a  university.     If  w.Mlefine  a  uni- 
versity  as^a  plaee  wh.Te  the  teaehing  that  puts  a  man  ahreast  of 
the  fullest  and  most  exact  knowledge  of  th.e  titne  is  given  in  a 
range  of  sul.jeets  covering  all  the  great  departments  of  intel- 
octual  hfe    not  more  than  fifteen   an.l  ,.ossil.lv  onlv  ten   or 
twelve  of  the  Am,.r,ean  institutions  woul.l  fall  within  the  defini- 
tion     Of  these  two-tiiirds  are  to  he  found  in  th.-  Atlantic  States 
.^pxt  below  th(>m  come  .some  forty  or  more  foundations  which 
arc  scarcely  entitled  to  the  name  of  university  in  this  modern 
sense,  some  few  because  th(>ir  range  of  instruction  is  .still  limited 
to  the  traditional  literary  and  scientific  course  such  as  it  stood 
fifty  years  ago,  others  because,  whil.>  professing  to  teach   a 
great  variety  of  subjects,  they  teach  them  in  an  imperfect  way 
having  neither  a  sufrici,.ntly  large  statf  of  highly  trained  pro! 
tcs.sors,  nor  an  achxiuate  provision  of  laboratories',  libraries  and 
other  external  apj.Iiances.     The  older  New  lu.gland  co||,.ges  are 
go<>d  typ(>.s  of  the  former  group.     Their  instruction  is  sound 
and  thorough,  well  calculated  to  fit  a  man  for  the  profe.s.sions 


'  TIh'so  fiirwrps  ;iri'   t" '^"'>!"  o\-*"f»  i-nn.— ' •■  f   i    -  >,  t       ■      ■      ■ 

|.;  s...i  r......... .,,.,  ,„..,v ,...  .:.i;,:,i..ii;:r,o-;.:'::'u:::  r^,S[  ^rr:::  z^ 

aru'cr  it  is  ii,,t  .  i^v  to  .•i,-r.rt;iiii. 

»  0(  these  stlKiuIil.s  712  wire  woiiii'lj. 


stated,  but  how  much 


716 


SOCIAli   INSTITITIONS 


PART  VI 


of  law  or  «liviiiity,  l)U»  it  omits  soiiu'  hniiiduw  of  k-aniiiig  and 
si'icni'c  which  have  {^rowii  to  importance  within  tho  last  fifty 
yoars.  There  are  also  a  few  Western  eollegcM  worthy  to  he 
placed  in  the  same  catcRory.  Most  of  the  Western  State 
universities  l)elong  to  the  other  group  of  this  second  class, 
that  of  institutions  which  aim  at  covering  more  ground  than 
they  are  as  yet  able  to  cover.  They  have  an  ambitious  pro- 
gramme; but  neither  the  state  of  preparation  of  their 
students,  nor  the  strength  of  the  teaching  staff,  enables 
them  to  do  justice  to  the  promise  which  the  programme 
holds  out.  They  are  true  universities  rather  in  aspiration 
tiiau  in   fact. 

Below  these  again  there  is  a  third  and  much  larger  class  of 
colleges,  three  hundre<l  or  more,  which  are  for  most  intents 
and  purposes  schools.  They  differ  from  the  gymnasia  of  Ger- 
many, the  lyieen  of  France,  the  grammar  schools  of  England 
and  high  .schools  of  Scotland,  not  only  in  the  fact  that  they  give 
degrees  to  those  who  ha\e  satisfactorily  pa.^.setl  through  their 
prescrib(Hl  course  or  courses,  but  in  permitting  greater  personal 
freetlom  to  the  stud"uis  than  boys  would  be  allowed  in  those 
countries.  They  are  universities  or  colleges  as  respects  some 
of  their  arrangements,  but  schools  in  respect  of  the  educational 
results  attained.  This  large  group  may  be  further  divided  into 
twc.  sub-cl'Jsses,  distniguisluHl  from  one  another  partly  by  their 
revenues,  partly  by  the  character  of  the  population  they  serve, 
partly  l)y  tho  personal  gifts  of  the  president  and  teachers. 
Some  .seventy  or  eighty,  though  comparatively  small,  are  strong 
by  tho  zeal  and  capacity  of  their  staff,  and  while  not  attempt- 
ing to  teach  everything,  teach  the  subjects  which  they  do  under- 
take with  it'Toasing  thoroughness.  The  remainder  would  do 
bettor  to  renounce  tho  privilege  of  granting  degrees  and  be  con- 
tent to  do  school  work  according  to  school  methods.  The  West 
and  South  are  covennl  wth  these  small  colleges.  In  Illinois  I 
tiiid  '.V2  i\:ime(l  in  tho  Report  of  the  United  States  Education 
Uuioiiii.  inTonu(ssoo2.").  Oklahoma  has  already  six,  with  nearly 
■J(MM)  >-tinlonts.  but  all  an-  still  in  :ui  oarly  stage  t)f  dovoh)pmont. 
Ill  Ohio  out  of  '.i'>,  or  ])ossibly  more,  scarce  any  deserves  to  in' 
(•;'.!!ii!  ;i  univorsity-  The  mnnbor  of  teachers  and  students  is 
sometimes  larue.  but  not  very  many  are  in  the  collegiate  and 
far  fewer  in  tiie  graduate  deinirtments.  Most  of  the  students 
are  to  be  found  in  tho  pn  r)aratory  dopaument. 


-i; 


CHAP,  cvm 


TUK  UNIVKUSITIES 


717 

IqT'I'V^'S'' ""v^T  ?1  ■'^^"^^''"*^  '"  "'^••^'=»'-''  l^nivor.ity'wusJn 
llll'  ^^r*  V"  ^''''  •^202,  in  (<«l„„,hin  Inivvrsitv,  X.w  York 
-«n?'  nr  '"  ^T  '^'"'"*  '^^*'^*''  Iniv.Tsiti.s  as  follow  :  AlichiKun 
oH05  Illmcs  .50.54,  Wisconsin  .5082.  ('nlifornia  0817.  tK 
numhors,  whu-h  rxrc^pt  in  the-  first  rus.  indt.,!.  women,  s  ow 
a  great  increase  duruiK  the  hi..,t  twenty  years 

i?ei;en,ze«.  -  Nearly  all,  if  not  all,  of  the  .lej^ree-grantinK 
KKl.es  are  en.lowe.  ,  t  ...  ^reat  .najority  l.y  private  fouSrs*^ 
but  a  «oo<l  many  also  hy  grants  of  lan.l  nuulc-  hy  the  State  in 
wh.rh  they  stand,  partly  out  of  lands  set  apart  for  e^lucat  ona 
purposes  hy  the  F^leral  Rovernnu.nt.  In  n.ost  eases  the  la,^ 
have  been  sold  and  the  procenls  invested.  Many  of  the  State 
umvers,t.es  of  the  West  receive  a  grant  from  the  Stae  treas- 
ury voed  annually  or  biennially  by  the  l..gislatu  e  b^ta 
preferabe  plan,  adopted  by  several  States  is  t.Tenact  a  pemia^ 
nent  statute  g.vmg  annually  to  the  universitvsome  fraction™  a 
cent,  or  a  m>ll  C,  .V.  of  a  dollar)  out  of  everv  dollar  of  the  to  a1 

t'ht.'r^n';  "'.^  *'*"*"     ^''"'  ''''''  -'tonlatieally,   increasing 
the  grant  as  the  resources  of  the  State  increase.     The  greater 
umve.'^^t.es  are  constantly  being  enriched  by  the  gifts  of  private 
mchviduals,  often  their  outi  graduates:  b„t  the  compla  nt    s 
heard  that  these  ,ifts  are  too  frequently  appropriated  to  .^me 
specific  purpose,  instead  of  being  u,ld..d  to  the  general  funds 
of  the  umversity     Harvard,  Yale,  ('<.lumbia,  Prin 'ton,  (  WH 
and  Johns  Hoi^kins  are  now  all  of  them  weulthv  foundations' 
and    the   stream   of   munificenc,.   swells   daily.'     Before   long 
there  will  l)e  universities  in  Am.'ric.i  with  resources  far  sur- 
passing those  of  any  Scottish  university,  and  exceeding  even 
the  collective  income  of  the  university  and  all  th,>  colleges  in 
Oxford  or  m  Cambridge.     In  some  States  the  real  property  and 
funds  of  universities  are  (.xempt  fnmi  tavjit ion 

aovern,ne„L  ~  A^  already  n'markcl,  „„  .AnKTiean  universitv 
or  college  is,  .so  iu,-  as  I  know,  governed  either  by  its  graduates 


i^ 


718 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


■1 . 


alone,  like  Oxford  and  CambridRe,  or  by  its  teaching  staff 
alone,  like  the  Sootrh  universities  before  the  Act  of  1858. 
The  State  universities  are  usually  controlled  and  managed  by 
a  board,  generally  called  the  Regents,  sonietimets  elected  by 
the  people  of  the  State,  sonietii  u>s  app<jinted  by  the  Governor 
or  the  legislature  There  are  States  with  an  enlightened  pop- 
ulation, or  in  which  ar  able  president  has  been  ai)le  to  guide 
and  influence  the  Regents  or  the  legislature,  in  which  this  plan 
has  worketi  excellently,  securing  lil.eral  appropriations,  and 
interesting  the  commonwealth  in  the  welfare  of  the  highest 
organ  of  its  intellectual  life.  There  have  also  been  States  in 
which  the  haste  or  unwisdom  of  the  legislature  seemed  for  a 
time  to  be  cramping  the  gru  vth  of  the  university.  On  the 
whole  the  Regents  of  late  years  have  generally  ruled  well 
and  the  States  have  shown  more  and  more  interest  in 
university  work,  though  too  apt  to  bestow  their  Hberality 
almost  wholly  on  the  more  directly  practical  branches  of  its 
work. 

All  other  universities  and  colleges  are  governed  l)y  boards 
of  governors  or  trustees,  sometimes  allowetl  to  renew  themselves 
by  co-optation,  sometimes  nominated  i)y  a  religious  denomina- 
tion or  other  external  authority.'  The  president  of  the  institu- 
tion is  often,  but  not  always,  an  c:  officio  member  of  this  boanl, 
to  which  the  management  of  projH'rty  and  financial  interests 
belongs,  while  internal  discipline  and  educational  arrangements 
are  usually  left  to  the  academic  staff.  A  visitor  from  Europe 
is  struck  by  the  prominence  of  the  president  in  an  American 
university  or  college,  and  the  almost  monarchical  position  which 
he  sometimes  occupii's  toward  the  professors  as  well  as  towards 
the  students.  More  authority  is  vested  in  him,  more  turns 
upon  his  individual  talents  and  character,  than  in  the  uni- 
versities of  Europe.  Neither  the  (Jerman  Pro-Rector, 
nor  the  \'i(e-C'hancellor  in  Oxford  and  Cambridge,  nor 
the  Principal  in  a  Scottish  university,  nor  the  Provost  of 
Trinity  College  in  Dublin,  nor  the  head  in  one  of  tlie 
colleges  in  Oxford  or  Cambridge,  is  anything  hke  so  impor- 

'  In  Harvanl  the  KoviTiiniciit  i,i  vf•^t(■(l  in  ii  Hplf-rrnewinR  body  of  s<>VPn 
per»>n.i  raUiMl  the  ( 'orpDratn.n.  nr  (n  tiiiitiillv.  the  Pii'siiient  anci  t'ciiows  "f 
Harvard  ('oll<-«c.  vvlm  liavo  thi'  ili:irKc  i)f  tin  proix-rty  :  and  in  a  Hoard  of 
OvtT!M-<>r»,  aiit>"iiit-d  forMi''l\  l.v  ihc  lii;islatur<'.  now  by  the  Kradiiut<'8,  five 
«!aoh  year  to  mtvc  tnr  :<ix  yrar-  with  a  t'liiTiil  riipcrvision  of  the  oducationaJ 
systt'm,  (xlucational  details  and  discipline  heiiig  le|i  to  tho  Faculty. 


CHAP,  cvin 


tant 


TFIE  UXIVKRSITIKS 


719 


respects, 


a  personugo.'     la  this,  as  in  not  a  few  ot 
AmencH  is  less  republican  than  England. 

varies  in  numlers  and  effi    .n.v   ."  T      !"  '1""""^'  '«"^^' 
of  the  univrTsitv  or  0  ,1  It  a  d  i  '"«;  ^"^-    "  '^'  ^"P"'""*^- 

tiin.r.-  whir    VI   ■,-'■"  '""'"•*'"■».  inslructors,  „„,]  1,.^. 
<'f  IVnnsylv „  srtl.  I>ri,„,.„„  o  '',.■.'"/'''' ■.''"■  ' '■'"r.s.ty 

"..ta,,„u,,..,ea..,,.,.,,,„\;:?:;:,;;;-,;  ,---'''n^^ 

a  colleRe  presK k-nt  -    I  will  cdl  hiin  \fr    i  i^  .         ^* 

plating  thar      \t  last   I    .  1  if  .     '         "^  ^'"'  "^  '"''*^™- 
Faeulty  at  pres  nt  t^si  ,.'         '    V.  11''  ■.  """•'  ^"f  ^'^"'■^  *^« 

present  th.  F..uit.  is'.;.;;.;!:  it.  ?ui/ttr:g;;r;:n  ;Ai't^ 

be  n.ore  nunu-rous."     -A„,i  ,t  pre..,,,  '••   I  o   'u  r«l      ^i 
present  ,t  consists  of  .Mrs.  Johnsoi  an.l  .nyself.''  ^  ^^ 

and  moral  pl„|.,<,.,,l,..       a*  >    ,        !  '  >'-i..rallv    l-,tur..i    on    mentnl 

H.-rK.v  thonirht   it   nn  rnrro',','l,m,'„f'i'"'ll';    '■";•""-""  •"    'fir\.,nt   >n   ISL'S   the 
ordor*  e,-,.n  in  m  cUrm  ,in  i  I   'i  II.  '        H        '"'  """'h  ,'•  ^  'il^'v  to  1„.  in 

"rul   tho   \V..sf.,n   St.,f,    u    V      i  "'";■'   '""^  "'•^'fi''-  "f  tUi-  F-HHt. 

-n,e  of  tho  d»no.i..;^^;^'x:;,  •:;;  rL:;«;:;;L-i'!.;i:—  '^- 


HI 


r2o 


SOCMAL   INSTITl'TIONS 


PART    VI 


n 


Tlu'  saliirit's  paid  to  piofi'srfors,  ulthougli  tciuliiig  to  riat', 
art'  Miiall  coinparcd  with  the  gt'inTul  wealth  of  the  country 
ami  the  cost  of  Uving.  The  iiighe^t  known  to  nu>  are  those  in 
Columbia  College,  a  few  of  which  exceitl  $5000  a  year,  and 
in  the  University  of  Chicago,  which  pays  some  of  $7000. 
Even  in  Yale,  Johns  Hopkins,  and  Cornell,  most  fall  below 
$4000.  A  very  few  presidents  receive  $10,000,  but  over  the 
country  generally  I  should  guess  that  a  president  rarely  re- 
ceives ^000,  often  only  $3000  or  $2000,  and  the  professors  less 
in  j)roiM)rtion.  Under  these  conditions  it  maj*  be  found  sur- 
prising that  st>  many  able  men  are  to  be  found  on  the  teaching 
staff  of  not  a  few  colleges  as  well  as  universities,  and  that  in 
the  greater  universities  there  are  also  many  who  have  traintHl 
themselvt's  by  a  long  and  expensive  education  in  Europi'  for 
their  work.  The  reason  is  to  be  found  partly  in  the  fondness 
for  science  and  learning  which  has  grown  apace  in  America,  and 
which  makes  men  of  intellectual  tastes  prefer  a  life  of  letters 
with  poverty  to  success  in  business  or  at  the  bar;  partly,  as 
regards  the  smaller  Western  colleges,  to  religious  motives,  these 
colleges  being  largely  officered  by  the  clergy  of  the  denomination 
they  belong  to,  esjiecially  by  those  who  love  study,  or  find  their 
talents  better  suited  to  the  class-room  than  to  the  pulpit. 

The  professors  seem  to  be  always  among  the  social  aristocracy 
of  the  city  in  which  they  live,  though  usually  unable,  from  the 
smallness  of  their  incomes,  to  enjoy  social  life  as  the  correspond- 
ing class  does  in  Scotland  or  even  in  England.  The  position 
of  president  is  often  one  of  high  honour  and  wide  influence. 

The  Students.  —  It  is  the  glory  of  the  American  universities, 
as  of  those  of  Scotland  and  (lermany,  to  be  freely  accessible  to 
all  classes  of  the  people.  In  the  Eastern  States  a  comparatively 
small  yet  an  increasing  number  have  be(  n  the  sons  of  working 
men,  because  parents  can  rarely  bear  th  •  expense  of  a  university 
course,  or  dispense  with  a  boy's  earnings  after  he  reaches  four- 
teen. But  even  in  the  East  a  good  many  now  come  from  strait- 
ened homes,  receiving  assistance  from  some  richer  neighbour 
or  from  charitable  funds  belonging  to  the  college  at  which  they 
may  present  themselves  ;  while  some,  in  days  when  the  standard 
of  instruction  wa.-^  lower,  and  women  wore  leas  generally  em- 
ployed as  teachers,  used  to  teach  district  schools  for  three  months 
in  winter.  In  the  West,  where  there  is  little  distinction  of  classes 
though  great  disparity  of  wealth,  the  State  Universities  make  a 


ru.M'.  (\iii 


TIIK   I'MVKKSITIKS 


721 


-tinall 


'I-  possil.K    no  (.},; 


ir«»',  and  suiur  oth 


charge  a  pr.„uisi„K  stu.l..„(      r    .  •  , wV-  'T'''''  '"*'>""* 

•nun's  way  is  that  of  s     ,    hi  ': "?''•''  ''''Acuity  in  a  younw 

an<l  this  'h.  f  eoun       '  1       """  •'"'■*"«  ''''^  ••"""«*'  ^'""••'^<- 

y.-  what  k...;:^r  •  hin ;  L'Xr\::r"'[^r;"-/'^'^  ^'^^ 

't  l.y  t,.a,.hinK  srh.M.I-       n.-mv  ,.f  ^''"  '"'  '"'*"'" 

s.v.ral   Pr..si,l..nts  of  th,    r  i  t    1  trT'   "i""'  '"'"'"^''"^ 

''H.S  support..!  th..nsdv  I  in         /';'':;.    r"'^    'T  ^"   '^"^ 
SoML'tiines  he  works  ■..  ..  f,    l  '  "'•'"■  '""'"''•  ''^''-eers. 

S.-otlan.l;and:::tl^    ;r;:n;''7,r'-'''"'''^''^ 

i'i-'  Hass-n.at..s  f,,,-  it      t       •'  '  ""'  """■''  ••<'^J>«'<'t<"<l  l.v 

far,  ...;t  it  opn^it.  u:,::  S:;-;:^  n  r' '""  ^^'^ 

into  thr  prof,.s.sions.  or  ,.,,.„  int     t  .  T''*" '"" ''^'^ 

.sn..ntifi<-    re-s-an-h.     in    n       o       r      "     l','"","*  .''""""'^  ^"^' 

♦•''''l'•n<^v  f,,r  w..||-to  .io   ,  r    't  •  t         ' ;  :;    •"''""'  "  ''  *^"""'"'"« 
Kreat.T   univ.rsiti.      in';:,"  f''!;'  ''"'"•  r""^  »"  «'»»'  "f  the 

'•"Iturv.  or  of  th,.  social  mlvnivl  ^Vr  ^''  "^  K'-ncral 

is  thoufiht  to  confer.  T  ,h  .t.V  l'"''  ;"■  T^^''-'^^'^  '"oursc 
on.>  of  the  l<.a,lin«  univcrsi,- :::^  t  F.^' T''  ^^"'"f  T^^ 
from  c,Kht«...n  to  nin.'tccn  .»,(!  tl  „  u  7  ''  ''\"'  ^^"«'an'J. 
twenty-two  t<,  tw.-nty-thr  •  j  c  n  M.h  '""  "^  ^''-'uatioa 
years.  In  the  UVst  ..n.e  s  u  .t  ;  .l  .  I""''  ""^""^  '""• 
age,  twenty-four  or  twentv  fiv,.     l  .      "  '"""'  advanced 

f>oen  neRh.cte,|,  so  the  avVra .''  i  UvT'''  "•''"■"^"'"  ''^^''""^ 
than  in  the  Ea,t.     i„  Sc„thn  1  1T  ''""•'«*''^  '^  '"Khor 

tw.nty-four  used  to  sit  s'^!  7'-  "^  ^'""■^"""  ••»'"'  '»-"  of 
and  con.p<.te  on  e<,ual  en  s  :'';.'"  '•""^•^''•fy  '-'--roonKs. 
times  which  survivvs  in      ,  '     """*^'  '""'"'   "^   ""'^la^ival 

The  phu-es  of  i;i^  ,;,  ,  ;J  :;;;;;-';>•  yf  ^  A.har  in  Cairo, 
--"ity  only;  to  thc.s  .;',;!  i;!;^^,  ^'•'""  ^^nr  inunediate 
parts  of  the  rnion.  The  C e  .  Tap  T- ■'""'  ^'■"'"  «" 
a'"onK    the    8tat.>    I'nive  sit  e     t        ^    ".    ^^"■'"«'-^"'   the  first 

■  -^*„  ™„.  ^,,, ,  ,„,  „„„„„,  ^,  ^,^,  ^_  ^^  ^  ^^ 


722 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


and  even  from  the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  Princeton  lias  long 
drawn  many  from  the  South,'  A  student  generally  completes 
his  four  years'  graduation  course  at  the  same  institution,  but 
some  few  leave  a  small  college  after  one  year  to  enter  at  a 
larger  one.  A  man  who  hus  graduated  in  a  college  which  has 
only  an  Arts  or  collegiate  department,  will  often,  in  case  he 
designs  himself  for  law  or  medicine,  resort  to  the  law  or  medical 
school  of  a  larger  university,  or  even,  if  he  means  to  devote 
himself  to  science  or  philology,  will  pursue  what  is  called  a 
"post-graduate  course"  at  some  one  of  the  greatest  seats  of 
learning.  Thus  it  may  happen,  as  in  (iernmny,  that  a  man  has 
8tU(Ued  at  two  or  three  universities  in  succession. 

Buildings  atid  External  Aspect.  -¥^\\  of  the  buildings  in 
any  college  or  university  are  more  than  a  century  old,''  and  among 
these  there  is  none  of  an  imposing  character,  or  with  marked 
architectural  merit.  Many  of  the  newer  ones  are  handsome 
and  well  arranged,  l)ut  I  have  heard  it  remarked  that  too  much 
money  is  now  Iw-ing  spent,  at  least  in  the  West,  upon  showy 
buildings,  possibly  with  the  view  of  commanding  attention. 
The  ground  plan  is  rarely  or  never  that  of  a  quadrangle,  as  in 
England  and  Scotland,  not  l)ecause  it  wa-s  desired  to  avoid 
monastic  precedents,  but  because  detached  buildings  are  thought 
to  be  better  adapted  to  the  cold  and  snows  of  winter.  At 
Harvard  and  Yale  the  l>rick  dormitories  (builtUngs  in  which 
the  students  live)  and  class-rooms  are  scattered  over  a  large 
space  of  grass  planted  with  ancient  elms,  and  have  a  very  pleas- 
ing effect  Rochester,  too,  has  a  spacious  Campus.  Prince- 
ton, Amherst,  Williams,  and  Dartmouth,  being  i)laced  in  small 
countrj'  towns  and  pleasing  .scenery,  nave  r-en  more  attractive 
surroundings,  and  the  situations  of  the  Universities  of  Virginia, 
Wisconsin,  and  California  are  highly  favoured  by  nature.  Ample 
and  agreeable  pleasure-grounds  surmund  the  women's  colleges 
of  Vassar,  Wellesley,  and  Bryn  Mawr. 

Time  spent  in  Stw^-  —Vacations  are  shorter  than  in  Eng- 
land or  Scotland.  That  of  summer  usually  lasts  from  the 
middle  of  June  to  the  middle  or  end  of  September,  and  there 

'  M.iiu-  students  now  -(.ii!'.'  fn-n!  Fur..!«'  .iiirl  Asi.i.  In  lltOlt  there  were  in 
34  United  States  Tnivi-rsities  1407  from  Ml)rfi:i<l.  inelii<liiiK  4.">S  from  Asia  (inrluil- 
inft  15K  Japiinesp  and  l',»3  Chinese,  witli  fA)  from  the  F.ast  Indic<8),  313  from 
Euro|«'.  1.54  from  South  Amerieu.  and  <i4  tr.irn  Anstraha. 

>I  reniemher  oni'  in  Vale  of  a.u.  17M,  .ailed  South  Middle,  whieh  was  ven- 
erated aa  the  oldeet  building  there. 


CHAP.   fVIlI 


THE   UNIVKIISITIKS 


723 

T^io?"""'''?.'"''-   '*''"•'   ^"'"••"'='-    IJIi>">is    Iowa     "mHtc^I 
with  191,  ono-third  of  the  tot:il  f„r  the  I'n  t,><l  Sfnto       i    . 

nec-ossan  y  s,K....k  of  an  an,,.!,  aa.l  soli.l  provisio,.  of  nuXn 
In(l..>d  Ohio  has  no  si,u,lc  institution  t<.  whirh  a  nlu^^   TZ 
ron    rank  wonhl  1,.  a.ssi,n,..l.     Th<.  fonrt.on  Sou     i!  ^  s  ,t, 
excluding  Missouri.  Maryland,  and  JVlasvar.)  stan  ?  in  the 
tabe«  as  pcscs^uiK  191,  l.ut  it  nia>   In-  doubu  1  whe  ho    any 
t     rank'"''?//"'   Tni  versify  of  \'ir«inia,  attains  the  very 
first  rank;  and  though  sona-   hav.'  I.,.<>n  rising   steadily    the 
great   majority  ar.  un.i.nnanned  and  han,„ere<l  by  the   iZ 
perfect  preparation  of  the  students  whon/they  rl^l     Tn 
this   respect,  and  as   regards  education  generaljy    the  South 

oun?rv      Th""'""'  '^  ^'" , '"•''">^'   '''  "'»-  -[io..  of     he 
country.     There  are  several  co  lofrcs,  all  or  neirlv  ..II  of  h 

denonjinational    established  for  rol/.unV;;;   ''out  " 

System  and  Met/.orls  of  Instmrtion.  -     In  IS  U)  it  woul.l  have 

been  coniparatuvly  easy  to  descril.e  thes,.  f„r  nearh  Im      ..  n 

vei^ities  and  colleges  prescribed  a  regular  fou    "w  .  n  '  uh  m 

to  a  student,  chiefly  consisting  of  .-lassies  and  niathenmir 

and  leading  up  to  a  H.A.  degn..     A  youth  Imd  H tt le  or  «« 

option  what  lu.  would  study,  for  everybodv  was  expected  to 

take  certain  classes  ,n  ea.-h  y.^ar,  and  received  his  degree  upon 

havjing  satis  actonly  pe.fonned  what  was  in  each  clasfrTquTreS 

hi  d^'scnu'h'""''  ">'•    ""*  ""'"^''  '^'''  f«"««-*'"'  (till  1892) 
m  the  Scottish  universities:  it   began  with  Latin,  Greek    and 

mathematics,  and  wound  up  with  logi,-,  mental  and  mora   phi 

losophy,  and  a  tincture  nf  pbvsir.c      rn«tn,.,finn   „  •   • 

j"''™' ";  •'"■.; N .vs ^v,;,,,,,: ,.:';,;,::.';  r  's;,™-^' 

tW  s,mpl,.  un,f„n„„y  ,>f  ,l,is  „„,i„i„„al  sys„.„,  l,e„,„  to Ui* 


I'l 


1=- 


724 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   V 


I*   "- 


% 


V3 


in  tho  leading  universities  of  the  lOiistcrn  and  Middle  States, 
and  in  nearly  ail  the  State  universities  of  the  West.  In  most 
of  the  smaller  colleges,  however,  there  are  still  regular  elaases, 
a  certain  numl»er  of  which  every  student  nuist  attend,  hut  he 
is  allowe<l  to  eh»M»se  for  hin.self  between  a  variety  of  courses 
or  curricula,  hy  followini;  any  one  of  which  he  may  obtain  a 
degrci'.  The  freedom  of  choice  is  nreat(>r  in  some  uiiiversiti<'s, 
less  in  others;  in  some,  choice  is  permitted  friMii  the  Hcst,  in 
most,  however  {including  lh(>  great  liiiversity  of  Vale),  only 
after  two  years.  In  Harvard  freedom  reached  its  maxinunn. 
The  coiit  rovt'rsies  out  of  which  the  "elective  syslini"  emergi'd 
turned  largely  on  the  (luestiuii  whetln'r  (In-ek  should  be  a 
compul-itry  subject.  The  change  was  iiitro<hiced  for  the  .sake 
of  bringing  scieiitilic  subjects  into  the  curriculum  ami  ena- 
bling men  to  specialize  in  them  and  in  matters  like  hi.story 
and  Oriental  or  Uonumce  philolog.v,  and  was  indeed  a  nec- 
essary conco?nitant  to  such  a  ''roadening  of  universities  as 
may  enable  them  to  keep  pace  with  the  .swift  development  of 
n(>w  branches  of  study  and  research  during  the  last  forty  years. 
It  is  defended  both  on  this  ground  and  as  being  more  likely 
thim  the  old  strictly  limited  courses  to  give  every  student 
something  which  will  interest  him.  It  is  opposed  as  tending 
to  bewilder  him,  to  disiurse  and  .scatter  his  mind  over  a  too  wide 
raniic  of  subjects,  p(>rliaps  unconnected  with  o\w  another,  tu 
tempt  him  with  th(>  offer  of  liberty  which  he  wants  the  ex- 
I>erience  to  use  wisely.  One  or  two  conspicuous  universities, 
and  many  .smaller  colleges,  li:iv(>  clung  to  the  old  .system 
of  two  or  three  prescribed  degree  courses  in  which  compara- 
tively little  variation  is  admitted.'  .\n  elective  system  is 
indeed  possilile  only  where  the  teaching  stafT  is  large  enough  to 
do  justice  to  a  wide  range  of  sul)jects. 

,\  piralli'i  ihange  has  ])assed  upon  the  methods  of  teaching. 
Lecturing  with  the  interposition  of  few  or  iiocjuestions  to  the  class 
is  becoming  the  rule  in  the  larger  universities,  those  especiail.\ 
which  adopt  the  elective  system,  whil(>  what  are  called  "ri'ci- 
tations,"  that  is  to  say,  catechetical  methods  resembling  tliosc 
of  Scotland  or  of  a  college  (not  university)  lecture  in  O.xfonl 


'  Thf  (<rii:ill  ii.llctr.'s  win-  tlic  iiiori  uiiwillint;  to  <lri)|>  Cri'ck  tis  ii  compulscii v 
(!ul)jort  lH'c:ms<-  t\\f\  llioiiirlit  that  !•>  ilniiiii  .<"  tlicy  wo  iM  lose  the  .'irichor  l\ 
wliirh  they  held  tci  the  liiulii-r  culliif'.  .mil  cimfcs.i  thciiisi'lvcrt  to  Im-  no  Ioii(:m 
universities.     Hut  ( Ircck  cliilincs  in  tlii'iu  also. 


rHAP.    (VIII 


Till-;    I MVKUSITIKS 


7r> 

it!^-^:;-:;^;.:;::;;:;:;;;/;:';;':.;;;-'.- ns...va.iv..  .... 

•••'titl.-s  tiM    Ih-u-,.,-  t  '".'•■'--     •'<•  l"-o<l.i,.t,o,.  of  winch 

plan  is  sa      t     C     k    J|   '      u'     •''  "  l":?  "•^--""'i--     This 

P..l.li.-  schools  au.i  the  S,t.un     !"''";•"  '-tw.vn  the 
to  Krai.t  .|,.jrr,.,.s      Th.-n       .  •        >   ■'''•*• '''•"""''I  Hitidnl 

f™l  i„  the  n.aionty  .>r  Vol   !!        h.     V  u;v 'J    h'T  ""■ 
univcrstics  have    in  ..roMti,,,  •^^'^'^'^  the  larger 

'-'•^no  are  a\\ai.|..,|  |,v  exainmatioii,  hut 

•'■«  l«rK,.r.     Tl.,.r,.  is  ...  ,,r,.wi„^  ,  ,;  .;,       ''"  '" """"  '^  '"  --t  u„iv..r    - 

N.y»  of  th..  nVhor  .l.s  to  !.,.  >v,  ,;.       ^'T"',^-    '-'"- •'"v  i"  thr  Ka.t.  f.r 

othor  private  s..„„,l,r,.  s.hoo  s/ ,1 ';';,':::;''  ."  ■"'-'.i.s,   seminari,..   and 


with   1-.MI(» 


iiii'il-  iriiii;  i>, 


Milt  till 

•  II 


fiKU 


l>ii|iil>  iTiu'i  I, 


oiiorary  dc^tir 


111    l.ir  fri 


^-^     "111    IKil   t;ii|s 

'.vi  an, I  vk;  L'lrl-i 


iititn    ill   li)|^ 


■'III  rollit.lrl. 


I'i'I'aniii;  (,,!•  .1  ,..)|| 
I'l'-P'iriim  f.ir 


i'liirn.-.|  as  :.'(M  i 


<i!>-  <laM»i,-,»| 


Hi\h-M   ^tan.ii 


iiri'  in  .<ciiiii 


«iTat<'(l  apiirciat 


im,  rniit(  rriil  witl 


lll~n':if  1. 


An 


Ion  of  ii 


I      ,1      |,(V,|| 


I, 


.f   Ha.li.'l 


'onu  thr  iliKiv,-  titi 


li'oll~|,|,.ijnu 


lUlli  ll    -.i 


a  siiiiitih, 


■'••'    :i<U,iii.v     ill. 


I<lll>  til 


;irifiir 


ol    tlii- 
1    I'XUK- 


"■   and    M.,,t, 


Lit 


mrcati.  of  Scii'ii.  .-.  Ciofi, 


r    l„ 


■in.ij    III 


orii,-  iii<li(iitii),is  ti 


'  woiii,.,,.  th,.  titli' 


iTutiiiT,  Mititrc 


-f  M 


■'•:"'  "'  .Milsii,  Maid  1,1   |'hil.,sop|' 


I'hy 


'"■    till,    following  ~ 


Mist 


r«s«  of  Polit.. 


•lw 


726 


SOCIAL  INSTITITTIONS 


PART  r\ 


n- 


} 


hr- 


never,  I  think,  as  often  in  Firitain,  upon  a  ninnlc  txuniination 
held  after  the  r^'irne  of  study  has  been  «'onipi«'t('«i.  Thi-  stu- 
dent, as  he  goes  through  tiie  various  classes  which  make  up  his 
course,  is  examined,  sometime^'  at  frequent  intervals,  some- 
times at  the  end  of  each  year,  on  the  work  done  in  the  classes  or 
on  prescribefl  lKM)ks,  and  the  decree  is  ultiiuately  awarded  or 
refused  on  the  combined  result  of  all  these  tests.  At  no  point 
in  his  career  is  he  expected  to  submit  to  any  one  examination 
comparable,  for  the  combinetl  number  and  difficulty  of  the  sulv- 
jects  in  which  he  is  questioned,  to  the  final  honour  examiiuitions 
at  Oxford  or  CambridRe,  even  as  now  constituted,  much  less 
as  they  stood  in  the  middle  of  last  century. 

There  is  indeed  no  respect  in  which  the  American  system  is 
more  contrasted  with  that  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  than  the 
comparatively  small  i)art  assiptuHl  to  the  award  of  honours.  In 
England  the  Class  list  or  Tripos  has  for  many  years  past,  ever 
since  the  universities  awoke  from  the  lethargy  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  been  the  main  motive  power  in  stimulating  under- 
graduates to  exertion  and  in  stcmtningthe  current  which  runs  so 
strongly  towards  amusement  and  athletic  exercises.  Examina- 
tions have  governed  teaching  instead  of  I  ing  used  to  test  it. 
In  the  United  States,  although  most  universities  and  colleges 
reward  with  some  sort  of  honourable  mention  the  students 
who  have  acciuitted  themselves  conspicuously  well,  graduation 
honours  are  not  a  great  object  of  ambition ;  they  win  little  or 
no  fame  within  the  institution,  they  are  unnoticed  beyond  its 
walls.  In  many  universities  there  is  not  even  the  stimulus, 
which  acts  powerfully  in  Scotland,  of  clas':  |)rizes,  awarded  by 
examination  or  by  the  votes  of  the  students.  It  is  only  a  few 
institutions  that  pos.sess  scholarships  awarded  by  competiti(»n. 
American  teachers  seem  to  find  the  discipline  of  their  regular 
class  system  sufficient  to  maintain  a  rea.<onabIe  level  of  dili- 
gence among  their  students,  being  doubtless  aided  by  the  fact 
that,  in  all  but  a  very  few  universities,  the  vast  maj-;rity  of  the 
.students  come  fr!iii  simple  homes,  possess  scanty  means,  and 
have  their  way  in  life  to  jnakc.  Diligence  — a  moderate  but 
fairly  sustained  diligence  —  was  the  tradition  of  the  American 
colleges  until  the  pa.ssion  for  athletic  competitions  became 
pronounced  ;  and  this  is  still  true  in  most  of  those  remote  from 
the  dissipating  influences  ami  social  excitements  of  large  cities. 
It  is  still  the  rule  in  post-graduate  courses  and  in  the  pro- 


CHAP,  rviii 


THR  rNfVKrtsiTIKS 


727 

feHHionul  srIuK.ls.  f„r  stu.ln.ts  uh«,  l,:,v,.  ^nt   s„  far"fo«7the 
nml  f,.r  ,un.iM«  th.ir   ..pportuniti.-s  ..,  f,,,|    a.r.mn,      Kvon 

tlH'  KH-utrr  „mv..r,s,ri,.s  have  ...v.t  I „.  as  tlu-  l^nKlish  uni- 

VCTs.tu-s  lurKrly  u.r..  i„  ,|.,.  fi^sf  half  of  last   ,.,.„,„r;.  a,,       , 


U' 


For  the  absence 


IMM'II  ( 

■    'Jill', 
•..j   ,   ,,, 


.1 


'»)<•( 


One  is 

II  Oxfortl 

n.    T\w 

' for  the 

I  Switz- 

iii  f)la('f>s 

''   ''tosonje- 

'  '''  «'s  not,  as 

■  '    I    'icory  inhi.i 

tli.ii  III'  ■  iit<>r(><l  the 

'•-     >.i  social  ron- 


>     '.,    nil 

Mi.  ,, 


III!    . 


ynirs.  only  incidentally  plnn-s  ,,f  j,, 

of  a  coniiM'titivc  system  two  imiif 

that  it  escap<'s  that  separation  v 

and  Camhridue  between  pass  or  • 

ordinary  student  supposes  him  <  , 

purpos*'  of  learninji  >ometliire. 

eriand  and  Scotland,  tli're  i> 

of  study  :  hut  the  idleness  of 

thiuK  in  his  own  character  oi 

in  the  case  of  the  KukIIsIi  "pol.  !n;.n 

own  mind,  jirol.ahly  shared  l.y  his  j  ,i 

university  in  order  to  enjoy  ImnM-lf  a.  ,  ,-,....  social  con 

nccfons      It  is  held  to  1...  another  nu-rit  that  the  love  o   kn  w." 

*'<1«<-  and  truth  .s  not.  an.on«  the  better  n.inds.  vulKaW^H  1^ 
iM-n.K  .nade  the  s|av..  of  con.pcition  ami    of  the    ptssion      fr 
IJUH-k  and  consp.euous  Muvess.     An  American  student   is  , 
UHlu  ed  by  Ins  umvers.ty  to  think  h.ss  „  the  intrinsic  value 
of  «hat  lu-  IS  learnn,K  than  of  how  far  it   will  pay  in  an  exam- 
Hmu.n:    nor  does  he  regard  his  ablest  fellow-students  LTL 
mals  over  a  d.tfn-ult  .-ourse  for  hi«h  stakes,  rivals  whose  npced 
andstn.n«thh,.n,ust   .-onstantly  be  con.parin«  with  his  own 
Amencans   who   have  studicl   in   an    Kn«lish   university  a    "; 
K  adua  mK  n>  one  of  their  own  have  told  n...  that  nothing      r- 
p..s.'.l  then.  ,non.  ,n  KuRlan.!  than  the  incessant  canvassin     <.f 
one  aMother's  n.telle.-tual  capacities  whu-h  went  on  a.nouR      e 
clever  undergraduates..     M,,,,,    l.ss   work   is  got   out  of  the 
better  Amen.-an  stu.lents  th.-u.  the  exan.inati<,n  svstem  exa -tl 

om  the  same  class  <,f  n.en  in  ( )xf,.rd  and  ( -an.bridKc.    PrZbly 
he  nuahtjes  o    remliness  and  acr.ra,  y  are  not  so  thoroughly 
trauHHl.     Poss.bly  it   is  a  loss    not   to  be  con,p,.lle,l  to  car.^ 


for  a  few  w(>ek.^  a  large  mass  oi 
obligation  of  find 
who  direct  th 


facts 


HI  one's  mind  im^'-.-r  tha 


ine  any  on-  at  a  nximent's  notice.     Tho.so 


eading  American  nniversit., .,  .,-,„^ 
pomts  the  advantages  of  English  practice,  but  ha 


If  this   In 


les  recognize  in  these 
•e  not  £0  far 


•ni''  "I  KriciMni!.  ttn 


prwp  nysteiii  of  .Scotland. 


'vil  is  |.r..l.,il,l.v  no  s.uai., :  under  the  clusn- 


«  I 


7-2S 


SOCIAL   INSTITITTIONS 


PAKT    VI 


*a 


lK>on  disposed  to  alter  their  own  traditional  system,  which 
relies  on  the  interest  the  studt'nt  has  in  turning  to  aecoinit  his 
colU'Ke  years  and  doing  work  enongh  to  secure  his  dej^ree. 

Nearly  ail  American  students  do  graduate,  that  is  to  say,  as 
those  who  would  he  likely  to  fail  drop  olT  before  the  close  of  the 
fourth  year,  the  projiortion  of  |)lu('ks  in  tiie  later  examinations  is 
small.  As  rej^ards  the  worth  of  (leu;rees  jiiven,  there  is  of  course 
the  K'"<''»i*''^t  possible  ditTerence  l)etwe<'n  those  of  the  bettor  and 
those  of  the  lower  institutions,  nor  is  this  difT«'reiice  merely  one 
Ix'tween  the  few  great  miiversities  and  the  mass  of  small 
colleges  or  Western  State  universities,  for  among  the  smaller 
colleges  there  are  some  which  maintain  as  high  a  stamlard  of 
thoroughness  as  th(>  greatest.  The  degrees  of  the  very  nu- 
merous colleges  to  which  1  have  referred  as  belonging  to  the 
lowe"  group  of  the  third  class  have  no  assignal>le  value,  e.\ce[)t 
that  of  indicating  that  a  youth  has  been  made  to  work  during 
four  years  at  sul)jccts  alnivc  the  elementary.  Those  of  insti- 
tutions Ix-Ionging  to  the  higher  group  and  the  two  other  classes 
represent,  on  an  aven'ge,  as  much  ktiowle<lge  and  mental  dis- 
cipline as  the  poll  or  pass  degncs  of  Cambridge  or  OxfonI, 
possibly  less  than  the  pass  degrees  of  the  Scottish  universities. 
Between  the  highest  .Vmerican  degrees  ;md  the  lionour  degrees 
of  Oxford  and  Cambridge  it  is  hard  to  make  any  comi)arison. 

\  degree  is  in  the  I'niteil  States  given  only  to  those  who  have 
followed  a  prescrilied  course  in  the  teaching  institution  which 
ct)nfers  it.  Xo  .\merican  institution  has  so  far  departed  from 
the  old  iuid  true  conception  of  a  university,  ajiproved  by  both 
history  :uid  jxilicy,  as  to  become  a  mere  examining  lH)ard. 
awarding  degrees  to  ;uiyl»oily  who  may  present  himself  from  any 
«|uarter.  However,  the  <'vils  of  existing  arrangements,  under 
which  j)la<'es  below  the  level  ol  ( !erm;ui  (jiiiiinii-<iii  are  permitted 
to  grant  academic  'iiies.  have  been  <leemed  so  serious  by  some 
educational  refornii  ;s  that  it  was  |»roposed  as  iar  back  as  lS!t() 
to  create  in  eacii  State  a  single  degree-conferring  authority  to 
whi<-h  the  various  institutions  within  the  State  shoiiM  he.  so 
to  s|>eak.  tributary,  sending  up  their  students  to  its  examimi- 
tions,  which  would  of  course  Iw  kept  at  a  higher  level  than 
most  of  the  pn  >('nt  iiid(  pendent  bodies  maintain.  This  is 
what  physicians  cjill  a  "heroic  rencdy":  it  diM's  not  seem  to 
h;ive  won  favour,  nor  neetl  thi>  be  regretted. 

N"  .'twith^tandinu  \\\>-''  <'vi!->.  and  the  vast  disijin.ii'  iii'tvvi'en 


CHAP.    CVIII 


THE   UNIVKIISITIKS 


72U 


M1; 


r-H 


the  standard  of  a  un.vors.ty  likr  Joh.is  Hopkins  at  the  one  end 

the  other  a  deRroe,  wherever  ol.tained.  seems   to  have  u  .vr- 
tam  socml  value      "It  is,"  said  one  of  ,.y  i..fonnants/'a  thi  .r 
wh  eh  you  wouhl  menfou  regarding  a  young  .nan    or  whom 
you  v;ere  wntmg  a  h-tter  of  intro,hu-tion."     This  does  not  n    a 
very  mueh,  hut  U  is  lu-ttor  than  nothing;  it  would  appear  t 
give  a  nuvn  so.ne  sort  of  advantage  in  scn-king  for  ,.1,  <Sn 
or  h  erary  work.     In  several  States  a  n.an  who  ean  S  t 
h..s  degree  obtains  .speedier  ..ntranee  to  tl...  l,ar,  and  sl.m..  .le- 

grllirted."'  ''""'■  '"  '''"'■'  '''"'  *•""''■  '^''^'  '^•'^^"  ''-ve 

Post^radmte  Courses:  -  S(>veral  of  the  leading  universiti..s 

>ogan  u.  the  later  .le.-a.les  „f  last  c-entury  to  institute  sets    , 

lee  ures  for  stud.M.ts  who  have  completed  tlu"  n-gular  four  years' 

collegiate  eourse  an.l  taken  their  H..V.  or  U.Sc^,  lumping  i  .    his 

Znot  TT"'''  '•'■  'Y  ^'""'=''  ^^"'>'  "^  -'•J'""^^  f-  'vh'-I  r.  ,n 
eannot  be  found  m  the  regular  eourse.     Johns  Hopkins  Iniver- 

s.ty  was  among  the  first  to  devote  its..lf  ,.sp,.nallv  to  this  ..bj.vt 
Its  a.m  was  not  so  nmeh  to  rival  the  existing  univ.Tsities  as  t,! 
d  seharge  a  fun..t.on  whieh  many  of  then,  had  not  the  n.ea 
of    undertaking  -  that  of    providing    the    highest    spod.d    n 

whiehTt"  ""S'r--">V"  —.V  subj.vt,  but  in  subjeets  r 
Hh.eh  ,  eould  .secure  the  ablest  professors.  It  ,Ii  1  mu.-h 
adm«ral,lo  work    m   this   dire,-tion,  and   s,>.,„    ,„ade  goo      i 

dueltr'^r   "   ^'"'/'■""    '•^'"^  "^   transatlantic^oais  of 
edueatu,  .      1  hore  are  als<.  many  grad..af,>s  who,  desiring  t<, 
devote   then,s,.Ives    to   son,,    particular   branel.    of   s,.i..„ee 
loarn.ng.  su.-h  as  experimental   physi...   philu|,.^v.  or  l,is,o,v 
spend  a  seme.ster  or  two  at  a  Ccnnan  or  to  .  |..s  ..x„.„t  a    .i 
^reneh  .unv.M-s.ty.-      F,vver  eon,e  t..  Oxfo.d  or  Can.bri.lg,.   but 
the  numl>er  has  ,nerease<I  siaec  the  foundatio,,  of  the  Hho-le 
s.'holarsh,ps  provuled   f,„„ls  for  two   fro,,,  ea.h  State  to  r,   ,- 
ceed  toOxfoni.      .Vn.eriean  pn.fessors.   when   a.ked  whv  tlu'v 
send     he.r  n,en  eh.efly  to  (V,„,any.  eonsid.nng  that  i,"    F  .; 
and  they  would  have  the  advantage  of  a  n,or..  interesting  .s,>;  al 
hfe   ami  of  see.ng  how  Kngia,,,!  is  (,yi„K  to  deal  with  pmblems 
sunilar  in  many  respects  to  th.-ir  own.  answer  that  the  Kngli^h 
universities  make  scanv  any  provisi<,„  f,,,-  ,„v  stu.lents  except 


'  In  1900  tl.Prr  were  said  t,.  !>,-  :«»,  Arnrri.  ,,i 
man  X  liivraitics. 


~tu.|iiiln  iiii'dIIi'iI    .t  tlv  f li-r- 


730 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART    VI 


those  who  wish  to  go  through  ono  of  the  regular  degree  courses, 
and  are  so  much  occupied  in  pr(>pariiig  men  to  pass  examinations 
ae  to  give,  except  in  two  or  thri"'  l)ranches,  hut  little  advanced 
teaching.  There  can  be  no  douijt  that  if  Oxford  and  (am- 
bridgi'  offeretl  the  advantages  which  Leipzig  and  Berlin  do, 
the  afflux  to  the  two  former  of  American  graduates  would  noon 
be  considerable. 

Professional  and  Srinitijic  Schools.  —  Hesides  the  very  large 
number  of  schools  for  all  the  practical  arts,  afiriculture,  enninccr- 
ing,  mining,  and  so  forlli,  as  well  as  for  the  professions  of  tlie- 
ology,  law,  and  H'ediciue,  statistics  of  which  have  been  alnady 
given,  many  universities  have  (stablishcd  scu-ntitic  schools, 
or  agricultural  schools,  or  theological,  legal,  and  medical 
faculties.  The  llieological  faculties  are  usually  denomi- 
national; but  Harvard,  which  used  ;o  be  practically  I'nitarian, 
ha.s  now  an  imsectarian  faculty,  m  wliich  there  are  sev- 
eral learned  divines  belonging  to  Trinitarian  (^'nominations ; 
and  no  difficulty  seems  to  have  arisen  in  working  this  arrange- 
ment. The  law  >chool  is  usually  treated  as  a  separate  depart- 
ment, to  which  students  may  reso-t  who  have  not  gradu.-.ted 
in  the  university.  The  course  is  usually  of  two,  sometimes 
of  three,  years,  and  covtis  all  the  leading  i)ranches  of  common 
law,  eqtiity,  criine--,  i  ivil  ;i>id  criminal  procedure.  Many  of 
these  schools  are  extreiiiciy  efficieril. 

liesearrli.  Till  recently  no  sfieciai  prov.  -ion  was  made  for 
the  promotion  of  research  as  apart  from  the  work  of  learning 
and  teaching:  luit  the  example  set  by  .lohi:s  Hopkins  and 
Harvard  in  foundiiiu;  I'eilowships  lor  this  purpose  has  now  been 
largely  followed,  and  in  l'.H)7  there  were  (Hi  I  fellow  >!iip-,  of  which 
lir>  were  in  Massachusetts.  1  i  I  in  Illinois,  and  N-'»  in  New  York 
The  munificence  (»f  private  i)e!n  factors  ina\  l>e  expected  to  con- 
tinue to  supply  the  iiecess;ir\  liitid-.  There  i-^  now.  especially 
in  the  greater  uiii\ersities,  a  liood  de:d  of  speci;di/ation  in  teach- 
ing, so  an  increasing  inmiber  of  |,rofessors  ;ire  able  to  occup\ 
themselves  with  research.  The  li.stitiition  tor  Research 
founded  in  Washington  by  Mr.  Ctu'iiegie  iiicideiUtilly  ttids  the 
universities  by  its  grant-  of  money  to  professors  engaged  in 
research  work. 

Aids  to  ncsfniiifi  Stutlnit.-.  In  proporfioii  to  tiie  number  oi 
colleges,  not  many  li.i\e  schol.irsli;;>-  or  bin-arie-  open  to  coni 
D<'tition  like  those  (.f  the  colleires  in  ()\:l<ird  and  f'umbridtre  and 


iW' 


CHAP,  rviii 


THE  TTXIVKRSrTIKS 


731 


of  tho  N-ottisI,  uhu.-rsiti,.s.      Tl...  mum.Iht  has,  houc.vor   hoen 

Plucod  at  tl...  ,i.sp,..sal  ,>f  th,-  l.n.si,l,.„t  „r  th..  la.-.atv    which 
aro  applH.al.l..  ior  the  lu-n.^it  ..f  w..h,stn.>,.s  „,..,.  who  n'^^uXl 
an.l  ,1  ,s  ,..„r......n  to  n-tnit  f,.,..s  in  t  h-  ,  •.«.  of  those  whose  circum 

s  an,.,.s  wa.rant  the  i„.h.l«,.M,....    Ui......  a>  o..easi.,nallv  kappZ 

n  •  phu.,.s  .,r  granfs  out  of  th.-s,.  f.n.,|s  an- awanle.1  ,.poM  exam 
na  no,,  ,t  .vo.,.l  ,„.  th.,u,ht  in.proper  for  any  one  to  eom,' te 

'r,  ■..  r  •"  "  '""   '"  "'"  •■""'■«••  authorities,  they 

a      >a,,i    .,  .l.M.har^..  ,t  u,th  l>,.a,M,rnl,|..  in.partialitv.     Having 

ft.>n  .<k,..!  uh..|h,.r  f,.vo„nfi.-n  na.  ..m.plaine.!  of.  I  cllZ 
n.-ver  h..ar  that   ,t   was      In  ..„.,.  ..oli......  there  .-xis  s  a      u 

UM,1,  o.„  ot  uh„  1,  .„„„:..  i.  ,,,v,..,.,.,..l  to  the  poor  St.  .en?  who 
ufterwanls    n.pav.    „       |>n.,,,.,,„    ,;„,;,,,,    ^^^  ^^' ^^ 

on  ■  t  ^'  """""■■•  ''"^  '""■  •"'  "'^-  •""^'  •■xfKTieneed 
"Uonnant^  In  o„r  -„„„trs  aay  yo,,,!-.-  f.-Hnw  „f  al.ilitv  ami 
.•nerKy  ..an   ...f   ..,|.,..,..ti.M.   without    pavin.  for  it"'    T  ^     v 

n  miiiK.iatn.'   lahour  ,'or  pn,,r  wtiilmt 

tiMl..  to  toiiow  a  .•niiiM.  nf  i., -i  ;u,t  io  1     , 

workahi...  f.ir  the  mou'iIc  ,.tr,,ii 

SfJCifll    Ltf,     nf   II  ,■    S' :,,!,,.■/ 

th(.  keeni'-t  pleasure,  l.u) 
l)eiiefit  of  their  iii>i\'i -it\ 


'.vhit   V,  i>ri'  at  the  same 

•'•IS  U}  have  proved  iin- 

uposc^  to..  «.\-,.ro  ;,  strain. 

■|'!ii>^''  'ho  f....|  I  hat   not  ..nly 

'  '    '""I  -^"li'l  iMoral  and  itit.'lleetiia! 

,■  •  •       ,        ,  ■"'■  '-'^    '"  '•"'  I'n.'ii.isliins  whieh  thev 

t™..Mn  thaM,  .ppy  .pnnu-nn..^  will  a.k  h.,w  ,  ,  thi    n^^^^^ 
A..u.n..a    .-..npan..    with     iinuland.     .Kf„,,,    ,,,.|    /■„,,;;' 

;';Ss^.-rri'''T''^''-''''''--"^^ 

•a  I    M„|,.t^   a  .•,o...  an.!  a!i„o.|  tainii,    lir  whi.-h  is  m.t  inco.n- 
1-'''>I'' -,th  l,.yaltv  to  the  .n.al  ...,.p.,,,i.n  f,.r  wh.",.  sirail 

'    '  '"•  •''  l"'i'  "I  'he  Hup-  .11  ,,.   I  .|,,      ,,  .■,  '.„   I  .■       I-.  .1 

^'•!'"l-.--l.i|.>:.i..l,VII„„>|,i|„,..  i:i.,v,    i,,,    I  \-  /-/";'""'-'"lal.iiUMi„.r.,f 

l>.v  ■ni„|M-iili„n.      ..III,,,,.    r,ri„,,.     ,    .'      ,"       "     ■'■''''''"»■ '"•"IV  .■i.-,-M«Mr,|,.,| 

■  ■'"""""■   N'Tth    Vilanfir  St!if..s. 

>"■'■  iMt.v    ut    .Mi(lii«iii   a 
"  ■iinl    ;,n  aiinu.-il   fc..  ,,f 

"!■    ^t"!    (oil, IT    i|c|.!irt- 


y"'--  i;^  'I,.-  n, -,  , ,ii,,  ,.,„  i..,..     ,„  ,,, 

■-ImlrTlf     hcintiulliir    to    ih.'    ,«.|;,l.      pn-     -Id     ,„,    .,,1,, 

«•>  (Dfimitm.M.t  ..I   I.a,.,-.,,,,.-,.  >..,.„,..     .,,,1  rh,  '  \,,, 


iai 


,1),. 


oritorv  i(,!u-i- 


I'l  inv  and 


732 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PART   V\ 


te 


fill-  iiiiiitir  coriHU-alioiis  i-xisi,  liav«'  succt'tHlfd  in  pruducin{{  a 
iiioic  polishcl,  giacftul,  and  I  think  also  inU'llcctually  stiuiii- 
lativt',  type  of  stuilcnt  life  than  t'ithcr  (Jcrinany,  with  its  soint'- 
what  lH)}ish  frohrs  of  (luj'Hin};  and  compotations,  or  Scotland, 
where  the  youth  lias  few  facilities  for  social  intercourse  with 
his  classmates,  and  nonc^  with  his  professor.  The  American 
universities  occupy  an  internMKliate  position  between  those  of 
KuKland  and  those  of  ( Jermany  or  Scotland.  Fonnerly  all 
or  nearly  all  the  students  were  lodned  in  buildings  called  dor- 
iiutories  -  which,  however,  were  not  merely  sleeping  places, 
but  c(,ntained  sitting-rooms  jointly  tenantetl  by  two  or  more 
students  and  intaU  were  taken  in  common.  This  is  still 
thf  practice  in  the  smaller  colleges,  and  remains  in  Yale, 
Harvard,  and  Princeton,  though  in  the  two  former  for  part 
only  of  the  students.  In  the  new  State  universities,  and  in 
nearly  all  universities  planted  in  large  cities,  the  great  bulk 
of  the  students  lM)ard  with  private  families,  or  (more  rarely) 
live  in  lodgings  <ir  hotels,  and  an  increasing  number  have  begun 
to  (1(1  so  even  ill  places  which,  like  Harvard  and  Brown  Ini- 
versity  fHliode  Island;  and  ("ornell,  have  some  dormitories. 
The  dorinitoi y  |)lan  works  well  in  .-omparatively  small  establish- 
ments, especially  when,  as  is  the  ca.se  with  the  smaller  denom- 
ination;d  colleges,  they  are  almost  like  large  families,  and  are 
permeated  by  a  religious  spirit.  Hut  in  the  larger  universities 
the  teixleiicN  i>  now  towards  letting  the  .-students  reside  where 
tin  y  plc'ise,  tlioiigli  sonic  State  I'nivc'rsities  have  donnitories. 
rile  in.iinteiiaiicc  of  di-cipline  i>  deemed  to  give  less  trouble; 
the  |)()orer  -tudent  is  |c>s  inclined  to  imitate  or  envy  the  lux- 
urious li;tbits  of  the  rich.  Sornetimcs,  however,  as  where  thcr(> 
is  11(1  town  lor  students  n.  lodjic  in,  dorinitories  ure  indispens- 
able. Tiic  chiei'  lucachi's  of  order  which  the  authorities  have 
to  deal  witli  arise  in  (jorinitories  fro-ii  the  practice  of  "ha/ing." 
(.(.  pl;iyiii«i  practical  jokes,  especially  upon  freshm'-n.  In  an 
.Viiicricaii  colieue  the  .-Indents  are  classed  by  years,  those  of  the 
first  »e;ii-  i)eing  called  rreslinieii.  of  the  -econd  year  sophomores, 
of  ttie  third  \car  juniors,  of  the  t'oiirth  ye;ir  seniors.  The  bond 
Ix'tween  the  nieiiiliers  of  each  'class'"  (,.,■.  the  entrants  of  the 
same  yeari  i>  a  pret(\  clo.se  one.  and  they  .are  apt  to  act  togetiier. 
Between  -o|)homores  and  freshmen  for  the  seniors  anil 
juniors  are  supposed  to  have  put  away  childish  things-     there 


^;MW{Illjli>IMI 


,..i. 


ou-- 


o;it    into   a 


CHAP.    fVIII 


THE   U\IVRRS[TIKS 


:;<;$ 


strife  suftc.ntly  acute   thouRh  tlu-ro  is  sol.lom  anvthiaR  morr 

than  m.sch.ov«u.sly  h,«h  spirits  l„>hin(l  it.  t..  Kiv  th,.  Fn.si,l..nt 

and  F-acu  ty  trouble.'     Otherwise  th«.  eon.hiet  .,f  the  stiHic,its 

18  generally  roo,!.     Intoxieuti,,,,,   KarninR.   or  other   vie,.s  ar' 

rare,  those  who  eo,n<.  to  work,  as  the  vast  .Majority  .lo,  l„.in« 

little  pr(,ne  to  such  faults ;  it  is  only  i..  a  few  universiti.^  situ-ife 

m  or  lu-ar  large  eitie.s  an<l  res.»rte,|  to  l,y  the  sons  of  the  ri.l, 

hat  they  K.ye  serious  troul.l,..     Of    late  years  the  passion  for 

.asehall.  foot-hall,  rowuig.  an.l  athh-tie  exercises  ,re,'rn.llv    h.s 

.emrne  very  strong  in  the  .u.iversities  last   n-eutione.!.  w'he'r,. 

fashionable  youth  eongregat.N,  an.l  the  student  who  excvN  in 

hese  seems  to  IH.  as  nu.eh  a  hero  among  his  .-on.rades  as  a  n.en.- 

her  of  the  University  Eight  or  Kleven  is  in  Knglan.l 

I  he  absence  of  colleges  constituting  so,.ial  centres  within  a 
university  has  help,.!  to  develop  in  the  American  universities 
one  of  their  most  p^'culiar  an.l  interesting  institutions       I  mean 

tudenl  .  r.r'"'""-  '^''•"'  '^"'  '•'•"-  or  fraternities  of 
.stu.lents  , lenoted  by  two  or  thn-e  (;nM.k  letters,  the  initials  of 
the  secret  fraternity  motto.  Son,,,  of  these  frat,.rniti..s  exist  in 
one  coll,.ge  only,  but  the  great.T  are  establish.Ml  in  ,,  goo,l  manv 
universities  and  .-olleges,  having  in  ea,-h  what  is  ,.all..,|  ,  ('h,.  Iter 
and  pos.sessmg  in  .nnh  a  sort  of  club  house,  with  s.>v..ral  in.>,.(- 
mg  and  rea,  uig  r.K,ms,  an.l  somethn.-s  also  with  b<.,lrooms 
fo  the  members.  I„  so,,,,  coll^.ges  as  n.anv  as  a  thir.l  or  a 
half,  in  a  very  few  nearly  ail  of  th.-  stu.len,;.  ,.el„ng  to  a  fra- 

ermty    wh„-h  ,.  au   institution   n...o,„i.e,l  a,.d   patroniz.vl   I  . 

h  auth,,rit.cs.  N..V  menibers  are  „itted  by  tl...  votes  .if 
the  (  hapter;  an.  to  obtain  .-arly  a.lmi.sio,,  ,.,  „„e  „f  th.  |„.t 
.s  no  small  .•.m.phment.  Th..y  ar...  so  far  as  I  know.  ...iw..,v. 
non-poht,.-al.  th.mjil,  p,.li„ea!  ,,ue>tions  ,„av  b,.  .lebate.l  a,ul 
Hm..j    ..ssays  n.ad  at   .l.e„.  ting.  ;  a„.i  o,.e  i.  ,..1.,' ,;;:; 

a  t...  ,.asts  they  pn.vi.l...  They  an  ,hu>  ..,n,.,l,i„«  betw,.en 
an  KuRhsh  club  an.l  a  ( lerina,,  .s7W../<.  (W,,^,  ,,uh\  lit.-rarv 
elem..,ts.,metnn..s  throw,,  i...  Tl..,v  an.  .|,.e,..e.l  a  valu,..b|e 
part  of  the  university  syst,,,,,  „ot  so  ,„„ch  be.-ause  th.-v  cul- 
tivate ,ntel|..ctual  life  as  „„  a..e.„,nf  of  .|,eir  so.-ial  iufhien,,'. 

'  S.).>h.,ni..r.>  .-.imI  fr.sh.M.h  u^,',\   ,„  l,.,vi    ,,   « l,i,„si,.-,l   I,,!,,,  ,  f  ,       . 

-r  ■.Mill.  T[,is  is  ■■all..,)  •TM-iii,,^-  i„  .'1!  ,,!,,';!'::"'""!'""•/• '"^*: 


■<-i 

I.      M 


"•  "  -^  •■">"'•"<■•<  ixit  ail  .M.I  ,.,  II.      U,uwn  f.:.s  ,1, 


iimiish.  .1  i.f  lat. 


734 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


It  is  an  object  of  ambition  to  be  elected  a  menilwr ;  it  is  a  point 
of  honour  for  a  nu'inl)er  to  maintain  tlir  civilit  of  tlie  fraternity. 
Former  members,  who  are  likely  to  includv'  .--ome  of  the  university 
profeasors  keep  up  their  connei-tion  with  the  fraternity,  and 
often  attend  its  chapters  in  the  collenc,  or  its  general  meetings. 
Membership  constitutes  a  bond  between  old  members  during 
their  whole  life,  so  that  a  member  un  scttiinji  in  some  distant 
city  would  probably  find  there  persons  who  hud  I  (longed  to  liis 
fraternity,  and  would  i)e  admitt(>d  to  their  local  natlierings.' 
Beside:;  chese  there  exist  a  few  honorary  sot  it  lies  into  wliieh 
students  are  eleetwl  in  virtue  of  purely  litersiiy  or  seientific 
acquirements,  as  evidenced  in  the  eoliejie  examinations.  The 
oldest  and  most  famous  is  ealletl  the  *i>  li  K,  which  is  ssitl  to 
mean  d>i\oao<l)M.  fHov  Kvlitpvi'iryfi,  and  exists  in  many  of  the  leail- 
inp  un      rsities  in  stdue  oi  tin-  Statis. 

Hel^     •H.  —  I  have  alreatly  obscrvetl  that  a  jrood  many  of  the 
Amer  universities,  ai.il  indeeil  a  majority  of  tlie  smaller 

cf  re  denominational.     This  ti'rm.   howtver.   dt)es  not 

m  ..'  it  would  nhan  in  i^uropt,  t)r  at  Itast,  in  iintrlantl.     it 

m    in-       it  they  have  been  I'uuntlttl  !)y  or  in  eonnettion  with  a 
psi  lie    .1-  ehureh,  ami  that    they  remain  to  some  extent   as- 
<i    lat-       Mth  it    'r  intiuentt'il  by  it.     .\purt  t'roni  the  SI  state  or 
aunii  inst!     lions,  only  S4  out  of  the  \%\  nn'ntioui'd  in  the 

K'iuc!i        lal  !?'      iitst.Hti  that  they aif  unsectarian.    ThcMelht)- 

-ts  t  ...     i    "         ill"i!;<'s ;  the   I'n-'byteri.ans,   .It;  the   r.-tptists, 
,  t ;  th-  I      atli.)lies.  .")2  :  the  (  ongreffation-ilisls,   10;   tiic 

Prote.siai.  ;  (ftfopa.'ians,  2.  Hut,  except  as  rejiartis  the  Rviman 
Catholic  ii!  utinns,  there  is  seldom  ;'.Tiy  exclusion  of  tcaclit  i-, 
and  never  oi'  student-,  belonninu;  to  other  eiiurche.^,  nor  aii\ 
attempt  to  irive  tlie  iiistructitiii  (except,  t)f  course,  in  (he  theo- 
logical department,  if  there  !-•■  one)  .-i  sectarian  east  :  thi<  in- 
deed is  apt  to  lie  expressly  repudiated  by  tliem.  .VItlH)iUi;li 
it  ustially  Happens  th;it  -tutlents  heloiiKiny;  tt)  the  church  whicii 
influences  the  college  are  nn)re  i:unierf)us  than  tho.-it  oi'  any 
other  churcii,  students  of  otlu  r  |)ersnasM:is  abounti ;  noi  are 
efforts  made  to  proselytize  them,  I'or  instance,  Harvaril  re- 
tains a  certain  slight  flav.iur  of  riii''trian;-ni.  and  has  ttne  or 
two  riiitarian  • 'rruyiii*  n  anion;;  the  prof. -.-or-  ih  it-  ihen- 
logical  faculty:   Vale  has  ahva\s  l..(ii  ' 'uiiirreiiationalist,   ami 


'  TtuT-   iiri',  iif  <M<ur«>-,  <>tl).  r  -<fii  tin's'  -ncj  ti 


:lllil   WJ>-|;i 


itul>s,  Honictinuf 


rjJSf-:-  !!!;:!   !-T«'-Si-l 


•hx«-   C 


t'HAP.  rviii 


THEJ'NIVKRSITIKS 


735 


has    .y  .ts  .hartor  t...  (  on«n.K:itiu„aii.-t  rU^r^yuum  amonir  the 

nan.'     I  nnn-ton  ,.s..,l  ,,  1„.  s,„.n,i,.,,li,-  l'r,.l.vt..ni      ui     fh., 

l>Hl..,.  IS  on.  ,.f  ,!„.  tn.stn.s.  M,„  i„  „„„,  ,^,.  „„.^^.  j^  ;^^^[ 
anytlMMK  ...proaHuni,  to  a  t.-st  i,..,,o,...l  „„„.  pn,f,!.J  ,s  '  , 
an.  ,..o,-t,..|  ,o  al.k..  .,-  stu.l......  ,.Hon.in^  ,o  l.l.y  ^,Zu  t 

In  all  tlu.  ol,|,.r  .inivr.itirs,  ami  i„  ,i„.  vast  luajoritv  of  tl.o 

n-K,  larly  hHcl.  short  pray.Ts  o„  uv.k.lays  an.l  sornctinHs  a  ", 

lull  somoo  on  Sundays.     1„  „,.,  institutions  <.v,.rv      ucl'nt 

.n.l<-<s  of  c-ours.;  ho  has  son,.-  .•oMs..in.tiou.    oLj-.tion.   is  ^I 

•''Idoiii  or  never  contains  anv- 


jx-ytcd  to  attrnd.      Th.-  service  se|d 


.1  •  -  •  ..i.Mii  III    ri(\er   contanis  1 

..n«  of  a  sectanan  character,  and  anan.c,nen,s  are  ..m  et  ,nes 
•nadc  for  havniK  .t  <-onducted  by  tic  cler^n-  of  variourdo  "m- 
nm hons  ,n  turn.  Kven  an,on«  the  pro?esse,|lv  ne  r  now 
Mat  un.versmes,  there  are  son.e  which,  like  the  Imverry 
of  Michigan,  have  <  a   v  i)raver^      Thr-n.  ..,■,.     r  "v<  >siiy 

I      .1  •    I      I  •    I"''.'"'--      lucre  are  ot  course  i)or>uiiia 

tnl'i'v   ;f  •  r"'  "".  ""^•"■^-*-  ■>'- f  •-■--ation      nuot  ^;  a 

truly   (hn.st,a„    place   of   ..lu.-ation.    and    Cornell     InivUsitv 

^  or. .      Hut  th..  more  prevah-nl  vk-vv  is  that  a  universitv  ouuht 
to  >>.•  ...  a  «eneral  sense  reh^ious  without  hein^  sectari'u^     An 

.- .i. •n:,l.,'r;;::;;:;/;;::::;i!:, -;'i'"  '*'--'  m-' <  -n..- ^< ^.i i,.  .7.,.. 


rii.ij  irit,\  . 

■  At  Ci.riii  li   I  iini  t-itN    fh.r.    .  xi-r- 
tiii„l   „f  s;;fMHHI    lOHMMIi.    „l,j,.|,    j,   „„ 
i,'in,li,..l  ii,iui-tiT.-  1,1  ,iilT>-,v,it  ,i,.ti..- 
I»i-iitv-.„i.  S.ii,.|mvs  ,,|  th.    :i,;„|,-,    , 
uh......  firvt   i.loa   «-.i<  ti>  h 


;    -'""'■'V    I'll  ..■i,..,.,(u|,,.„.|..«,,|   with  u 

"•  ''    '  ■   "•.■..„„«.„„.  ,(,„  ,„rv„vs  „f  .listin- 

.nml,..i.>,   «(,„  ,,r.,„l,  i„  M„..,.,.ssi„n  duri.Mt 

v:n        I,„.  f.Ma„|..r  «;.,  „„   !:|,is..,.,,alian. 

nan,.,,.  !mt  tl,.-  tn.M.M-,  r..,,,.,:  I  V        ,    "''        "'"■"'  '"  '"""■^''•'•'<  <•'  '•'«  .i-nomi- 

■'■■--.„.  all-..,.,  .h,....- ;::r;;  ,,;::,;-;;;:• ;:  -■"  —  ■■' .->•  ^.u. 

..f  Mr ';...;;.;,;;  :;.:n;;;nn.,  :■;;;;,;;!,:"  'I;",:,!;:;^;";!';!';:  ""•  ""^"  ^'■""•'='""" 

■••  -      to  |.rol.,l,„   MLi-tariMM   m.-t.,.  ti,,n     l,„i    >,,   I, 
th..  nn.nnrfiilit.v  i.f  til,,  siiiil    |t,..  ,.v,_.,.,,, ii  .  , 

"••r.h.,.l..,r..,  -Wh.l,.,,  „„„,,|,.„.    ,h.„     h.',.      hV    1 

thiH  iiHtitiitMii.   H    ;.4  vrrv    far  f,  ,. i  -  ''.  '".    •"■''•••■'"'   K'aihinit  ill 

h.-iv,    onividcl  that    i  sini.ihl,.  l..„ 


th 
tii'iirht 


iii.'iii 
li"i'-  shall  l„.  Ii, 

'III     '(M.IU'ht.-.    f,,    rx.-hjl. 

I.....  I,     ..  ..,._. 


iliitv  of  'he  triift- 
I'liviTvity 
nt  ( 'ri'tttor. 
The  fiimiil,  r-i  fiir- 


var.ou.s  ril.«,ou.  d.u.„umat  „.,..  .,hall  fmn.   tauo' t,rtm. " 


In  HI.    ,..rvipi>       Up 
(>riiii-«!«oi>i  .,1  ti„. 


.  IS 


■    t§ 
if 


ill 


Im    luvited  to  delivtir 


736 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PAIIT    V» 


iiitereMtiiiK  cxiMTiiiK'nt  in  unst'ctariun  rcligiouH  worship  lius 
for  soiiu'  tiint'  past  Imh'ii  tried  at  Harvard.  Attendance  at  the 
college  elm|M'l,  formerly  coinijulsory,  is  now  voluntary,  and 
short  niorniiiK  daily  servici's  with  extympon*  prayers  are  con- 
dueted  by  the  chaplains,  who  are  eminent  ministers  of  different 
denominations,  stTving  in  turn  for  a  few  weeks  each.  The 
late  Dr.  Phillips  Brooks  was  one  of  them ;  and  his  short  ad- 
dresses profoundly  impress<'d  the  students. 

Thv  I*roi'i'<ioit  of  I'niiTrsiljj  Education  for  Women.  —  The 
elTorts  made  and  e.\p«'riments  tried  in  this  mutter  furnish  ma- 
terial for  a  treatise.  .\11  I  have  space  to  mention  is  that  these 
efforts  have  chieHy  flowed  in  two  channels.  One  is  the  admis- 
si«)u  of  women  to  co-cnlucation  with  men  in  the  same  places  of 
liiRher  education.  This  has  gone  on  for  many  years  in  .some 
of  the  denominational  colleges  of  tlu'  West,  .such  as  Oberlin 
and  ,\ntioch,  in  Ohio.  Hoth  .sexes  have  InH'n  taught  in  the 
same  cla.s.s<'s,  Fiieeting  in  the  hours  of  recreation,  hut  lo<lged  in 
s«'parate  buildings.  .My  informants  generally  commended  the 
plan,  declaring  that  the  etTect  on  thi'  manners  and  general  tone 
of  the  students  was  excellent.  The  Stat<'  universities  founded 
ill  the  West  are  by  law  open  to  women  as  well  as  to  men.  The 
iuuiiImt  of  women  utt(>nding  is  nearly  always  smaller  than  that 
of  men,  yet  in  some  institutions  it  is  consiih'rable,  as  for  instance 
at  the  rniversity  of  .Michigan  at  Ann  Arlnjr  there  were,  in 
1911  12,  SIO  women  and  4120  men,  in  that  of  CaUfornia  1710 
women  and  'M)HH  men,  in  that  of  Minnesota,  174(J  women  and 
:5n;{  men,  while  Oberlin  had  10(>-t  women  and  070  men  and 
Chicago  ;}()11  women  and  312!  men.  The  .students  Hve  where 
tlicy  will,  but  are  taught  in  the  same  chusses,  generally,  how<'Ver, 
>ifting  on  the  o|)i)o.site  side  of  the  cla.ss  room  from  the  men. 
The  evidence  given  to  me  as  to  the  working  of  this  system  in 
tilt"  Tniversities  of  California  and  Michigan,  as  well  a.s  in  (\)r- 
iiell  FniverMty,  was  on  the  whole  favourable,  save  that  the 
young  men  sometimes  find  the  comiwtiticm  of  the  girls  rather 
severe,  and  call  tlietn  "stu<ly  machines,"  observing  that  they 
an-  more  eager,  and  less  adcHcted  to  s|K)rts  or  to  men'  lounging. 

(liitcourw-s  not  wMtarian  in  iharai  tir  "  <  '■,  thi'  other  liand.  tlii>  .ttill  mon-  rcpcnl 
fi.iiiitlatiiin  of  Mr.  lim  kcfilliT  at  <  'liiniK"  iiiiMTilx'H  tliiit  "at  all  tiniest  two-thir<iK 
(if  till'  trustccTi  :in<l  aJMi  the  prcsidfiit  of  thr  university  an<l  of  it«  xuiil  eollene  Hliall 
Im'  rniiiilMTN  I.I  regular  Itaptist  i'huri'lie.-<  aii<l  in  this  partieiilar  the  eharti-r  (tliall 
l»  for  cvrr  unulterulile."  .\ll  pn>fetHHirtilu|>8.  however,  are  to  l>e  fret-  from  any 
relnrioim  t<r«tii. 


THAP.  rviir 


THK   r\!VKH.SITIKS 


TJ7 


In  tlu.  KasU-iii  Sfut,..s  th.-  t.Mulrri<-y  lui>  Im,.,.  h,  .■..tul.lisj, 
univrrsitK-s  „r  ,.(,II..k,.s  .xchisivHy  f..r  w.,in.-..,  an.l  msvs  arc 
known  to  inr  iii  which  institutions  that  ..(•.■ivci  l«,th  scx.-s 
en<l..(l  l>y  havn.K  a  .listinct  .h-partincnt  or  separate  vullvtrv  for 
won.cn.  1  h.Tc  arc  persons  even  in  the  Ivist  who  woul.l  prcf.T 
the  sehenx-  of  co-e(hieation,  luit  the  more  Kcnen..'  view  is  that 
the  stnct.T  ,.ti.,uettc  an.l  what  is  ealie.l  the  "more  complex 
civilization  of  the  older  States  rcn.h'r  this  umlesirul.le.'  The 
otal  numher  of  colleges  s|M'cially  for  w.m.en  was  nivcn  in  the 
K.lucat.on  Report  for  liH«>  at   ll.i.  at  two  Kra.l.-s.      I„  Division 

an.l  S(.I(»  st.i.lents  of  wh<.ni    112   w.mv  in  pr.paraforv  .l..parl- 
nuM.ts       Ihe  !>7  .-..H.-jres  in   Division    M   nuKht    m..n-"  Htiv    Le 
descril....!  as  ■*  npp.T  seh  .ols  -  will,  ;{()!   niai,.  instru,M..rs  "m;} 
women.    12.211    ••eolKnate   stn-l.-nts"   an.l  mH    pr..parat.,rv. 
Ihe    nuniLcr   .)f   d.-Krecs    c..nferr.-.|    was    !»7,S.     AinoiiK    th<-<- 
cdlcKcs  tlu-  hcst  known,  an.l  appaivntly  th..  most  .(.mplet..  an.l 
efficient,-  ar."  \  assar.  at    l'.,UKhk..,.psi...  \,.w  York;   VV,.||,.sI,.v 
Smith,   ami   Mount    FI.,lyoke   in    .M;,ssa..|ius,.tt> ;   Hrvn    M-,wr 
in    lennsylvama.     In    visitimr    thiv.-   of    tlu-...    I    was    mu.-h 
iinFircsse.!  hy  the  cariu'stness  an.l   /eal   for   l.-arniuK  l.v   which 
l)oth   the  prof.-ssors  an.l   th.^  stu.l,.nts  s,.,.me.l   t.,   1...  inspire.l 
as  well  as  l,y  th,.  hiKJ,  l.-v.-l  .,f  th,.  t.a.-hi.iK  Kiv.-n.     Th,-v  hav,'- 
happily  ,.s,-ap,.,l  th..  t..;nptatioii  to  whi..h  s.,m..  similar  instil u- 
tums  m  KiiKlan.l  w..r..  in  .lan^.-r  of  yi..i,liM«,  of  makintr  ,.v,.rv- 
thii.K  turn  upon, l,.Kr..,.,.xaminat ions.      Ilarvani  has  ..stal.lislu.il 
in  "-hat  «-,is  ,.all,.,l  its  Amu-v,  l„.t  is  n..w  mor..  K.-n.-rallv  known 
as  Ka,ieliff,.  (  o||,.jr,.,  aseparat,.,|,.partm..nt  for  wom.'n.  in  whi<.h 
h,.   univrsity   prof..ssors   l^.-tun..      I    |,av,.   „.,  a.l,.,,uat,.  .lata 
for  comparing  th,.  ,|uality  of  ih,.  ,.,lu..alio,.   yiv,.,,   „,   w,.m,.n 
in  Am,.n..a  with  that   ,.rovid,..|  l,v  u..m..,r.  ,.,.ll,.,r,.s    .„„|  es- 
p,',.willy  i.y  tlw.s,.  i„  CMml.ri.ln..  .,,,.1   (Mnnl,   i„   Knulan.l    hut 
th,.r,.  ,.an  1.,.  n.>  .l.nii.t  that  ihv  .:^^,-niv..  t ak,.  full  provision 


iiifi- 
l:..,n. 


.  Il 


'  A-  ttii-  lati-  Mr  <  .,,,rL.'.  U  illi-,,,, 
f»n\  stu.ly.  Imii  -hall  >li,.  >i,|,|\  „,. 
ovi'ii  Host. .11  paii.s..' 

'In   I-.m:<    II  W,.||,..,l..v  ha.l   lis..  ,t,„|,.,„..  „„h   i:ii  ,,r.>f.  ..„r~  „„|  ,,..,.|,.,. 
and  an  inr-.i,,,.'  frntii    ill  M.iinvs  ,,f  s7lH(MMi      <        '  ■uui\,.uiu,. 


Ml-  iiiiH  s.  itl.ij  that  .liilirt 

tllJit     I,    a    llUc'-tllJll    wllich    ir|\,^ 


1J7  iiist 


iuii..r>  and  an  ii 


11. .IMC  In.n 


"Indents.   1  IT) 


S..IU. 


lUllil    (  ' 

.1'  s:, 


lla.l  i:,4> 


stni.-f..r- 


stnilciits,  .17   iii>friiiti 


an    ini'Diiic 


ti.aihcis  til  wilt 


iiid 


IHMI 

■I.ITiililv      Id- 


stiidfiit>. 


\   i--ar  liad   III 


M 


ni'n  tcaihrrs  \arnd  fnun 


■I  >:<.'. I. -Tl 
ni-tliii.j  t..  i\ 


I"!    had    lii'i 


lli.r.l-. 


■  I'.irli.in  ..f 


nil  II 


m 


1- 


738 


SOCIAL   IN'STITl'TIOXS 


Fart  vi 


it  . 

.lis 


for  women  has  lM"«'n  kt't-ncr  in  tlic  foriiur  country,  uiul  tliut  a 
much  larger  numl)or  avail  themselves  of  what  ha8  Ix^n  pro- 
vided. 

(ienernl  Observations.  ~  The  European  reader  will  by  this 
time  have  perceived  how  hard  it  in  to  nive  «uch  u  general  esti- 
mate of  the  educational  and  social  wortli  of  the  higher  teaching 
in  the  United  States  as  one  might  give  of  the  universitii's  of 
tJernmny,  England,  and  Scotland.  In  America  (lie  universiticw 
are  not,  ax  they  are  in  those  countries,  u  weli-ilefined  cla.ss  ..f 
institutions.  Not  only  is  the  distance  between  the  best  and  the 
worst  greater  than  that  which  in  C.riiiany  .s<'parut<'H  Leipzig 
from  Hostock,  or  in  England  Cambridge  from  J)uriiam,  but  the 
gradations  from  the  best  down  to  the  worst  an-  so  imperceptible 
that  one  can  nowhere  draw  a  line  and  say  that  here  the  true 
university  stops  and  the  pretentious  schijol  begins.'  As  has 
b<'en  observed  already,  a  large  nundxT  present  tin;  external 
seeming  and  organization  -  the  skeleton  plan,  so  to  speak  — 
of  a  university  with  the  actual  performance  of  a  rather  raw 
school. 

Moreover,  the  American  universities  and  colleges  are  in  a 
state  of  transition.  True,  neariy  everything  in  America  is 
changing,  the  appanmtly  inflexible  Constitution  not  excepted. 
But  the  changes  that  are  pa.ssing  in  the  universities  are  only 
to  l)e  paralleled  by  tho.se  that  pass  upon  Western  cities.  The 
number  of  colleges,  especially  in  the  Mi.s.sis.sippi  and  Pacific 
States,  has  greatly  increased  since  1870.  The  character  of  the 
Eastern  universities  is  being  constantly  nuMiified.  The  former 
multiply,  l)ecause,  muler  the  Federal  system,  every  State  likes  to 
have  its  own  universities  numerous,  and  its  inhabitants  inde- 
pendent of  other  States.  (>vcn  as  resp,>cts  education  ;  while  the 
abmidance  of  Avealth,  the  desire  of  rich  men  to  commemorate 
them.selves  and  to  benefit  ♦heir  coimnunitv,  and  tin'  rivalry  of 
the  churches,  lead  to  the  establishment  of  new  colleges  where 
none  are  neeih'd.  and  where  money  would  be  better  sp,.nt  in 
improving  those  which  exist.  Individualism  and  l,i,.^.sc:  Jaire 
have,  in  this  matter  at  least,  free  scope,  for  a  State  legislature  is 

•Evon  in  EtiroiH.  it  is  o„rii)u»  »..  not.-  h,)w  ..h,!,  ,-„i,„trv  is  apt  to  fl.ink  the 

univortiti.*  ,.f  th..  oth.r  f.,  Ih.  raff  -r  .,(....,1,  than   univrrsiti-s      Th. rmarm 

call  Oxford  ami  ("aml.ri.lK..  ,<h.«,|..l«.,.aus..  th.y  hav-  l.ith.rlo  ..iv.-n  .•..mpam- 
tm-ly  httl.-  prof.wional  aii.l  ^ixrializ.-.l  U-nrhiug.  Tlir  Hi.Kli.sh  U8.-<1  t.,  .-all  the 
Bcotch  uuivcnuties  schools  U't-auw  many  of  thijr  studout-  ciittrt-!  -.a  (ifti.ri 


CHAP.   «'VIII 


THK   INIVKUSITIKS 


730 


always r«'utly  to  charter  any  miriilM'rdfiH'wdi'Krcr-nivinn  IkkIiph.' 
Miittiiwliilc,  tlif  KrcHt  iiistitutioK.s  ol  tlif  Atliuitif  StuU's  con- 
tinue to  expanil  un<l  develni),  nut  int-nly  owiiiK  to  the  ueeretioii 
of  wealth  to  tliem  from  the  lihenihly  of  iH'nefaeturs,  hut  Ikk-uusc 
they  iire  in  ciusc  touch  with  llunipe,  resolved  to  liring  their 
hinheat  education  up  to  the  KuroiMjin  li-vel  and  to  k«'ep  pa<e 
with  the  progress  of  M-i'-nce,  hlled  with  that  love  of  exiM-rinient 
and  spirit  of  eiiteri)ris<>  which  are  .stronger  in  Auieriea  tiian  any- 
where else  in  the  \\orld. 

Not  the  least  interestiiif?  of  the  |)henoniena  of  the  lust  thirty 
years  is  the  strugxle  which  has  none  on  in  the  .Middle  and  West- 
ern States  hetween  the  ^r^'iiter,  and  es|)cciallv  the  State  uni- 
versitieh,  and  the  small  deiKtininational  college  ,.  The  latter, 
which  used  to  have  the  field  to  themselves,  heearne  afraid  of 
heiuK  driven  otT  hy  the  growth  of  the  former,  an<l  not  only 
redoubled  their  exertions  to  increase  tiieirown  resources  and  stu- 
dents, Imt  — in  some  States  soujiht  to  pr«'vetit  the  State  uni- 
versity from  ohtainiiiK  larger  grants  from  the  State  treasury. 
They  alleged  that  the  unsectari.tn  cii:iracter  of  the  State  estaii- 
lishments,  as  well  as  the  freedom  uiiowed  to  their  stu<lents, 
made  them  less  c:i|)al)le  of  jriviiig  a  moral  and  religious  trainiiiK. 
Hut  as  the  uraduates  of  the  State  universities  hecanie  munerous 
in  the  legislatures  and  influential  generally,  and  as  it  was  more 
and  more  clearly  seen  that  the  small  colleges  wouhl  not,  for  watit 
of  funds,  provide  th(*  v.irious  appliaiu-es  lihraries,  museums, 
laboratories,  and  so  forth  -  which  universities  need,  the  halanci" 
inclined  in  favour  of  the  State  universities.  It  is  prohahle  that 
while  tlu'se  will  rise  towards  the  level  of  their  Kastern  sisters, 
many  of  the  (h'tiomimitional  colleg«-s  will  sul)si«h'  into  the  posi- 
tion  of  places  (»f  preparatorx  training. 

One  praise  which  has  often  heen  given  to  tlie  universities  of 
Scotland  may  l>e  given  to  those  of  America.  While  the  (ierinan 
universities  have  heen  popidar  Itiit  not  free,  while  the  Knglish 
universities  have  heen    free-  hut    not   popular,  tlie  .Vmerican 

'The  New  York  Iccislnfuri'  ri-iiiitly  (itTcnd  ;i  ihurfcr  to  tin-  rhHUtaiii|im 
Kiitlicriiiit.  <>"<•  of  till'  most  iritin^tim:  iii-riliiti..ii«  in  \iMiric:i.  aiid  imc  iii..»t 
thoroughly  <h!iriirt'ri.sti'-  nl"  thr  r.,iiiilr\.  .-hmdiiiL'  inidw.iv  l..twr(n  u  |)0|>tilar 
uiiiviTsity  aiKJ  an  (-(luculional  i  airi|i-iiiiTtiiii;,  .mil  n  in'-^'titiiii;  Imth  the  rc- 
liKioun  s|iiiit  and  tlir  lovi-  of  kii..Hl.(l;;i  whi.  Ii  rliarailrrizr  llic  U-ttrr  part  of  thu 
liativi'  .Vmerican  niiilillr  and  iM^onr  ■  1;ins.-.  It  hi\>  Im.h  iinitati-d  in  the  West; 
fhfri-  an-  ni.iny  .such  irathcriiiL'i  cillid  ('hautnUMU.i- 

-  Kri'c  a^<  regards  Mlf-novcrntm  nt  in  tnatti  ;>  of  cducutiou,  for  they  were 
t!g!:!K-  !w=!i!id  l-y  tl!<  vl-.i;i-.:i  r-r?  ri-  '  !•  ■!.-  'ii!  A.;..  1S71. 


if 


MICROCOrY  RESOLUTION  TEST  CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


1.0   !i 


1.1 


1^  12^ 

■  2-5 

150     "^ 

III^H 

|»    |3j2 

1^ 

1^ 

£us 

1.8 


^  APPLIED  IM/IGE    Inc 

SF-  16S]  Cost  Main  Street 

TJS  Rochester.  New  York       14609       USA 

^S  (716)   482  -  0300  -  Phone 

^5  (716)  288  -  S989  -  Fox 


740 


WKIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


universitips  have  boon  both  free  and  popular.     Although  some 
have  l)0(>n  managed  on  too  narn)w  a  basis,  the  number  has  been 
so  great  that  the  comnmnity  have  not  sutTered.     They  have 
been  estabhshed  so  easily,  they  have  so  fully  rofiected  the  habits 
and  conditions  of  the  p(>ople,  as  to  have  boon  accessible  to  every 
stratum  of  the  population.     They  show  all  the  merits  and  all 
Ili<>  faults  of  a  development  absolutely  uncontrolled  by  govern- 
ment, and  little  controlled  even  l)y  the  law  which  binds  endow- 
ments down  to  the  purposes  fixed  by  a  founder,'  because  new 
foundations  were  constantly  rising,  and  new  endowments  were 
accruing  to   the   existing  foundations.     Accordingly,   while   a 
lOuropean  observer  is  struck  by  their  inequalities  and  by  the 
(•rudeness  of  many  among  them,  he  is  also  struck  by  the  life,  the 
sjiirit,  tlie  sense  of  progress,  which  i)ervado  them. '  In  America 
itself  educational  reformers  are  ajit  to  deplore  the  absence  of 
control.     They  complain  of  the  multiplication  of  degree-giving 
bodies,  and  consequent  lowering  of  the  worth  of  a  degree.     They 
point  to  such  instances  as  the  dissipation  over  thirty-five  colleges 
ill  Oiiio  of  the  funds  and  teaching  power  which  might  have  pro- 
duced on(>  first-rate  university.     One  strong  institution  in  a 
State  does  more,  th(<y  argue,  to  raise  the  standard  of  teaching 
and  learning,  and  to  civilize  the  region  which  it  serves,  than  can 
1)0  don<>  by  twenty  weak  ones. 

The  lOuropean  observer,  while  he  admits  this,  conceives  that 
his  .Vmerican  friends  may  not  duly  realize  the  services  wliicli 
these  small  collc^ges  have  performed  in  the  rural  districts  of  the 
country.  They  get  hold  of  a  imiltitude  of  poor  men,  who  might 
never  resort  to  a  distant  plac(>  of  education.  They  set  learning 
in  a  visible  form,  plain,  ind(>(<d,  and  humble,  l)ut  dignified  even 
in  her  humility,  before  the  (>yes  of  a  rustic  jjoople,  in  whom  the 
love  of  knowledge,  naturally  strong,  might  never  break  from  the 
bud  into  the  flower  but  for  the  care  of  some  zealous  gardener. 
They  give  the  chance  of  rising  in  some  intell(>ctual  walk  of  life  to 
many  a  strong  and  earnest  nature  who  might  otherwise  have 
remained  an  artisan  or  stor(>keeper,  and  perhaps  failed  in  those 

'  The  I.iw  of  iiiosf  AincrirMii  Staffs  li.is  not  y.l  r.'comiizid  the  rircossity  of 
l.roviiliiii!  proper  tncthod.-  for  scttinc  aside  the  dispositions  made  hy  ftmiiders 
when  eireiinistaiiees  ehaiiire  nr  their  reaulatioiis  prove  unsuitable.  Kiidow- 
irienls.  li  ilic.\  continue  to  inrreasc  at  th.u-  present  rate,  will  lieeotne  ji 
very  doiil.tfiil  hlessinu  unless  thi.s  .|\iesti..n  is  l.oldly  dealt  with.  The 
dittienlties  of  so  tlealiuK  are  (■oini)lieated  l).\  the  provisions  of  the  IVdoral 
*  oustitution. 


CHAP.    C  \  III 


THE    rXIVKHSlTIFS 


741 


uv<»c;ili<ms.  'I'licy  liniit  up  in  niiiiiy  a  couiitn  tiiwii  what  is  at 
first  only  a  lartliiufj;  nishlijfjit,  iuil  wliicli,  wlicn  the  town  swells 
to  a  city,  or  when  cndowiiu'iits  flow  in,  or  wlicn  sonic  al)lc 
teacher  is  jjlaced  in  clmr}>e,  Ix'conies  a  lamp  of  fj;rowin(>;  flame, 
which  may  finally  throw  its  rays  over  the  whole  Stat(  in  wliicli  it 
stands.  In  some  of  these  smaller  Western  collej«;es  one  finds  to- 
day men  of  ^reat  ability  and  j^reat  attainments,  one  finds  students 
who  are  receiving  an  education  <|uite  as  thorough,  thouKli  not 
always  as  wide,  as  the  lu'st  Kustern  universities  can  fj,ive.  I  do 
not  at  all  deny  that  tiie  time  for  more  concentration  has  come, and 
that  restrictions  on  the  power  of  j>'rantinfi;  decrees  would  be  use- 
ful. Hut  one  who  recalls  tlie  history  of  the  West  durinji;  the  sec- 
ond half  of  last  century,  and  l)ears  in  mind  the  tremendous  rush  of 
ability  and  energy  towards  a  ))urely  material  develojHnent  which 
has  marked  its  jieople,  will  feel  that  this  uncontrolled  freedom 
of  teaching,  this  multiplication  of  small  institutions,  have  done 
for  the  country  a  work  which  a  few  State-reiiulated  univer.sities 
might  have  failed  to  <lo.  The  hij^her  learning  is  in  no  ([ans<'i". 
The  great  universities  of  the  Hast,  as  well  as  several  in  the  West, 
are  already  beginninj!;  to  rival  the  ancient  universities  of  Europe. 
They  will  soon  hav<'  far  greater  funtis  at  their  coimnand  with 
which  to  move  towards  the  same  iih-al  as  (Jermany  se>ts  before 
herself;  and  th.ey  have  already  what  is  Ix'tter  than  funds  —  an 
ardour  and  industry  among  the  teacliers  which  ('(juals  that  dis- 
played early  in  last  century  in  (lermany  by  the  foremost  men  of 
the  generation  which  raised  the  ( lerman  schools  to  their  gloriou-" 
eminence. 

It  .nay  be  thought  that  an  ol)server  familiar  with  two  uni- 
versities which  are  among  the  oldest  ami  most  famous  in  KurojM', 
and  are  beyond  question  the  most  externally  sinn))tuous  and 
beautiful,  would  be  inclined  to  dis|)arage  the  corres])onding 
institutions  of  the  I'nited  States,  whose  traditions  are  compara- 
tively .short,  and  in  whose  outward  aspect  there  is  little  to  attract 
the  eye  or  touch  the  imagination.  I  liave  not  found  it  so.  An 
Englislnnan  who  visits  .\merica  can  never  feel  sure  how  far  his 
judgment  has  been  affected  by  the  warmth  of  the  welcome  he 
re(reives.  But  if  I  may  v(>nture  to  state  the  impression  which  the 
American  universities  have  made  upon  me,  I  will  say  that  while 
of  all  the  institutions  of  the  country  they  are  those  of  which 
the  .\mericans  speak  most  nnxlestly,  and  indeed  deprecatingly. 
the'    are  those  which  seem  to  be  ;it  this  moment  making  the 


»Mmmm'mmEsmimm 


r42 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


Swiftest  progress,  and  (o  have  thr  hriRhtest  promise  for  the 
tuture.  They  are  supplying  exactly  those  things  which  European 
critics  have  hitherto  found  lacking  to  America :  an.l  they  are 
contributing  to  her  political  as  well  as  to  her  contemplative  life 
elements  of  inestimable  worth. 


-ii5 


VI 

he 
in 
re 
fe 


CHAPTER   ('IX 


f\ 


FURTHER   OnSKRVATIONS   ON   THF,    rXIVERSITIES 

As  the  many  years  tl\at  have  elapsed  since  the  hist  preceding 
chapter  was  written  hav(>  brought  many  ehan^'jes  to  the  Univer- 
sities of  the  United  States,  it  seems  fitting  to  note  here  the  mor; 
imiM)rtant  among  those  changes,  and  thus  convey  more  fully 
than  can  })e  done  l)y  insertions  made  heri"  and  there  in  that 
chapter  the  present  state  of  tlie  Universities,  the  cour.-e  which 
their  development  is  taking,  th(>  reflections  which  a  more  in- 
tunate  knowledge  of  them  suggests. 

I.  Except  in  the  newest  parts  of  the  West  such  as  Oklahoma 
and  parts  of  the  Pacific  Slope,  the  founcUng  of  colleges  or  I'ni- 
versities  has  almost  stopp(>d.  It  is  generally  felt  all  through  tho 
more  i)oi)ulous  and  well-settled  re^'ions  that  there  are  already 
at  least  enough  degree-giving  institutions,  and  that  it  is  more 
important  to  strengthen  and  imi)r(;ve  those  that  exist  than  to 
create  new  ones.  Nevertheless  the  desire  of  a  rich  man  to 
periw'tuate  his  name  by  a  new  foimdation  and  the  desire  of  a 
denomination  to  have  the  satisfaction  of  pointing  to  a  college 
as  its  very  own  may  l)e  expected  to  cause  new  institutions  to 
bo  from  time  to  time,  though  less  fre(|uently  than  heretofore, 
established  even  in  districts  where  they  are  not  neetled. 

The  develojnnent  of  the  already  existing  Universities  and 
Colleges  goes  on  with  undiminishing  sjx'cd.  It  is  seen  in  four 
directions :  additions  to  the  endowments,  the  creation  of  new 
dei)artments,  the  raising  of  salaries  pai('  to  teachers,  and  an  in- 
crease in  the  number  of  students.  In  1913  the  total  gifts  of 
money  for  the  i)uri)oses  of  higher  education  amounted  to 
!^24,983,00(),  and  the  number  of  students  in  institutions  of 
higher  education  (including  science  schools)  had  risen  from 
55,687  in  1889  to  227,074,  exclusive  of  those  in  preparatory 
departments. 

In  every  civiHzed  country  th(>  march  of  scientific  discovery 
haa  led  to  an  enormous  increase  in  the  applications  of  science 

713 


744 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


[S'J 


t(.  i)n)(luctiv(>  industry.     This  has  been  followed  by  a  demand 
!|..  7'*  ""'■;  <'«>'iv(-rsant  with  these  applications,  and  to  supply  that 

demand  the  teachuiK  of  applied  scienee  has  been  provided  on 
a  sca.e  undreamed  of  wm  a  s^'ueration  a^o.     Nowhere    i)er- 
haps  not  even  m  (Jermany,  has  this  movement  pone  so  fast 
or  so  far  as  in  the  Tnited  States.     While  the  existing  Univer- 
sities  liave  been  enlarj^ed  by  the  addition  of  scientific  depart- 
ments, a  host  of  independent  or  affiliated  scientific  schools  and 
technical  institutes  have  si)runK  np.     Most  of  these  hav(>  hovn 
planted  m  the  cities,  but  the  ajrricultural  colleges,  perhaps  the 
most  numerous  class,  are  often  j)laced  in  rural  areas.     Of  tlie.se 
latter  many  are  r(>ally  secondary  schools,  or  are  teaching  en- 
gineering <,uite  as  much  as  agriculture,  but  some  of  the  best 
have  experimental   farms    attached    to    them.      Maiiv  of   the 
Mates,  and  esjiccially  the  Western  States,  have  bec-n  active  in 
s«nting  np  and  endowing  such  schools  of  agriculture  either  as 
parts  of  a  State  Tniversity  or  as  independent  in.stitutions,  and 
111  the  case  of  the  best  of  these,  such  as  t}ios(>  of  Wisconsin  and 
Illinois   the  large  sums  spent  in  buildings  and  annual  grants  ar(> 
deeme.1  to  have  l)e(>n  amjily  repaid  to  the  State  bv  the  increase 
111  Its  production  whether  of  tillage  crops,  or  of  fruit,  or  of  milk 
ancl  cheese,  or  of  other  forms  of  food.     The  classes  in  th<'se  best 
agricultural  colleges  are  attended  by  crowds  of  students,  .some 
of  them  middle-aged  or  elderly  farmers  ;  while  the  Universities 
also  send  tlunr  lecturers  out  through  the  country  and  supply 
froiii  their  lu^ad  offices  infoniiation  and  a.lvice  to  those  who  ap- 
ply for  It.     Thus  one  may  say  that  the  idea  that  Agriculture  in 
all  Its  branches  is  a  scitnice.  to  be  pursued  with  exact  knowledge^ 
and  hy  scientific  nu'thods,  has  now  thoroughlv  laid  hold  of  the 
American  mind,  and  is.  in  the  Xorth  and  W.'st,  almost  as  fully 
reaiized  l>y  the  farmers  as  by  the  men  of  science.' 

Thps<.  now  developments,  including  the  enlargement  of  th<^ 
professional  sc1km,1.s  (medicine,  dentistrv,  and  law)  attached  to 
thf>  I  niversities,  have  of  course  led  to  large  increases  in  the 
teaching  staff.  The  nuinl)er  of  professors  and  instructors  of 
all  kinds  rose  from  7918  in  lS8i)  to  30,034  in  1912.  There  has 
also  bef>n  a  tendency  to  raise  the  salari«>s  of  the  teachers,  and 
m  Hf)h-,e  f.-u   I  iiivcrsitie>  thr  full  professor  now  re<-eives  mm 

'  Thouj.!,  n.any  ,,f  |1„.  s,wall..,l  :.«ri,.„lt„rMl  ..„ll,.^..s  nr.  .till  f:,r  frnn.  hnvinK 
Uii>  ,ul,j,.,t  may  he  f,niiul  in  tl.r  U,.„„rt  „(  the  Carm-gi,.  luuudati.,n  for  V.m. 


CHAP,  nx        OBSKRVATIONS  ON    INIVKHSITIKS 


74.1 


to  S<)(XM)  a  year.'  Hut  as  a  rule  the  n'liumcratioii  allotted 
to  presidents  and  teacliers  of  all  ^fadcs  remains  small  when 
compared  on  the  one  hand  with  ihe  attainmeiit>  now  <'.\ix'etcd 
and  on  the  other  hand  witli  the  j^rowinj!,-  cost  of  iivin^.- 

The  most  eonsideral>lt'  improveiucut  in  the  i)osition  of  tlu; 
professor  has  eoTne  fmi.i  a]>riv;ite  sdukc  .Mr.  Andrew  ( 'an)eu;i(i 
has  created  a  fund  wiih  an  aumud  iucniue  (in  l!i()',>)  of  >;.">()().()()() 
for  the  purpose  of  providint;;  retiriuii  allow.nices  for  professors 
in  those  Universities  and  ( 'olleKe>  in  the  liii'i'd  States,  Canada, 
and  Newfoundland  that  ('(imply  with  certain  conditions  pre- 
scribed, the  most  important  of  whicli  is  that  they  are  not  to 
be  imder  the  control  of  any  particular  se<'t  or  denomination, 
the  trustees  of  the  fund  havinji;  a  discretionary  power  to  det<'r- 
mine  how  this  princii)l(;  is  to  l>e  applied  in  each  particular  case/' 

The  recent  development  of  tiie  hi'ilier  ('(lucation  is,  however, 
most  c(mspicuous  in  the  enonnous  increase  in  tiie  attendanc(>  of 
students.  In  ISSf)  IS'.H)  the  total  uumlnT  rcturn.d  to  the 
Bureau  of  Education  as  collej^iate  and  resid/nt  <;r'"l'::ite  students 
was  44,926  men  and  1(),7()1  women.  In  1!)H)-11  the  numbers 
were  1()0,()2()  men  and  (»l,.")4'.>  women,  lic^ides  several  thousand 
students  in  the  collegiate  and  liradunte  deitjirtinents  of  a  different 
and  much  less  advanced  jiroup  of  colleges  for  women.  Tlie 
actual  number  was  larjier,  because  tliere  ;ire  colie<;es  which  make 
no  return.  But  these  fi}i;ures  are  enou;ih  to  <how  how  rapid  has 
been  the  growth  in  twenty  years,  a  jirowtii  whose  rate  is  far 
in  excess  of  the  rate  at  which  tlie  jxipulntion  has  grown,  and 
which  is  twice  as  large  for  women  >tudeuts  as  for  th(>  men. 
Of  the  total  nmnber  of  students  who  nre  receiving  higher  etluca- 
tion  no  accurate  record  i.->  :i1t;nn;ilile.  for  tliough  the  Bureau  of 
P^ducation  R(-])ort  gives  a  tot;',!  enrolment  of  :')()S,l();i  -n  the  i)re- 
paratory,  collegiate,  grailuate,  and  professional  depaitiueuts  of 

'  In  Harvard  tlic  niaximuin  >;ilai\  i-  in  tin'  I. aw  Sihiml  ^7.")(MI.  in  otlu'i 
dcpartniciits  .S.V>1M),  tint  tlii.>  jnaxiriiiim  i^  na'lncl  rinly  afti'r  a  iuuiiIxt  of  year.-.' 
srrviro  as  full  professor. 

-  In  loos  oiK-tliird  of  the  ili'szrcf-iri-antini;  rnivi  r.~itics  paid  their  full  pro- 
fessors an  averai;  ■  salary  of  |e-^s  tliaii  SKMHt  ,i  xrar.  ;iiid  only  L'll  paid  an  a\'era!;e  of 
S;{(MM)  or  over,  only  .">  pa.vintr  an  averaL'e  s;dii-.\  ni'  s:!.",ii(l  or-  ov^r.      Tlw  salaries  of 

Assistant    i^rofi.-,..r-    are   Wr-vV,    l-HV-'-,    t!i'»-'     •=*■    i  ::  .tv^;;!:.!-;   \t:\::-v   •;!)!!. 

'In  V.)V.\  the  total  nuinher  of  ritirini;  :illou:in<(  ~  in  fon-e  was  ;{1.">,  and  s:} 
widows'  pension-^,  total  annnal  di->l  ligation  \'-'\x\'j.  s.',7o,  l_':i. 

The  cre.'ition  of  this  fund  ha-  had  the  imidiiitid  n  -n'l  o|  terelirm  ti)  estahlish. 
not  without  prote-ts  and  ei.nipl  iinl.  ,  a  ~ii,t  oi  uiiotli.iil  --laudard  of  exi-ellein'  • 
for  colleges,  and  this  "  bi-|iroduei  "  i^  derui'd  \ali,al>li' 


:   I! 
I   I 


k 


•»li 


SOCIAL   IXSTITI'TIONS 


I-AHT   VI 


t  f  '> 


tho  ()()(i  ruivnsitit.s.  (•„ll,.-(.s,  uii.l  tcchuoIoKicul  schools  that 
haw  ma,l(.  .vt.nns,  it  is  ,,,iit,.  iinpossihi,.  t^.  suy  how  nmuv  of 
these  ur(>  nr.ivmir  instruction  of  n  true  I'uivcrsity  ty])(«  Tli(« 
institutions  that  make  up  the  (iUti  ciiuiucratcd  arc  oi'  all  kinds 
and  <lcscn,)ti..ns.  .Many  an;  i.  ,t  above  the  ^nulv  of  .secondary 
sciiools  and  it  is  impossiMe  to  draw  the  line  I.etween  them  and 
those  which  mve  an  instruction  corresponding  to  that  of  Tniver- 
sities  m  Kurope.  Still,  without  venturing  to  f(,nn  any  numerical 
est miate  ot  the  students  in  insi  it  ut  ions  of  the  latter  class,  it  is  saf(. 
to  say  that  they  !,ear  a  lar-er  proportion  to  the  iiopulation  of 
the  I  nited  >tat<s  than  sinaiar  stu.h'uts  .lo  to  the  whole  popula- 
tion ni  any  other  country.  That  is  to  say,  Iniversities  and 
technical  or  proiessional  schools  of  the  rniversitv  level  are  more 
numerous  and  attra.-t  moiv  students,  not  meVelv  absolutely 
but  relatively  to  t!ie  whoh;  community,  than  in  the  most  ad- 
vanced of  Iv.iropean  countries. 

Of  the  quality  of  th(>  instructiuii  uiven  it  is  even  more  difficuh 
fo  speak  in  t-cneral  terms  than  it  is  to  fix  the  tvpe  to  which  each 
institution  belon-s.  [Jut  the  fact  remains  that  the  institutions 
are  there  and  th(>  stud<-nts  are  tlwre.  The  revenues  jvrow  •  the 
attendance  m-ows.  (Quantity  at  le:..t  has  been  obtained.  t)f 
(luality  I  shall  speak  later. 

This  .strikin-  orowth  in  the  number  of  students  seems  due  to 
tw()  causes.  One  cause,  oiH-rativ(>  all  over  the  country,  but 
IM'ihaps  most  op.-rative  in  th(>  A\-estern  Stales,  is  the  sense  that 
a  knowledo-e  ot  ;,ppli.-d  science  ha<  f;reat  i)ractical  value  for 
many  occupation-,  .■lud  especiaPy  for  auriculture  and  for  the 
various  branches  of  emiineeriii-,  and  that  it  is  therefon>  worth 
while  "as  a  business  proposition"  to  spend  some  vears  in  ac- 
(luiriiiii  that  knowIed-esystemaTicallv  rather  than  t(i  besin  pra- 
tical  life  on  leavins.-  school  at  fiftcMi  or  sixteen  V(>ars  of  ape 
J  he  other  .•aus,>  is  that  rniv(Tsity  (>d;icalion  has  "ixrome  fash- 
ionable,' and  is  more  and  more  comin<>-  to  be  consideivd  not  a 
luxury  tor  the  few,  nor  a  thin-j;  needed  r,nW  bv  thos(.  who  mean 
to  enter  one  of  the  so-called  '•learn..d  i)rof(.ssions,"  but  a  prep- 
aration for  life  with  which  all  tho<e  who  can  afford  the  money 
and  th('  time  ou-ht  to  be  furnished.  Formerlv  voung  men 
mtcuded   for  a  l^u>iu..ss   iiiV  sehi,,,,.   thoUfrht,  except   ii  two  or 


'  A  (Iciip-c  cosifirrcii  ;,t 
huM  cvcti  A  Hni-hd  valiiM,  .■- 


'ri.'i.f  til,.  Ux  .,l(l,.st  ni;il  riiMst  faniMiis  riiivcr.-iti.-. 
'■■•i:illv  fw  a  ni.iMhir  .,1  a  •■„,.»■  ,i<-l,  ■'  fu,„i|v  wlu.-l, 
.ak''. 


CHAP,  cix        OHSKHVATIOXS  ()\   INIVKKSITIKS 


747 


three  of  the  older  Stute<,  of  ^diii^r  lo  <-<)lI.  ^c.  Xow  they  are 
just  lis  likely  to  p)  ;is  nrc  niiv  dllicrs.  This  is  the  most  note- 
wort  iiy  new  teat  ure  of  \\h'  last  iiiiri.\  yciir-,  aini  is  ai-o  the  most 
.striking  ediieational  dilVerrurT  lid  w era  AiiMii.-a  and  lOurope. 
A  University  e<lucatiou  has  in  the  lUiteij  StaVs  ceased  to  1)0 
the  privilege  of  the  few.     it  is  i'or  ail  the  worlil. 

Tlie  ehanjie  is  itself  lar^!;<•ly  due  to  two  ecdnoMiic  facts.     One 
is  the  rapid  increase  in  the  nuniiK  r  of  persons  with  incomes 
lar^e  enounh  to  make  it  easy  for  the?ii  to  -end  sons  and  danshters 
to  college.     The  oilier  i<  tiiecrealiou  of  State  I'niversities,  es]M'- 
cially  in  the  W< 'stern  States,  in  wliicJ!  ii)st  ruction  is  provided  at 
a  very  low  churn*'-     These  liave  so  mucli  i)opularized  the  higher 
education  that  throuiih  their  example  ami  inllucnce  the  aHiu.x 
of  students  to  all  ("olleiics  has  increa-ed.     It  may  lie  added  that 
charjfcs  are  t'verywhere  modeiate,  and  that  in  the  smaller  towns 
of  xIk'  West,   a   student   can  lodu;i-  and   hoard   chea])ly.     Two 
other  cau>es,  however,  must  not   he  altoiictlu^r  omitted.     ( "ol- 
lejfcs  have  profited  hy  the  motlern  passion  for  athh'tic  comijcti- 
tion  and  the  iimnense  interest  which  the  ]m\)\\r  take  in  football 
and  baseball  matches  Ix-tweeii  the  teams  of  different    I'niver- 
sities.    Many  a  boy  finds  in  these  an  incitement   to  University 
life  which  the  desire  for  knowIrd,u;<'miLiht  have  failed  to  provide. 
Nor  can  it  be  denied  that  the  rivalry,  not  only  of  denominations 
but  of  particular  i)laces,  even  comi)aiatively  small  i)!aces,  has 
borne  a  part  in  this  inunense  multiplication  of  teachinj-;  institu- 
tions.    Kiich  little  city  or  even  rural  area  thinks  it  a  featlier  in 
its  cap  to  i)ossess  a  collejic.  and  tho-e  who  own  real  (>-tate  be- 
lieve that  it  raises  the  value  of  the  land  they  iiave  to  sell.     Once 
the  college  is  e>taMished,  its  >tatT  as  well  as  the  local  people  are 
concerned  to  "boom"  and  "boost"'  it.      So  the  resonrc<s  of  ad- 
vert isitiiji;  are  called  in.  -oMietimes  with  a  certain  lack  of  the  disniity 
which  befits  a  seat  of  learninu;.     Thus  it  h:!i)pens.  not  only  that 
collejies  are  establi-liiMl  wiiere  they  are  not  wanted,  but  that  many 
stuilent.      <•  drawn  to  th<'m  who  oiniht  to  !)e  prepariiifr  them- 
selves at  school,  inclu<liii'j;  some  whom  natur(>  has  not  blessed 
with  the  gifts  neivled  to  profit  by  the  higlu>r  branches  of  e(hi- 
cation. 

This  increase  has  tended  to  jiive  the  Universities,  and 
especially  the  larger  ones,  a  much  more  prominent  place  in  the 
life  of  the  country  tlian  th(\v  formerly  had.  They  have  become 
objects  of  general  interest.     Questions  alTeeting  them  are  more 


V«f 


748 


sncr.M,  rxsTiTrTioxs 


PART   VI 


amply  .lisciiss,.,!  i,i  ii,'\v^|>i,|„.|s  au.l  m:iK:i/.iiu.s,  aii.l  ai)|M'ur  to 
luy  more  liol.l  on  tlic  atl.ntiuii  of  tlic  nnniimtiitv  ul  Iufkc  than 
IS  thr  .-Hso  in  i;r,j.|aa.l  or  porliaps  i,i  any  Kuropcau  countrv. 
11...  Hlmnni  ot  ti...  trn.at.T  [•niv.Tsiti,.s- fonn  asscu-iutions,  Hon«' 
tew  of  wliK'h  havr  l)rancli..s  in  tlic  .•lii,.f  cities  „f  the  countrv 
while  others  arc  locally  cstaMish,.,!.  Tlu'v  iiU'ct  from  time  to 
tiin<. ;  an.l  wh.'u  tli.-ir  Ahmi  Mater  celebrates  an  anniv.Tsary  or 
opens  a  new  l.iiil.linK  or  inaugurates  a  new  President  they  flock 
1<.  her.  an.l  mv  ini|M.rtan.v  to  th.-  IVstivitv.  Tluw  are  iiidin.'.! 
--sometun.s  mi.luly  iru^lin.-.l  —  to  .lis..ouraK..  innovati.nis. 
1  he  el.ler  man  was  .-v.'u  in  th.-  .lays  of  H.)ra.-.'  lamlator  lem,,ons 
ndi,  sc  pucro,  an.l  a  r.f.)rminfr  i)resi,lent  sometimes  finds  the 
mflu.'iice  ot  the  ahimni  t.)  h..  a  .Ira^  „n  his  eff.irts.  But  thev 
respon.l  Ken.'n.usly  wlu-n  tl...  ['niv-.Tsity  asks  them  to  contrihut'e 

t..  s.,nie  n.'w  ..l.j.rt  :  in.l I.   it  is  largely  thn.UKh  tliem  that 

ext.'nsDu  fun.ls  ar.'  raised,  fn  on<>  I'niv.'rsitv  the  eust.Hii  has 
Kr..w.i  up  that  ea.-h  ".-lass"  shall  on  the  e.nnijletion  of  the 
tweuty-fifti  y.'ar  from  sraduati.)n  offer  n.)t  less  than  SHKXKK) 
(L"20,(MM))  1,)  the  I'niversity  treasury. 

VVith  this  ris..  in  the  importaiice".)f  th.^  American  rniversitv 
its^  headship  has  .-ome  t..  !)(>  an  .)fH.'..  of  enhanee.1  .lifinity  and 
mfluenee.      The  man  sel.M-ted  f.)r  it  is  usually  a  iMTson  of  literary 
or  scK.ntifie  (.min."n.-e.   tliou-h   he  is  also  expected   to  po.sspss 
adiiumstratiye  talents.     H..  is  n.)w,  in  the  larger  Fniyersities 
almost  always  a  lannan.  an.l  needs  to  haye  unusual  energy  ami 
tact,  for  on.>  of  i,is  .hL-f  duti.-s  is  t.)  trayel  hither  and  thither 
dehyenng  public  a.ldress«.s,  m.vtinjr  th.'  s.,.-ieties  of  the  alumni 
ot  his  I  mye;sity,  an.l  .-n<lcayoiiiin<r,  by  a  descripti.m  of  its  de- 
.-■'res  an.l  ihv.Is,  to  .)btain  furth.-r  fun.ls  for  its  puri)oses.     His 
p.m-ers   m  the   management  of  th..   institution  an.l  the  selec- 
tion of  pr.)f,.ss.,rs  aiv  mu.-h   gr.-ater  than   those  of  the  hea.l 
of  an  English  „r  S.-ottish  Tniy.Tsity.     But  he  is  often  also  a 
lea.ling  figur,.  in  the  State.  i„.rhaps  eyen  in  the  Nation.     No 
persons  m  the.'.)umry,  har.lly  (>y,.n  th(.  greatest  railway  magnates, 
are  bett.-r  known,  and  .•ertainly  none  ar..  more  respecte.1,  than  the 
Presi.l.'nts  of  th..  l.-a.ling  rniy..rsities.     Much  of  .-ourse  depends 
on  personal  (iualiti..s.      Th..  pla.-e  will  n.)t  give  strength  to  a 
weak  man.     But  if  h..  b..  strong,  th..  place  .l.jublm  hFs  oppor- 
tunities  for   exerting   his    strength,    and   ensures   a   wide   anil 
utt.Mitiye  hearing  f.)r  anything  li(.  may  haye  to  say. 

Althoughthe  t..rms  "  rniy.-rsity  "  an.l  "College  "continue  to  be 


<HAP.  rix        OBSKRVATIONS  ON    IM\  KItSITIKS 


749 


l()os<'ly  uw'd  ill  the  liiitrd  Stutts,  ami  !iltlit)Uj;li  it  is  still  difTicult 
to  draw  liiu's  dividiuji  into  classes  tlic  varioii-.  iiislitutioiis  which 
hear  these  iiaiiu's,  still  it  may  Ik-  said  llial  tlin-r  main  tyiws  an- 
iU)W  iH'giiuiiiiK  to  oiiuTK*",  to  one  or  other  of  which  all  may  l)e 
^efer^<Hl. 

The  first  inchuU's  the  laruer  amon^  1  he  ol<l  denree-Kivinn  IkmUcs 
of  the  Hastern  States,  such  as  Harvard,  ^'alc,  and  ( 'olumhia,  to 
which  may  1m'  added  some  more  recent  iu-titiition>  of  private 
foundation,  such  as  the  liiiver^ity  <»f  <  hicano,  ( 'oriiell  I'ni- 
versity  in  New  York,  Stanfonl  riiiver>ity  in  California,  and 
WashinKton  I'liiversity  in  St.  Louis.  All  these  were  originally 
colleges  >;ivinK  instruction  of  tlu'  old-fashioned  kind  in  cla-ssics, 
mathematics,  and  moral  i)hilosoi)'iy.  They  have  now  super- 
added to  those  subjects,  formerly  deemed  to  constitute  a  jicneral 
lilH*ral  education,  various  professional  and  tec  hnical  departments, 
as  well  as  post->j;raduat«'  courses  in  si)e(ial  I>u1  not  professional 
subjects,  the  stuilents  in  which,  taken  all  tojiether,  exceed  in 
number  thos<'  pursuing  the  course  for  the  rejiular  academic  arts 
or  science  degrees.  In  these  institutions  it  is  now  the  practice 
to  use  thetenn  "  I'niversity"  to  <leii<>1c  the  a<i<ii;reKate  of  all  the 
various  aforesaid  schools  and  to  restrict  the  term  "("o11<'K<'"  to 
that  central  d<>partment  which  prepares  students  for  some 
regular  degr(H>  in  the  lil>eral  arts,  science,  or  philosojjhy. 

The  institutions  of  this  tyjx'  are  all  iwitli  minor  diiferences 
in  tlK'ir  constitutions)  governed  by  iKxlies  of  trustees  who  per- 
IX'tuate  themselves  by  co-optation  (with  sonietimes  the  addition 
of  persons  representing  the  alumni)  and  they  are  sui)]K)rted  by  en- 
dowments/)?//.s  the  sums  which  the  studentsi)ay  for  instruction.' 

Th(^  second  tviie  embraces  I'uiversities  founded  and  supported 
wholly  or  mainly  l)y  a  State.  There  ar(^  several  of  these  in  tli«! 
iCastern  States,  such  as  the  I'niversilies  of  North  ( 'arolina,'-  \ir- 
ginia,  V(>rmont,  and  Maine.  Hut  the  largest  and  most  ch.ar- 
acteristic  exam])les  occur  in  th  •  West,  such  a<  the  rni\-ersities 
of  Michigan,  Illinois,  Wiscon>iii,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  ( "alif(jrnia. 
There  are  in  all  38  such  St.ate  rniversities.  including  three  in 

'  Cornell,  however,  reeeives  also  :i  Krant  from  the  State  of  \'ew  York.  thouRh 
not  utrietly  a  State  fiiiversity. 

-  The  Slate  Tiiiv  I'iMitv  of  Xoitii  ( 'ai.-iiui.  !"■  .iiii.i.  .i  T?i  ]7^'K  .srii;i:;  io  'n-  l!ie 
oldest  State  institution  of  the  modern  t\pe.  thoiarh  in  ncvi  lal  Statrs.  sueh  a.s 
Mas.*irhu8ett8,  C'onM'itie\it .   and   Penns\  i\  ani  i.   th.'  h  irislalin-es    h.id    irranted 

eharten^  aixl  monev  to  ( 'olhires  whieli  were  or  s.il'se,|ii.  iitl\  1 .inie  R'  lf-i:overn- 

iriK.  .See  an  iiit.'ie^tim;  iia|»-r  entitled  'J'l,  (),-./<"  "'  1" -  """  '"^'"'e  I  uutraitita 
by  Dr.  i;inier  El.--woith  lirowu  ( I  ni\ .  of  t  alif.  I'ublicatioiis,  I'JtWj. 


Y^ 


".TO 


SOCIAI,   IN'STITl'TIOVS 


PNRT   VI 


)  ic.' 


t)|iio,  mid  tlicyoiitliliil  I'liiv.  iMlhsor  New  Mcxi.o  .iml  Ari/ojia. 
These  rcsciul.l,.  tlic  tir-l  t\|>c  in  ImviiiK  .'in  iiinl  i-KrHihiatc  .ii-- 
parHucnt  jjix  itijj;  a  general  IiIm  ral  'Mlnc-itiKu,  nuiiMl  wliirh  clusiir 
a  iiuinlxT  of  |)i«tl'(s«.i(.iial  atui  tt rlinifal  .sclmi.l.v.  the  sclinols  of 
iiiidifiiif  ami  a.miiMilturr  Initio  llir  mci'l  iinpor  tatit.  They 
tlilYrr  from  tlif  (ir>^t  l.vpc  in  Ixiny  novcrind  !>>  a  IxmIv.  usually 
ciillctl  HtKciits.  apitoiiiitd  i.y  t'lf  Slate  (  Mtvcriiiiinil  (Kerierally 
hy  the  le>ii>laliiie)  and  in  lieinn  <iipp(,rled  liy  aiitnial  or  biennial 
Kranls  from  llie  revcniic-  of  the  Stale,  vvliicli  \\:t<  of  eoiwsi 
provided  their  iiiiildiiius  and  apparatus.  In  a  few  of  them 
instriii-tioM  is  ^rat^^ilolls  to  eiti/ms  of  the  Stale;  in  all  it  is 
supplied  very  cheaply  to  citizens  and  cheaply  to  all  comers. 
Women  St  III  lent  s  are  adniill.d  on  t(|Ual  terms  with  men.  .\s 
respects  instrnction.  they  .lilf.r  little  from  lli(>  Tniversities  of 
the  (oruwr  type.  H<in>r  Stale-sii|)p()rted,  they  are  of  course 
alisolutely  inideuoniinat loiial. 

The  third  type  is  less  easy  to  .le.scrihe,  and  is,  indeed,  rather  a 
residual  ma>s  l  han  a  well-delined  class.     It  includes  those  d<')rree- 
Urantiu!;  bodies,  niost  of  th(  in  <'allc(l  I'olleu;.  s  l.nt  some  of  them 
I  niversities   iihere   lieiii<>;  seldom   any  distinction  in  fact  corre- 
spondiiijT  to  the  difTereuce  in  name),  which  conline  themselves 
wholly   or  maiidy  to  the  «ivin,u;  of  a  frerieral  liberal  education 
without  proviiliiifi  either  p(wt -graduate  i-ourses  or  professional 
•  Icpartments.      Tk  tiiis  division  I.eldU};  a  very  ivw  luistern  Col- 
leges of  hij2;h  rank  and  a  lan;e  attendance  of  students       IVince- 
ton,  Dartmouth,  and   Hn.wn   (in  Hhoil-'  Island)  are  examples 
—  which    have    not    yet    set    up    professional   schools.      .Johns 
Hopkins    in    IJaltiuKire   li;)lds   a   peculiar   position,   for   haviiifj; 
bcKun  with  i).>st-f>;rad;iate  :>nd  iirofes.sional  sciu.ols  it   has  now 
engrafted  thereon  an  acadei  lic  department.     Here  too  we  must 
place  those  old   X.w    ilnulaiid   coll,  y;es  such   as  Williams,  .\m- 
lierst.  aiul  Bowdoin,   wlii<  h,  situat.d  in  small  country  towns, 
have  adluTed  to  tin-   older  traditions  and  .tevoted  themselve.- 
chiefly   to    the   preparation   of    sfudeni-    \<.v    the   Ii..\.    (h^jrive. 
whether    in    lit.>r..r     or    m    sei.ntific    eonrx  s.      These    latter 
Collepes  liave  a-  a  rui.'  remained,  and  l!a\e  wi.died  to  remain, 
comparatively  Muall.     They  retain,  and  they  well  (h'serve.  the 
endit  of  >n:ik:!:ir  tli'ir  iii^l;  ;i,-ii.)n  thor..U'j,ii  and  of  cullivalin-; 
a  Ptrons  social  spirit   aiuoiiM-  tl.rir  alumni.      From  them  liave 
eotne  many  of  the  >troiijie>t   intellects   and   characters  of  the 
last  generati.ju.     In  tliis  divisiuL  we  must  als.)  place  the  large 


(HAH.    (  l\ 


(fHSKHVATlONS  ON    IMVKUSITIKS 


Wl 


nuiiil)*'r  III'  Hiiiiill  ('dlliKi'-'  ill  tlic  MiiMlc.  tlir  Soiitlirrn,  uiitl 
thi'  Western  Slates,  iim-t  (,,'  wliidi  iiiovide  only  the  nnular 
uiulernriuluate  n»ur.-e,  1Ihiuu,Ii  a  very  lew  liave  lnnuii  to  de- 
ve|(»p  speeial  ile|tartiiieiil-,  e-|Mrially  o|  a  ti  elmiral  kind.  Most 
of  these  are  eonnecti'd  with  soiin  dnHiMiii.  itidii,  those  of  the 
KoiiiaM  ( 'ntholic,  Methodi-t,  I'rotestaiil  I  Ipi^eojial,  I'n  .-liyterian, 
iind  Ila|)list  l)o<hes  iMinu  the  inn  t  iniiiii  niu-.  Iiit  students  of  all 
persuasions  are  freely  admit t(il  ti>  iii(ni.  'riiiri'  are  >iieh  ureat 
dilTeretices  anionj;  theinlioth  as  regards  thisi/.c  and(iualilieati(>ns 
of  the  stalV.  the  atti'ndan;'e  of  sliuhnls,  and  the  standard 
«)f  iiisf  ruction  that  no  general  >taleineiits  ean  lie  niaile.  ( 'oin- 
paratively  few,  however,  havi  an  altcndaiue  e\ercdinn  AtMl ; 
many  iiii:j;ht  lie  (  i,i>>(  d  rat  Ik  r  with  npper  secondary  schools 
than  wiih  I'niver^itie-  ;  some  can  .-••arcely  lie  called  ellicient 
j'ven  as  scliools.  Soine  few,  >iich  as  the  Inwa  Collejfe  at  (lr'..i- 
nell,  reseinlile  the  .-inall  (  ollene- of  New  jj.uland,  >nch  as  Ani- 
luTst,  in  the  thoroujiihiiess  of  their  acail.iiiic  work  ;  and  it  is  to 
l)t'  desired  that  this  useful  order  was  more  larjrely  represented  in 
the  West.  A.;  has  Ixm'u  already  oli--^:\.(l.  ( 'ollejies  of  this  third 
type  now  sj)rinji  up  less  fr(  (|iieiitly  than  iorini  ily,  and  we  may 
conjecture  that  in  the  West  and  South  th.'  weakest  ainoiiK 
them  will  either  die  out,  or  frankly  admit  Ihemselves  to  Ik-  no 
more  than  secondary  school-,  or  pos-ihly  he  adiliated  to  some 
stroii^  State  Cniversitx-,  whil"  the  riclest  and  strongest  will 
jjrow  into  institutions  of  th'  first  type.  Denominational  senti- 
ment is  a  less  powerful  force  now  than  it  was  'ifty  years  ago, 
so  the  Stu'e  I'niversity,  with  it-  conspicuous  \isil)ility  and  its 
command  of  money,  heuins  to  ilwarf  all  liut  tin  Ixst  endowed 
Universities  of  private  foundation. 

It  was  noti'd  in  the  precediau  ehajjti'r  1ii;il  the  old  system  of 
prescribed  courses  tor  denrees  liiuil  d  tn  ;i  t'  w  ail>jects.  taken  in 
regular  onler.  IiikI  aliout  iSSd  lien'ui  to  'hn  ak  up  and  disappear 
in  nearly  all  the  I'niversitie-.  The  piocess  went  on  hriskly 
after  IH*M),  until,  in  >ome  institutions,  a  sl!id<iit  might  attend 
lectures  and  olfer  himself  for  e\amin;ition  in  ;iiiy  one  or  more 
of  the  numerous  suhject-  l.auiiht.  '\'\\r  suii,j(  cts  need  not  have 
any  relation  to  one  another,  the  sejei'tion  of  a  preseriheil  miml)er 
JUiionp;  tiu'm  heing  left  entirely  to  hi-;  peisonal  lasjes.  After 
a  while  a  reaction  set  in  ag,iin-i  this  •uncliartered  freedom." 
Much  debate  followed  as  to  th"  <l(-ir:il)ility  of  prescribing  a 
certain  small  number  of  regular  curricaila,  either  for  tiie  wh(;lo 


m 


SO(MAL   INSTITUTIOXS 


PAHT   VI 


i'.. 


u'y. 


ti 


or  at  least  lor  llic  first  year,  or  first  two  years,  of  the  students' 
four  years  of  resideiiee.  (ireat  diversity  still  exists,  both  in 
opinion  and  in  practice  :  indeed,  the  present  situation  is,  if  not 
cliaotic,  yet  evidently  transitional.  Only  two  thiuKs  are  pretty 
clear  :  the  first  that  the  j2;eneral  tendcu-y  is  at  present  away 
from  the  extreme  form  of  what  is  called  the  elective  system  ;  the 
second  that  nothing  like  the  risiditj'  of  tlie  old  curriculum  \vill 
reapiK'ar.  Prol)ahly,  while  sonit*  Universitii-s  may  continue  to 
allow  the  widest  freedom,  the  l)ulk  .vill  arranj;e  some  four,  five, 
or  six  j^roups  or  curricula  suited  to  diffi'rent  tastes  and  capaci- 
ties, or  will  |)ermit  the  studeiU  a  choice,  within  certain  limits, 
or  subject  to  the  ai)])roval  of  some  memlM-rs  of  tlie  faculty  en- 
trusted with  the  duty  of  advisiufj;. 

Controversies,  similar  to  those  witli  which  Europe  is  fa- 
miliar, are  carried  on  re^ardius  the  resiK'ctive  values  of  various 
subjects  of  study.  But  the  main  issue  between  the  ancient 
classics  t'er.s'(/.s  the  natural  sciences  and  so-called  "modern  sub- 
jects" lasbeen  practically  decided  in  favour  of  the  latter.  Latin 
and  (still  more)  (ireek  are,  es])ecially  in  the  West,  vanishing 
((uantities.  Less  tiian  10  i)er  cent  of  all  the  students  in  the 
Lniversities  and  (\jlle}:;es  accjuire  an  effective  knowledge  of  the 
former,  less  than  2  per  cent  of  the  latter  language,  under- 
stamiing  by  "(>fYective  knowledge"  the  al)ility  to  read  a  previ- 
ously unseen  but  easy  Latin  or  (Ireek  passage  two  years  after 
graduation.  If  rniversities  of  the  first  type  only  were  taken, 
the  percentage  woulil  be  larger,  yet  even  in  tliem  small.  Efforts 
are  being  made  to  restore  tlie  study  of  the  ancient  authors  to 
tiieir  proper  place  in  the  sciieiue  (jf  a  truly  liberal  education. 
l*)Ut  in  America,  as  i:i  lOurope,  tlie  stream  runs  strong  towards 
those  branches  of  instruction  deemed  most  directly  useful  for 
gainful  occupations.  Even  in  lOurope,  where  traditions  are 
more  powerful  than  in  .\merica,  it  is  liard  to  convince  persons 
who  have  not  tliemselves  either  a  knowledge  of  the  ancient  lan- 
guages or  a  taste  for  letters  and  for  history,  of  what  is  called  the 
"cultural  value"  of  a  knowledge  of  ancient  literature.  Philo- 
sophical courses  have  in  America  (h'clinecl  h'ss  than  classical ; 
and  history,  which  does  not  usually  reciuire  a  knowledge  of 
ancient  languages,  iiolds  its  own.  It  is  indeed  one  of  the  sul)- 
jects  lor  wliicli  a  comparatively  ample  provision  is  made  in 
Universities  both  of  the  first  and  cf  th(>  second  of  the  above- 
mentioned  types.     The  number  of  persons  teaching  it  in  all  the 


(HAP.  cix       OBSERVATIONS  OX  UNIVERSITIES 


7.Y.i 


'i'    f™ 


Uuivcrsitifs  and  Colleges  must  1h>  rcckoiUMl  l.y  liimdrrds.  iiuhrd, 
by  nmuy  lumdrt'ds.  It  is,  however,  towards  seiciitilic  sul)jirts, 
and  espmally  towards  applied  scienee,  tiiat  the  (intt  is 
strongest.  The  same  tendency  prevails  in  Euroi)e,  and  seems 
likely  to  continue  for  a  good  wliile  to  come. 

The    graduate    schools  mentioned  in  the  preceding  chapter 
a.s  novelties  have  immensely  expanded.     Johns  Hopkins  has 
the  honour  of  having  led  the  way  ;  and  now  su.-h  school^  hav(^ 
l)e,>n  created  in  most  of  th(>  greater  I'niversities,  a  notal)ie  ni- 
stance  in  which  the  etlucational  si)irit  and  enterprise  ot  .\meii- 
cans  have  outstripped  the  conservatism  or  the  poverty  ot  Eng- 
lish ami  Scottish  seats  of  learning.     It  may,  however,  he  doul)te(l 
whether  it  would   not   have  been  better  if  some   at  least  of 
the  Universities  which  hav(>  founded  tlu"S(>  schools  ha<l,  mstead 
of  att(>mpting  to  spread  themselves  ov(>r  a  large  variety  of  sub- 
jects, each  confined  itself  to  a  f.>w  only,  on  which  its  resources 
might  have  been  concentrated.     Some  few  Universities  may 
command  revenue's  large  enough  to  enal)le  them  to  cover  the 
whole  field  of  knowledge,  but  in  others  tlie  spint  of  nvalry  in- 
duces th(>  siKMiiUng,  in  efforts  to  do  many  tilings  imp«-rfectly, 
the  monev  which  might  better  have  been  employed  in  doing 
a  few  things  thoroughly.     The  Academic   Dc-partment   must 
of  course  make  full  provision  for  all  the  general  aeadenuc  sul)- 
jects ;  and  to  specialize  a  Univ.'rsity,  on  its  general  teaching 
side,  would  be  to  narrow  it,  and  to  lose  the  b(>nefit  that  come-, 
from  the   mingling  of  minds   i)ursuing  different   branches  of 
scholarship  or  scientific    eiuiuiry.     But  more  might   be  done 
for  advanced  study  in  i)articular  sul ejects  it  one  I  niversity  de- 
voted its(>lf  chiefly  to  one  group  of  sul)jects,  another  to  anotlier, 
so  that   the  gra<iuate  student   night   r.'sort  to  an  institution 
which  had  gathered  together  the  most  eminent   teachers  and 
investigators  in  the  line  he  (U>sire<l  to  follow,  and  had  pro- 
vided the  most  complete  laboratory  or  apparatus.     Ihe  coun- 
try is  so  large  that  there  would  always  be  several  I  niversities 
dedicateil  to  each  groui),  so  that  none  would  enjoy  a  monopoly, 
vet  the  benefits   incident   to  division   of   labour   and   special- 
ization of  function  ^.■oul<l  follow.     Nearly  all  the  scientihc  work 
of  tlu>  country,  except  that  directly  connected  with  nnn>iitions 
of  practical  commeivial  valu.,  is  done  in  the  Universities  and 
the  need  for  strengthening  research  departments  Ix'gins  to  1)0 
more  ami  more  recognized. 
3c 


5, 


7."4 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


•i 


fv 


It  nuvy  hv  a(l(lc(J  that  in  i\w,  as  in  some  other  respects,  there  is 
at  present  h-ss  diversity  l.etween  American  Universities  than  the 
European  visitor  who  sees  the  vastnesa  of  the  country,  the  dif- 
ferent economic  coiuHtions  of  its  different  parts,  and  the  different 
elements  in  its  popuhition  hius  l)een  h'd  to  exi)eet.  Oxford  and 
Cambridge  ar(>  more  unlike  either  tlie  Scottish  Universities  or 
the  new  Universities  in  Aiancliester  and  Liverpool,  than  any 
American  University  is  to  any  otluT,  for  although  the  ajjpli- 
ances  are  generally  (not  always)  inferior  in  the  newer  parts  of 
the  country,  although  the  students  are  less  well  prepared  and 
possibly  rougher  in  externals  in  some  districts  than  in  others, 
still  the  educational  habits  and  views  of  policy  and  methods  of 
instruction  are  essentially  similar  all  over  the  country.  This  is 
a  natural  result  of  the  long  cours«>  of  historical  development 
in  Britain,  as  compared  with  the  shorter  time  during  which  the 
higher  education  has  I)een  developing  itself  in  the  New  World, 
but  it  suggests  the  wish  that  American  I'niversities  may  in 
tim(^  similarly  differentiate  themselves  from  one  another,  for 
there  is  in  variety  a  sort  of  richness  helpful  to  the  thought  and 
imagination  of  a  gn^at  country. 

The  restless  activity  of  our  time  has  further  displayed  itself  in 
the  I'niversity  Extension  Movement,  which,  coming  a  little  later 
than  it  did  in  England,  hjis  reached  even  larger  proportions. 
It  was  felt  that  something  ought  to  be  done  for  those  who  could 
not  spare  the  tim(>  to  follow  a  regular  degree  course*,  as  well  as 
for  those  whose  previous  training  hail  not  qualified  them  to  ma- 
triculate. Of  the  many  institutions  wliich  are  tloing  this  work, 
twenty-three  State  Universities  offer  general  extension  work, 
and  fifteen  of  these  have  organized  departments  for  the  purpose. 
Correspondence  study  has  been  found  valualile  for  students 
living  in  rural  areas  which  lecturers  caimot  easily  reach.  Some 
Universities,  notai)ly  the  great  one  at  Chicago,  have  established 
summer  schools  to  which  great  numl)ers  of  students  resort  who 
have  not  time  for  a  regular  four  years'  course.  It  is  believed 
that  these  extension  methods  have  been  helpful  to  the  elemen- 
tary teachers  and  are  serving  to  bring  the  teaching  profession  of 
a  .-.ate  into  closer  touch  with  the  leading  Universities,  a  thing 
profitable  to  both.'     They  throw,  however,  a  heavy  burden  on 

'  Thf  I'liivcrsiticK  and  CoIIckcs  in  iiiid  niur  Bcjstoii  liave  orgunizorl  ,i  poiti- 
Liiii  li  .-\  >f.  ni  iif  <ours<s-  and  offer  the  di(;rcc  of  A..\.  to  those  who  attain  a  cer- 
tain standard. 


CHAP.  (IX        Oi'.SKHVATION'S  ON    INIVKIISITIKS  753 

the  Uni/crsity  staff,  vhidi  is  ulrcudy  so  hard  worked  lis  to 
liavc  insufficient    time  for  study  and  r(>seareli. 

The  mjml)er  of  women  students  has  increased  faster  than 
that  of  men  and  faster  in  tlie  West  than  in  the  otlier  parts  of 
the  country.  In  the  University  of  Illinois  the  proportion  of 
one-fourth  is  steadily  maintained,  Imt  in  ('hica^o  the  attend- 
ance of  women  hears  a  higher  ratio.  .\11  State  Universities 
are  coeducational,  though  fears  are  (>x|)re.ssed  that  as  these 
institutions  lieconie  more  fasliional>l'  places  of  resort  H  may 
prove  less  easy  to  maintain  that  spirit  of  hard  work  which  has 
hitherto  prevented  questions  of  college  discipline  from  causing 
trouble.  Tliere  is  evci<  some  talk  of  «'stai)lishiii}j;  separate 
dr'partments  for  women  in  the  State  Universities.  In  the 
East  coeducation  does  not  make  way.  Parents  prefer  to  send 
their  daughters  to  colleges  for  women  only,  and  three  colIeg(>s 
which  tauglit  nn'U  arul  women  together  have  recently  ceased 
to  do  so.'  So  far,  the  women  an;  said  to  have  shown  more 
a.ssiduity  and  zeal  in  their  studies  tliaii  (he  men.  .\  .«ort  of 
differentiation  is  visibh'  in  the  fact  that  while  men  prefer 
science  as  practically  serviceaMe,  womer.  favour  the  courses  in 
languages  and  history,  and  keep  going,  in  the  West,  the  elass(>s 
in  Latin  and  dreek.  As  the  puMic  sciiools  in  the  North  and 
West  are  chiefly  staffed  l)y  female  teachers,  who  in  some  Stat(>s 
are  five-sixths  or  even  more  of  the  total  numher  of  ii\structors, 
this  equal  right  of  access  to  the  Universities  does  nuieh  for  the 
teaching  profession. 

Among  the  minor  changes  of  the  last  twenty  years  it  is  not 
without  interest  to  note  tluit  the  growth  of  an  lesthetic  spirit 
among  the  educated  classes  has  led  some  Universities  to 
erect  handsome  buildings  in  niedia-val  or  i)ost  mediaeval  styles. 
Wa.*hiugton  University  at  St.  Louis  has  followed  tlw  typ(«s  of 
English  college  architecture  with  feli.'ity  ;  the  University  of 
Chicago  has  rennxhiced  the  tiall  of  ('hri>t  Church,  Oxford  and 
the  tower  of  Magdalen  College.  Stanford  University,  near 
San  Francisco,  has  })eautiful  cloisters  ami  lecture  rooms  of  a 
colonial  Spanish  type:  and  the  University  of  California  has 
half  erected,  half  carved  out  of  tlu'  hillside,  a  Creek  the.-dre 
modelled  on  that  at  Epidaurus  which  has  preserv<'d  the  ad- 
mirable acoustic  properties  of  ;iie  original.  So  (oo,  the  faculties 
of  nearly  all  the  great.r  Universities  have  now  blossomed  out 

1  One  of  thi'oc  h.i.s  Iin)vi.l>-<1  a  s<'par;it.'  <(<\lv.i   for  «.>iii-'U. 


"H 


Wm^ 


756 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


Wi 


uM 


into  a  variety  t)f  go^vns  ami  a  still  richer  and  more  brilliiinfc 
variety  of  coloured  hoods  worn  upon  solemn  academic  occa- 
sions. The  effect  when  a  long  procession,  clad  in  all  the  colours 
of  the  rainbow,  winds  across  the  green  spaces  of  the  collegia 
campus  undcT  the  shade  of  spreading  trees  has  been  such  as  to 
silence  the  cavils  of  those  who  condemned  this  departure  from 
democratic  simplicity.  It  is  an  innovation  which  oven  the; 
alumni  do  not  disapprove. 

Three  other  (luestioi's  besides  that  relating  to  curricula  and 
the  range  of  choice  allow(>d  to  students,  hav(-  of  recent  years 
begun  to  claim  the  attention  of  those  who  direct  University 
policy. 

One  of  these  is  the  increa.sed  passion  for  athletic  competitions, 
especially  in  football  and  b.iseball,  and,  to  a  much  smaller 
extent,  in  rowing.  The  ordinary  undergraduate  plays  games  fur 
less  than  does  tlie  ordinary  English  youth  at  Oxford  or  Cam- 
bridge, and  as  littl(>  as  the  ordinary  youth  in  a  Scotch  or  German 
University.  '>-'■. ^  he  is  inconiparal)ly  more  interested  in  tli(! 
performances,  '  is  College  team  when  it  competes  with  that  of 
another  University.  The  members  of  the  team  are  the  heroes 
of  their  time.  The  contests  .som(>times  draw  fifty  or  sixty  thou- 
sand sp(>ctators  and  (>xcite  passionate  curiosity  over  the  coun- 
try, among  women  not  less  than  among  men  ;  and  while  the  long 
li.-it  of  hurts,  not  rar(>ly  fatal,  received  in  thes(>  cont(>sts  leads  to 
protests  against  th(>  roughness  of  the  way  in  which  football  is 
played,  some  college  presidents  declare  that  the  ])reoccuj)a- 
tion  of  the  undergraduate  with  these  games  has  reduced  the 
attention,  not  too  great  before,  which  is  given  to  stud.y.  But 
these  contests  contimic  to  i)e  the  »  .  conspicuous,  and  to  many 
the  most  attractive,  feature  of  ».  rsity  life,  especially  in  the; 
Kastern  States,  where  the  rival  claims  of  learning  might  Ix; 
Ihuught  to  have  a  better  chance  than  in  the  strenuously 
l>ractical  and  fiercely  competitive  West. 

.\!iother  topic  of  discu.-^sion  is  the  possil)ility  of  creatinjr  in 
those  Universiti(>s  which  have  gro^\^T  very  large  something  in 
the  nature  of  the  residential  Colleges  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge. 
It  is  thought  that  these  might  furnish  social  groups  of  a  size 
favourable  to  the  formation  of  friendships  and  the  cn>ation  of 
a  sort  of  quasi-domestic  life.  The  idea  has  not  >('t  had  time 
to  strike  root,  l>ut  if  it  tloes,  benefactors  to  give  effect  to  it  will 
be  found,  for  tlu'  Universities  have  now  among  their  alumni 


(  II. M' 


tix        ORSERVATIOXS   OX    INIVKRSlTIKS 


;i  Kiciit  luixny  rich  iiu  ii  who  arc  on  the  lookout  for  nu-ans  of 
spt'iulinf?  their  fortunes  on  purposes  useful  in  themselves,  and 
caleulated  to  j)orpetuate  their  names. 

The  third  question  touches  a  more  vital  point.  In  the  pro- 
fessional and  scientific  and  post-graduate  departments  of  Uni- 
versities, diligence  and  interest  on  the  i>art  of  the  students  are 
tlie  rule.  They  have  entered  in  onler  to  fit  themselves  for  their 
future  avocations,  and  tiiey  ai)i)ly  themselves  steadily,  throw- 
in}?  their  force  into  work  which  they  feel  to  l)e  for  their  practical 
Ix^iefit.  But  in  the  so-called  "  ( \)llese."  or  academic  part  of  the 
institution,  that  which  gives  a  giMieral  lilxral  edvK-ation,  whether 
in  language's  or  i)hilosophy  or  history  or  natural  science,  things 
are  said  to  l)e  otherwise.  The  average  undergraduate,  esp(>- 
cially  the  son  of  well-to-do  parents,  isnowdescrilx'd  as  being  more 
al)sorhe(l  in  social  life  and  its  amusements  than  in  tht>  sul)jects 
in  which  he  is  lecture<l  and  on  wiiich  lie  is  examined.  He  does  no 
more  than  is  al)solut(>ly  needed  to  get  his  degree.  The  man 
who  enjoys  his  work  and  ftjilows  it  con  nmore  is  the  exception. 
That  intellectual  stimulation  which  a  University  ought  to  give 
is  recenved  hy  comparatively  few  ;  that  atmosphere  of  keen  and 
eager  thoiight  which  ought  to  pervade  all  the  more  vigorous 
minds  is,  if  not  wanting,  yet  comparatively  faint. 

To  these  criticisms,  those  who  know  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
sometimes  add  another,  viz.  that  there  is  not  a  sufficiently  close 
relation  l)etween  teacher  and  student  whereby  the  latter  is  influ- 
enced and  stimulated  privately  as  well  as  in  class  l(>ctui'es. 
Many  of  the  teachers  an'  young  men  —  the  instructors  (as 
distinct  from  the  full  professors)  are  nearly  all  so.  Yet  iL  is 
alleged  that  the  want  of  something  resembling  a  college  and 
something  in  the  nature  of  a  tutorial  system  ()revents  the  teach- 
ers from  getting  into  jjersonal  touch  with  the  students  as  indi- 
viduals as  they  do  in  the  older  English  Universities,  though  to 
be  sure  neither  in  Scotland  nor  in  (iermany.' 

How  far  either  of  these  allegations  is  true,  I  am  not  able 
to  determine.  But  this  at  least  seems  certain,  that  in  most 
Universities,  including  the  oldest  and  greatest  in  the  Eastern 
States,  intellectual  distinction  in  the  work  of  the  college  is 
little  sought  by  ambitious  si)irits,  and  little  valued  by  tlieir 
companitms.  A  prominent  athlete  is  a  far  more  l)ri!'iant  and 
honoured  figure  than  the  man  most  distinguish.'d  in  the  studies 

1  Except  of  cour.so  in  what  is  fiillid  in  (icrniaiiy  the  Seminar. 


758 


80("IAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


of  tlic  pliioo.  IJiHlcrgnuluHti'S  (It'clarc  that  the  assiduous  .stu- 
dent, even  if  there  bv  nothin}i;  oi  the  Itoukworiu  about  him,  is 
apt  to  l»e  looked  down  upon  as  u  dull  and  plodding  fellow. 
Anl  a  furtlu>r  i)oint  of  unlikeness  to  English  antl  Seoteh  con- 
ditions appears  in  tin;  fact  that  nobody  seems  to  think  he 
will  get  any  better  start  in  his  i)rofession  by  having  done  well 
at  coller^e  ;  nor  when  referenees  are  made  to  men  who  have 
won  sueeess  or  fame  in  after  life,  does  one  hear  anything  said 
about  their  University  careers,  though  statistical  emjuiries 
have  shown  that  th(>  pro{X)rtion  of  successes  in  life  is 
much  larger  among  tiiose  who  did  in  fact  apply  themselves 
to  their  studies.'  In  England  ther(>  are  of  course  many 
undergraduates,  j)(>rhaps  a  half,  wh>»  neglect  their  work,  and 
others  who,  though  t'lev  do  study,  are  movi'd  less  by  love  of 
knowledge  than  for  the  sake  of  gettmg  a  degree  sufficiently 
high  t(^,  help  them  forwa'tl  in  their  future  profession.  Still 
there  are  also  many  who  are  really  interested,  and  care  far 
more  for  their  studies  than  they  do  for  the  amusements  of  the 
place.  Among  nearly  all  the  men  of  talent  the  tlesire  to  achieve 
distinction  is  strong,  and  the  men  who  achieve  it  are  marked  out 
among  their  fellows.  Accordingly  those  who  in  the  American 
Universities  regret  what  they  think  the  deficient  interest  taken 
by  undergraduates  in  their  studies  and  the  preponderating 
attraction  of  inter-university  contests  in  such  games  as  football, 
have  begun  to  canva*  the  question  whether  the  introduction 
of  honour  courses  and  of  competitions  for  literary  and  scientific 
distinctions  may  not  be  nee(\'d.  Observers  from  other  coun- 
tries have  long  expected  that  such  a  debate  would  some  day 
arise,  and  await  with  curiosity  its  issue. 

One  who  surveys  the  progress  of  tlie  United  States  during 
the  last  fifteen  or  twenty  years  finds  nothing  more  sig- 
nificant than  the  growth  of  the  Universities  in  number,  in 
wealth,  and  in  the  increased  attendance  of  students  from  all 
ranks  of  lift'.  They  have  become  national  and  popular  in  a 
sense  never  attained  before  in  any  country.  This  growth  is  not 
due  to  any  set  p--  ~3se;   and  in  it  the  National  government 


M     > 


Distiri'' 


ill   U    prt;fi-3«i'jl;:i!    sihuii!    '!;iW    uiid    llii-Ju-iir-)    ill    a    ff-W    of    the 


(jrcatcst  I'liivcrsitics  is.  however,  supposod  to  help  a  man  in  hia  start  in  prt)- 
fessiiinal  life,  ami  in  sonic  few  fnivorsitios  thiTe  are  honours  to  be  won  by  coni- 
ix'tition.  Harvar'l  so  awarJs  sctiolarsliips,  and  the  nunilMT  of  those  who  though 
they  obtain  tlie  Imnnur  do  not  reeeive,  beeail.ie  they  do  not  need,  the  i'niohl- 
meut,  practicallj'  equals  that  of  those  to  whom  tlie  stipend  is  paid. 


1^ 


CHAP,  nx 


OBSKFIVATIONS  ON   INIVKKSITIES 


751 


has  had  no  hiiml.'  For  nearly  :i  coiitury  it  was  a  (luitc  sjponta- 
ncoas  growth,  due  to  private  li  (>rality  ami  denominational  /cal. 
since  it  is  only  witliin  the  last  few  decades  that  the  State 
LeKislatures  have  thrown  tlieniselves  eileetively  into  the  work. 
EtTeetive  us  their  action  has  been,  it  has  heeii  done  without 
ccmcert,  and  seldom  upon  any  fix((l  i)lan,  so  the  State  I'niver- 
sities  have  eiijoved  a  lar.me  freedom  of  natural  development  and 
have,  taking  them  all  in  all,  suffered  litth-  more  from  povern- 
inenlul  control  tiiau  have  those  which  depended  on  private 
liberality  or  on  the  payments  made  by  stuiU'nts. 

In  some  ways  they  would  all,  botli  State  and  private  institu- 
tions, hav«<  profited  i)y  a  little  more,  not  indeed  of  uniformity,  yet 
of  systematic  direction  and  rejjiulation.     Tlu-re  has  been  nnich 
wast(>  of  effort  and  of  money  in  planting  several  weak  colleges 
where   one   strong   oik-   would    have   reiidi  red    Ixtter    service. 
Weakness  has  meant  ac(iuiescence  in  a  low  standard  of  ontranc(> 
r(>quirements  (hard  aiiyhow  to  avoid  in  the  n(>wer  States  where 
secondary  schools  are  still  insufhcient  in  muni)er  and  quality), 
in  imperfect  teaching,  in  degrees  which  witness  lo  no  high  h'vel 
of  attainment.     This  has  beei\  specially  unfortunate  as  respects 
the  profession  of  medicine,  when'  the  maintenanci"  of  a  high 
U'vel  is  essential  for  the  sah-ty  of  the  whole  comnnmity.     Some 
of  the  American  medical  schools  an^  e(iual  to  any  in  Eur»)pe,  Init 
some  are  far  below  the  level  of  any  recognized  in   England, 
France,  or  Cermany."'     The  abundance  of  Colleges  and  I  m- 
versities  whose  performances  arc  obviously  m.-diocrc  has  natu- 
rally  lowered   among   the   p(«>i)le   at    large  ilie    conception    ot 
what  a  University  ought  to  be  niul  achieve,  and  the  eagerness 
of  rival  institutions  to  secure  students  has  led  not  only  to  super- 
ficiality but  to  a  preference  of  the  subjects  most  attractive  to  the 
practical  mind  and  a  corresponding  undervaluing  of  those  whose 
virtue  lies  in  the  general  intellectual  cultivation  they  give. 

Nevertheless,  with  all  these  def.cts  the  Iniversities  and 
Colleges  have,  taken  as  a  whole.  rendcTcd  an  immense  service. 

•  Exropt  of  roms..  in  rrsfct  nf  fl.r  la.ul  i:.;u,ts  n.wl,-  l-y  Cmtr-'ss  to  th- 
States  for  Unlv-r-ity  .,,.1  .^rrin.ltnral  ,  .!„r,,t,nM.  •'^'''''I^'  "^'-'^^''^j!;;  .,^^^^^^^^^ 
cultural  Dcpartnwi.t  at  VVii.sl,i„L't„i,  !,:,s   vru,\r,r,\  xalual.lr  1„1,,  to   ARru  ultur.il 

Statl'  f "ollcKCS.  ..,„,  :..    ,1.;^ 

'Thf  C-arurKi,.   KoUM.IatioM   l{.|.on    for   VMV.i  ,.i,.,rv.-^.       1  i.r.r  :.r.-     -     N. 

,.„u„trv  n.or..  rH...li.al  <rl,ools  ,l,.m  in  all  la.r a.,,!  ,!„■.•  -'"""^ ''^'^■;;,         ', '' 

upon  tho  puhli,.  a  far  lar^rr  nnn>.,<.r  of  .'Ly^i;— "'-;  -^  ll^'lll'l^l-i.d  XoU 


ill  trained  andfduc  atrd,  the  iriiperat 
but  fewer  aud  hitter  ones."  p.  'U. 


I..iii!i  now  not 


7W 


SOCIAL    INSTITl'TIONS 


•AUT    VI 


IJF 


i#  , 


Tli(>y  liavc  lii«)iinlil  instruction  within  the  iciicli  of  t'vcry  l)()y 
and  nirl  of  every  cliiss.  'I'hry  n'c«'ivc  ii  larger  proportion  of  tlio 
voutliful  poj)ulation  than  do  any  similar  institutions  in  any 
other  e»)untry.  'I'hey  are  resorted  to  hardly  less  liy  those  wlio 
mean  to  tread  the  paths  of  eonuneree  or  industry  tlian  hy  thosi* 
who  prepare  themseivis  for  a  learned  profession.  'I'hey  havo 
turuiMl  a  Iniversity  course  from  heiuj;  the  luxury  which  it  has 
been  in  the  (Md  ^^'orld  into  l)einj;  almost  a  necessary  oi'  life. 
And  they  hax'c  so  exi)anded  their  educational  scheme  as  to 
provide  (in  the  larjier  institutions)  instruction  in  almost  every 
subject  in  which  mm  an«l  wtnnen  are  likely  to  ask  for  it. 

So  far  ttien  as  (Quantity  i^n^s,  whether  (luantity  and  variety 
of  att(>ndanee  or  (piantity  and  variety  of  instruction,  nearly 
all  that  tlie  neods  of  the  time  and  the  country  demand  has  been 
attained. 

(Quality  is  of  course  another  matter.  In  education,  improv(>- 
m(>nts  in  (juality  do  not  always  keep  pace  with  increase  in  (pian- 
tity.  and  often  follow  with  sadly  lajJui'iK  steps.  Nevertheless, 
tliey  do  jienerally  tend  to  follow.  No  doubt  the  first  aiul  easier 
thing  for  an  ambitious  institution  is  to  devote  itself  to  material 
imimnements.  to  enlarfje  its  buildings  and  its  library,  its  .scien- 
tific apjiaratus,  evi-n  its  gynuiasium.'  When  mon(>y  is  spent 
on  these  tilings  the  n'sult  can  i)e  se(>ii,  and  oven  the  lea.st  in- 
structed visitors  are  impressed.  To  secure  more  able,  moro 
learn(<il.  more  inspiring  teachers,  and  by  their  help  to  improve 
the  instruction  given  and  tlie  standard  of  attainment  which  a 
degree  represents  is  a  slower  and  more  difficult  task.  Yet 
here.  too.  tlie  natural  tendency  is  upward,  and  the  emulation 
of  thes(>  numerous  and  aspiring  luKlies  lulps  that  t(>ndency. 
Wluii  one  University  lias  made  evident  its  excellence  by  the 
wt»rk  of  its  teachers  and  by  the  kind  of  men  it  turns  out,  others 
feel  they  niu.st  try  to  reach  its  level  by  similar  methods. 

The  things  whicli  tlie  most  judicious  friends  of  the  Universi- 
ties including  many  of  their  Presidents)  hold  to  oe  now  most 
needed,  would  appear  to  be  the  following  :  — 

1)  The  th'velopment  in  each  region  of  the  country  —  by 
which  I  mean  in  each  populous  State  or  in  each  group  of  less 
l»opiiiou>  Slates  —  of  at  least  one  University  which  may  serve  as 


=  On<'  rtiivtr''ity  i-  rcpiirtid  to  Iiav(^  rcrcntly  iiiortmiKcd  its  cMinims  for 
5t(ie.(HM(  to  .rcit  what  is  <-.ill'il  i  Sta^limii.  wliili'  i)a.viiiK  its  full  profi-ssors  an 
:i\<  riiiz--  .\i  uriy  >alary  ui  Sls()<)  oulv. 


ciiAP.  fix        onSKIiVATloNS  OX    rXlVKRSITir.S 


roi 


u  KKxlrl  to  the  utlicis  in  llini  srctioii,  xttiiin  Ixt'ort'  thcin  in 
:i  l!uinil)li'  form  l!if  oijiaiis  ot'  activity  iind  the  rxcclU'nct's  of 
iirraii!;»'iu('iit  and  iikiIkmI  wliicli  a  first -rate  place  ot'  education, 
learning,  and  n-scarcli  ounlit  to  possos.  In  sonic  parts  of  the 
country  there  are  several  rniversiti<'s  so  much  ahead  of  others 
(hat  tliey  are  already  Iteinm  taken  as  jiatterns.  In  other  parts 
none  sucli  yet  exist. 

(2)  As  a  means  to  the  aliove  end,  tiierc  is  reciuired  a  higher 
scale  of  salaries  for  the  teachiuff  staff.  This  is  no  doulit  neede«i 
in  European  countries  also,  hut  in  tliose  countrii  s  the  attractions 
which  (tther  careers  have  for  a  man  of  energy  are  .seldom  so 
great  as  in  the  I'liited  States,  and  the  cost  of  living  is  neither  so 
high  nor  rising  so  rapitlly. 

(.'i)  It  is  felt  that  there  ought  to  l)e  a  stronger  i)ulse  of  intellec- 
tual life  among  the  undergraduates  in  the"  r()ll(g(>  "or Academic 
department.  They  are  not  generally  idle  or  listless,  i)ut  rather, 
like  most  young  .Vmericans,  alert  and  active  in  temperament. 
Their  conduct  is  usually  good  ;  in  no  country  are  vices 
less  conunon  among  students.  Hut  those  wiio  are  keenly 
interested  eitlnr  iii  their  particular  studies  or  in  the  "things  of 
the  mind"  in  general  are  comparatively  few  in  numher.  Ath- 
letic competitions  and  social  pleasures  claim  the  larger  part  of 
their  thoughts,  and  th(^  I'niversity  does  not  seem  to  he  giving 
them  that  taste  for  intellectual  enjoyment  which  ought  to  be 
acquired  early  if  it  is  to  he  acijuired  at  all. 

(4)  The  conception  of  a  gei\eral  lil)eral  education,  the  ideal 
of  such  an  education  as  something  which  it  is  tlie  function  of  a 
University  to  give  in  onb'r  to  prepare  men  for  lif.-  is  a  whole, 
over  and  above  the  [)rei)aration  recpiired  I'or  any  particular  walk 
of  life,  is  descrihed  as  hei!ig  in  some  institutions  insufliciently 
valued  and  imperfectly  realized.  Those  whose  views  I  am  set- 
ting forth  admit  that  professional  and  othi'r  special  schools 
can  give,  and  often  do  give,  an  ciVective  training  of  lh(>  men- 
tal powers  in  the  coiu'se  of  the  special  instruction  they  impart. 
What  they  miss  is  that  largeness  of  view  :ind  philosophic  hahit 
of  thought  which  the  stuily  of  siich  sul).ic;'ts  as  literatiuv,  phi- 
losophy,and  history  is  fitted  to  imi)l;nit  when  these  suhji>ctsaro 
taught  in  a  hroad  and  .stinnilating  \v;iy.  In  slmrt,  tlic  pressuro 
of  the  practical  sulijccts  and  of  the  practical  spirit  in  handling 
tti(>se  subject s,  is  deemed  to  he  unduly  strong. 

How  far  the  criticisms  >ununari/ed  under  tiie  two  last  heails 


A: 


'r  J 


liJ 


762 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


as  made  by  conip.'t.>nt  American  ohsiTvers  are  Kenerally  appli- 
cable,  I  Jn  not  attempt  tc  .let.rmine.  They  are  given  Ix-cause 
they  are  made  by  persons  entitled  to  !,.•  heard.  1  hjs  however 
may  be  said,  that  fore.-s  an<l  t.-ndeneies  ar,>  diseermb  .•  a^l  over 
the  country  which  caimot  but  work  f.)r  ruisinR  the  level  o  in- 
struction and  dilTusinK  nu.n-  wi.l..ly  th.,se  edueat.onal  uleuls 
whieh  th.  best  representatives  of  University  progress  already 

^  Foreim  critics  often  say,  and  w^me  domestic  critics  have 
echoed  the  censure,  that  what  is  chiefly  admired  in  America  is 
Bigness,  things  being  uu-asured  by  th-ir  si/.e  or  by  what  they 
cost      This  quantitativ.'  estimate  Hn.ls  little  place  m  the  Umver- 
.ities.     Witli  very  few  excvpti.ms,  the  teaching  staff  are  not 
thinking  of  size,  nor  of  money,  except  so  far  as  it  h.«lps  to  extend 
the  usefulness  of  th.-ir  institution.     All  the  better  me'i,  and  not 
merely  the  ablest  men,  but  the  good  average  men    feel  that  it  is 
the  mission  of  a  University  to  se,.k  and  hnd  and  set  forth  the 
real  values.     It  has  bcu-n  w.-ll  said  by  one  of  the  nu.s   a™te  and 
large-minded  of  all  recent  visitors  to  the  Umte.l  t.tates»  that 
nowhere  in  the  world  d<.  University  t.ach.-rs  f.rl  more  strongly 
that  the  first  object  of  their  devotion  is  Truth.     Ihey  are  of  all 
classes  in  the .  <vmtry  that  which  is  least  dazzle*  by  w.^alth,  least 
governed  by  material  considerations.     No  wealth-seeker  would, 
indeed,  choose  such  a  profession.     To  ono  who  looks  back  over 
the  last  twenty  years,  the  Universities  seem  to  have  grmvn  not 
only  in  their  resources  and  the  number  of  their  students,  but  also 
in  dignity  and  influence.     They  hold  a  higher  place  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Nation.     They  have  almost  entirely  escaped  any  delete- 
rious contact  either  with  politics  or  with  those  capitalistic  groups 
whose  power  is  felt  in  so  many  other  directions.^    Through  the 
always  widening  circle  of  their  alumni  they  are  more  closely  in 
touch  than  ever  before  wth  all  classes  in  the  commumty.     The 
Euronean  observer  can  express  now  with  even  more  conviction 
than  he  could  twenty  years  ago  the  opinion  that  they  constitute 
one  of  the  most  powerful  and  most  pervasive  forces  working  for 
good  in  the  country. 

'  Professor  Dr.  Lumprccht  of  Loipzig  in  his  Aitankaiia. 
.  Tl.e  exccptio..s  to  this  g.-noral  statement  are  so  rare  as  to  emphasize  the  fact 
th»t  it  is  almost  universally  true. 


CHAPTKK  ("X 


THE   CHURCUKS   AND   THE   CLERCY 

In  examining  tlie  National  gov.'nuncnt  and  tin'  State  govem- 
*  ^  luul  oc.-asion  to  advert  to  any  eccle- 

itli  such  matters  govem- 
ily  nothing  to  do.     Of  all 


ments,  we  have  never  oiu 


aiastieal  IxKly  or  qu< 


tioii,  hccause  w 


tlie  United  States  al)solut( 


ment  has  in 

the  differences  hetween  me  ym  »u.i.i  ii..«.  .-  •■••.;-.  .  •  , 
hap  le  most  salient.  Half  the  wars  of  Kurope,  hal  he  m  ernal 
trouhles  that  have  ve.ved  Kurop<-au  States,  fron.  the  Monophys. 
eontroversies  in  the  llon.an  Kn.pire  of  the  fifth  .entury  down  t. 
the  Kulturkampf  in  th.>  (;erma.i  lunpire  ot  the  nnieteen  h,  have 
ar  sen  from  theological  differe.ices  <.r  from  the  rival  cla.ms  of 
rhuTch  and  State.  This  wlK.le  vast  c-lu^pter  of  d.WancUtne 
has  remaine.1  virtually  unopen.'d  m  the  I  mted  Mate^  Ihere 
rno  Es  al>lishe.l  Church.  AH  religious  hodic-s  are  absolu  ely 
e^liual  b^f^m  the  law.  and  vuvrecogni.ed  hy  the  law.  except  as 
vohmt'irv  as.sociations  of  private  citizens. 

The    Federal   Constitution   contains  the   following  prohibi- 

tions :  — 

Art  VI    Vo  reliRi.ms  tost  shall  ever  be  ro(,uired  as  a  qualification  to 

ment  of  religion  or  prohibiting  the  free  exonns,.  thereof. 

No  attempt  has  ever  been  mad(>  to  alter  or  infringe  upon  these 
orov^^on?  They  affect  the  National  government  only,  placing 
noTnh  b^^on  on  the  States,  and  leaving  the  whole  -bject  to  the.r 
uncontrolled  discretion,  though  subject  to  the  general  guaran- 
tees  against  oppression.  .  ,,      .    . 

Every  State  constitution  contains  provisions  generall>  simi- 
lar to  the  above.  Most  declare  that  every  man  may  worship 
G  d  actdtng  to  his  o..  conscience,  or  that  ^^^  -  ^rhd^ 
of  all  religious  sentiments  an<l  forms  of  worship  shall  be  held 

763 


Rl 


ir: 


:    I 


7M 


S(H  lAI.   INSTrriTlONS 


I'xitr  M 


warrt'd  ;  '  nu>s(  also  provide  that  no  man  shall  l><'  cuiiiiM-lli'd  to 
supiHUt  or  attend  any  church;  some  forhid  tiie  creation  of  an 
estal)lished  church,  and  many  the  showing  (»!'  a  prei'i-rence  to  any 
particular  sect;  while  many  provide  that  no  money  shall  ever 
be  drawn  from  the  State  treasury,  or  from  the  funds  of  any 
municipal  hody.  to  Im*  a|)plied  for  the  Iterielit  (»f  any  church  or 
sectaiian   institution   (»r  denominational   school.     Thirty-three 
constitutions,  includiiiK  those  of  tlu-  .>i.\  most  recently  ailmilted 
States,  forl)id  any  religious  test  to  l.e  re<iuired  as  a  (lualilica- 
tion  for  office;  so:ne  declare  that   this  Driiiciple  extends  to  all 
civil  riKhts;  some  si)ecify  that  religious  belief  is  not  to  alTtri 
a  man's  competence  as  a  witness.     Hut  in  several  States  there 
still  exist  (lualifications  worth  noting.     Vermont  and  Dehware 
(h'clare  that  every  sect  ou^ht  to  maintain  some  form  of  religious 
worsliip,  and  Vermont  adds  that  it  oun'it  to  oliserve  the  Lord's 
Day.     Six  Southern  States  exclude  from  ollice  any  one  who 
denies  the  existence  of  a  Supreme  liein^";.     Besides  these  six, 
Pennsylvania  ami  Tennes.see    pronounce  a  man  inelinible  for 
office  who  cIim's  not  believe  in  (lod  and  in  a  future  state  of  re- 
wards and  punishments.     Maryland  and  .Vrkaiisas  even  make 
such  a  i)ers(Hi  incompetent  as  a  juror  or  witness.-     Keli>i;ious 
freedom  has  been  neutrally  thouniit  of  in  America  in  the  form 
of  freedom  and  «'(iiialily  as  between  different  sorts  of  Christians, 
or  at  any  rate  different   sorts  of  theists;  jiersons  disclaiming 
any  kind  of  nlision  have  till  recently  lieen  extremely  few  every- 
where and  practically  unknown  in  the  South.     Tlie  neutrality  of 
the  State  camiot  tlierefore  be  said  to  l)e  theoretically  complete.'' 
In  earlier  days  tlie  States  were  very  far  from  lu'injj;  neutral. 
Rhode    Island    indeed,    whose    earliest    settlers    wen-    seceders 
from  Mas.sachusetts,  stood    from    the    first    for    the   i)rincii)le 
of  complete  religious  freedom  and  the  (ietachment  of  Christian 
conununities  from  all  secular  power  or  secular  contn.       Roner 
Williams,  the  ill.strious  found(>r  of  tliis  little  State,  was  one  of 
those  few  to  whotn  tliis  i)rinciple  was  revealed  when  the  f^reat 

'  Four  States  providi-  tliit  tliis  <lccl:ir;itii)ii  is  not  to  l)e  takiii  to  cxcusi"  l)r<'iichfs 
of  tlie  pulilii-  pracc,  iimiiy  tliat  it  shall  not  <'X(iisc  acts  of  li(ciitii>iisnt'ss,  or  jiistif> 
p,..^,.^j,.;..^  i,,,.,,„.,;^.,..,.  ....It!,  .1,,.  .,..:.,.,.  ;.!,,!  ^:af.t'.-  of  the  Stat",  an.l  tlin-.'  that  no 
person  .shall  distiirl)  others  in  their  religious  worship. 

'  Full  details  on  these  points  will  Im'  found  in  Mr.  Stiinson';^  vahniMe  rollce- 
tion  entitled  Anitrirnn  Sliiluli-  Ltiir. 

'Idaho  disfranihi.ses  all  ixil.vt'aniists  or  advocates  of  polytraiii.v  :  liut  Mor- 
moni.sni  is  attaeki'd  not  so  much  as  a  reliiiion  as  in  respect  of  its  social  features  an<i 
hierarchical  charai'ter. 


tllAH.    CX 


TIIK  fill  IK  IIKS  AM)  TIIK  CLKIUiV 


7W 


mass  of  Cliristiuiis  were  still  in  IkmuIuk*'  to  thr  idcus  of  tiic 
Mitltllc  Akcs.      Hut   the  other  two  Stiili-s  of   old    New  KiikIuiuI 
hcKiiii  with  11  ort  of  I'liritun  tlM'ocracy,  iiiul  cxclmlt'd  froiri  sonic 
civil  rights  persons  who  stixMl  «»ulsi(lc  the  religious  coniiiinnity. 
('(»iiKrcniiti(»niilisin  was  the  ruliuK  faith,  ami  Kttnian  Catholics, 
liuakcrs,  ami  Baptists  were  treated  with  'jnat   severity.     The 
early  constitutions  of  several  States  reconnized  what  was  vir- 
tually a  State  church,  re(|uirinji  each  locality  to  provide  for  and 
snp|)ort  the  ])ulilic  wt»r>liip  of  <  iod.      It  was  not  till  IHIH  that 
Ctinneclicut   in   adopting   her   new  constitution  placed  all  reli- 
ious  hodies  on  a  level,  .and  left  the  maintenance  of  churches  to 
the  voluntary  action  of  the  f.aithful.      In  Massachusetts  a  tax 
for  the  suf)port  «>f  the  ( 'onurenationalist  churches  was  imposed 
on  all  citizens  not   KelouKinu  t'    some  other  ii.corporated  reli- 
gious hody  until  ISll.and  reliRi.    ■i<-(iuality  was  first  fully  recoR- 
nized  by  ii  constitutional  anw  ..dment   of   \K.V.i.     In   Virginia, 
North  and  South  Carolina,  and  Maryland.  Protestant   Kpisco- 
pacy  was  the  estal)lished  form  of  religion  till  the  Revolution, 
when  under  the  impulse  of  the  democratic  spirit,  and  all  the 
more  heartily  hecatise  the  .\n<ilican  clergy  were  prone  to  Toryism 
(as    attachment    to    the    IJritish    connection    was    calle<l),  and 
liecause,  at  least  in  VirKinia,  there  had  been  some  persecution  of 
Nonconformists,  all  reliKi<»us  distinctions  were  aholished  and 
special    ecclesiastical    ))rivile}2;cs   withdniwn.     In    Pennsylvania 
no  church  was  ever  legally  estalilished.      In  New  York,  however, 
first  the  Dutch  Heformed.  and  :ift<-rwarils  the  .\nnli«'!in  Church 
had  in  <-olonial  days  enjoyed  a  measure  of  State  favour.     NMi.at 
is  remarkai)l(>  is  th;it  in  all  these  ca-^es  the  dise.stahlishment,  if 
on(>  may  call  it  hy  that  name,  of  the  i)rivileKed  church  was  ac- 
coin|)lish(Ml  with  no  arvnt   effort,  and   left    very  littl-'    rancour 
liel'.ind.      In   the  South   it    seemed   a    natural   outcome  of    the 
Hcvolution.      In  New  lOuiilaiid  it  c.ime  more  gradually,  as  the 
necessary  result  of  thi'  political  development  of  each  common- 
wealth   '  Th(>  ecclesiastical  ;irranuements  of  the  .States  were  not 
inwoven  with  the  pe<-u!iiary  interests  of  any  wealthy  or  socially 
dominant  class;  and  it  wiis  felt  that  er|uality  and  democratic 
doctrine  geiKMally  were  too  i)ali)alily  opposed  to  the  maintenance 
()f  auyprivih-Kcsiti  rriij;!..u>!:-.;i1trr-tu  h.-'dcfen-ciblei!)  ;irj?\mient. 
However,  both  in  Comiecticut  and  Massachusetts  there  was  a 

f  (lisestal>lisliment,  and  the 


political  strti<i<!;le  ov(>r  the  proce-^s  o 

Congrej^ationalist  ministers  predicUd  evils  from  a  change 


w 


hicli 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


!»» 


til 


766  

btates.     i^\  «"  ^-' ^      .  ,  f  ,,1  ,,.ith  their  l)retliren  lu  Luglaiul ; 

wavsdisposetl  to  admire  aim  m  i  "i^"     ,  i   ;,,■+;«,.«  tlio 

by  the  State,  ami  it  would  be    ..posed  to  the  env>  and  jealousy 

of  other  sects.  regarding   State 

Tho   nn  V   oontroversies   tnat   iiavt    aunm    "-h         "... 

l-ula    dmo,„ination.    Such  appropriations  »re  «P"-*  1«^^ 
«t  w.>rk  and  successfully  serving  that  purpose.     .\s  this  reaso- 

or  dty  legislatures  have  often  been  charge.l  with  giving  money 

J    i,,,i     I  thirk    1>  '  some 

■:„i,s  f:tt£'r::r....  i;;;;:«',.':i.'  ;i.J  r!'--  ■■•«•»'  — » ■" 

theism  exprt-ased. 


CHAP,  cx        THE  CHURCHES  AND  THE  CLEROY 


767 


to  Roman  Catholic  institutions  for  the  sake  of  securiufr  the 
CathoUc  votc.i  jn  those  cases,  however,  the  money  always 
purports  to  be  voted  not  for  a  religious  but  for  a  pliilauthropic 
or  educational  purpose.  No  ecclesiastical  body  would  be  strong 
enough  to  obtain  any  grant  to  its  general  funds,  or  any  special 
immunity  for  its  ministers.  Tlie  passion  for  ("(luality  in  reli- 
gious as  well  as  secular  matters  is  everywhere  too  strong  to  be 
braved,  and  nothing  excites  more  geuenil  (lis:ipi)roliation  than 
any  attempt  l)y  an  ecclesiastical  organization  to  interfere  in 
politics.  The  susjjicion  that  the  Roman  Catholic  church  uses 
its  power  over  its  meml)ers  to  guide  their  votes  for  its  purposes 
has  Uiore  than  once  given  rise  to  strong  anti-Catholic  or  (as 
they  would  l)e  called  in  Canada)  Orar.ge  movements,  such  as 
that  which  at  the  end  of  the  niiu  teeiith  century  figured  largely 
in  Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan,  and  Illinois  under  the  name  of  the 
.\merican  Protective  Association.  So  th.e  hostility  to  Mormon- 
ism  was  ilue  not  merely  to  the  jjractice  of  polycamy,  but  also 
to  the  notion  that  the  hierarchy  of  the  Latter  Day  Saints  con- 
stitutes a  secret  and  tyrannical  iriipcriaiH  in  iiiipenu  oi)[)osed  to 
the  genius  of  democratic  institutions. 

The  refusal  of  the  civil  power  to  i)rotect  or  endow  any  form 
of  religion  is  commonly  represented  in  Europe  as  equivalent 
to  a  declaration  of  contemptuous  indii'iVrence  on  the  part  of 
the  State  to  the  spiritual  interests  of  its  people.  A  State  recog- 
nizing no  church  is  called  a  godless  State  :  the  disestablishment 
of  a  church  is  descril)ed  as  an  act  of  national  impiet\ .  Nothing 
can  be  farther  from  the  .Vmerican  view,  to  an  explanation  of 
which  it  may  be  well  to  devote  a  few  lines. 

The  abstention  of  the  State  from  interference  in  matters  of 
faith  and  worship  may  bo  advocated  on  two  principles,  which 
may  be  called  the  political  and  th(>  religious.  The  former  sets 
out  from  the  princii)les  of  lil)erty  and  eciuality.  It  holds  any 
attempt  at  compulsion  by  the  civil  power  to  bo  an  infringe- 
ment on  liberty  of  thought,  as  well  as  on  liberty  of  action,  which 
could  be  justified  only  when  a  practice  claiming  to  bo  religious 
is  so  obviously  anti-social  or  innnoral  as  to  threaten  the  well- 
being  of  the  community.     Religious  persecution,  even  in  its 


'In  1910  thp  Hf)man  t'atholic  sihools  ;iiui  .Imiiti.'S  of  Nfw  York  received 
more  than  S1,.^H),(X)0 ;  vitv  few  other  .|ri!oiuiiiatioii:il  institutions  rec-eivod 
nioney,  liut  those  of  soni(>  Hehrew.  Cieriiiaii.  I'riiicli.  mikI  siinihir  societies  re- 
ceived smaller  amounts,  of  whieli  the  larK<st,  SJ:}.J,lM)0,  went  to  Hebrew  charitie*. 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


■  I.  ; 


w 


768 

mildor  forms,  suc-h  as  disqualifying  the  nuMuhcrs  of  a  particular 
soc  for  public  ofticHs  is.  it  conceives,  inconsistent  w.th  tLc  con- 
oeptim  if  imliviciual  freeclonx  and  the  respect  c  ue  to  the  pnmor- 
dial  rights  of  the  citizen  which  nio<lern  tliought  has  embraced. 
Even  if  State  action  stops  short  of  the  imposition  of  disabilities, 
and  confines  itself  to  favouring  a  particular  church,  whether  by 
grants  of  monev  or  by  giving  spei'ial  immunitu>s  to  is  c  erK.V, 
this  is  an  infringement  on  equality,  puttint;  one  man  ^j^^^^ 
vantage  compared  with  others  m  nsinrt  of  mat  .'t>  «1»«  I'  '^  < 
(a^'cording  to  the  view  I  am  stating)  not  fit  subjects  tor  ^tatc' 

"""Thrie^ud  principle,  embodying  the  more  i^urely  religious 
view    of    the    question,    starts    from   the   concei)tion    ot    tlio 
church   as  a    spiritual    bcxly    existing    for    spiritual    purposes 
and  moving    along    spiritual   paths.     It  is    an   assemblaj^  of 
men  who  are  united  by  their  devotion  to  an  unseen   Hemg, 
their  memorv  of  a  past  divine  life,  their  belief  in  tne  possibility 
of  imitating  "that  Ufe,  so  far  as  human  frailty  allows,  their  hoi«>s 
for  an  illimitable  future.     Compulsion  of  any  kind  is  contrarv 
to  the  nature  of  such  a  body,  which  lives  by  love  and  reverence, 
not  by  law.     It  desires  no  State  help,  feeling  ^ hat  its  strength 
comes^rom  above,  and  that  its  king.lom  is  not  of  thus  worUL 
It  does  not  seek  for  exclusive  privileges,  cone,  iving  that  the  se 
would  not  only  create  bitterness  between  itself  and  ^t her  religious 
bodies,  but  might  attract  persons  who  did  not  really  share  it>, 
sentiments,  while  corrupting  th..  simplicity  of  those  who  are 
alreadv  its  members.     L(>ast  of  all  c-an  it  sul,m.t  to  be  controlled 
by  the  State,  for  the  State,  in  such  a  world  as  the  present,  means 
persons  manv  or  most  of  whom  are  alien  to  its  belie  s  and  .old 
to  its  emotions.     The  conclusion  follows  that  the  church  as  a 
spiritual  entity  will  be  happiest  and  i  trong<>st  when  >t  is  let t 
absolutely  to  itself,  not  patronized  by  the  civil  power   not  re- 
strained i)y  law  (>xcept  when  and  in  so  far  as  it  may  attempt  to 
quit  its  proper  sphere  and  intermeddle  in  secular  attains. 

Of  these  two  views  it  is  the  former  much  more  than  the  att(  r 
that  has  moved  the  .\merican  mind.  The  latter  w.nild  doubtless 
be  nov  generally  accept e.l  by  religious  people.  Hu  when  he 
question  arose  in  a  practical  shape  in  t!u>  earlu-r  days  of  the. 
Republic,  arguments  of  the  form<>r  or  political  or.ler  were  fouiul 
amply  sufficient  to  setth'  it.  and  no  practical  purpos.>  has  since 
then  compelled  men  either  to  examine  the  spiritual  ba^is  of  the 


CHAP,  ex 


THE  ClIUR(MiKS  AND  TIIK  (^LKIlflV 


7(V.) 


church,  or  to  inquire  by  tiu>  ii^ht  ol"  history  how  I'ar  State  uction 
has  during  sixteen  centuries  lielpe<l  or  nuirred  lier  usetuhiess. 
There  has,  however,  l)een  t'.notlier  cuusc^  at  work,  I  mean  the 
comparatively  lunited  conception  of  the  State  itself  wliicli 
Americans  have  formed.  Tlie  State  is  not  to  thein.  as  to  ( iei- 
mans  or  Frenchmen,  and  even  to  some  English  thinkers,  an 
ideal  moral  power,  charged  witli  tlie  duty  of  foiiniiiK  tlic  chanic- 
ters  and  guiding  tlie  lives  of  its  subjects.  It  is  more  like  a  cotii- 
mercial  conipany,  or  perhaps  a  huge  nuniicii)ality  created  for  the 
management  cf  certain  business  in  whicli  ail  win)  reside  within 
its  bounds  -re  interested,  levying  contributions  and  exjM'nding 
them  on  tin.^  business  of  common  interest,  l)ut  for  the  most  i)art 
leaving  the  .sharehohlers  or  burgesses  to  themselves.  That  an 
organization  of  this  kind  should  trouble  itself,  otliiTwise  than 
as  matter  of  police,  with  the  opinions  or  couduct  of  its  meinlxTs, 
would  be  as  unnatural  as  for  a  railway  company  to  imiuire  how 
many  of  the  shareholders  were  Wesleyans  or  total  alistain 
Accordingly  it  never  occurs  to  the  averajic  .Vmericaii  that  tlu  i 
is  any  reason  why  State  churches  should  exist,  and  he  stands 
amazed  at  the  warmth  of  European  feeling  ».n  the  matter. 

Just  because  these  questions  have  been  long  since  disjjosed 
of,  and  excite  no  present  passion,  and  i)erha!)s  also  because 
the  Americans  are  more  practically  easy-goinji  than  i)edanti- 
cally  exact,  the  National  government  and  the  State  governments 
do  give  to  Christianity  a  species  of  recognition  inconsistent  with 
the  view  that  civil  government  should  be  al)solutely  neutral 
in  religious  matters.     Each  House  of  Congress  has  a  chaplain, 
and  opens  its  proceedings  each  day  with  jirayers.     The  President 
annually  after  the  end  of  harv(>st  issues  a  ])ro(laination  erdering 
a  general  thanksgiving,  and  occasionally  appoint-^  a  day  <A  tast- 
ing and  humiliation.     So  prayers  are  off.Tcd  in  the  State  legis- 
latures,' and  State  governors  issue  i)roclaiiiation     for  (lays  of 
religious  observance.     Congress  in  the  crisis  of  the  ( 'I'-l  Wur 
(July,  1863)  requested  the  President  to  aiii)oint  a  day  f.^r  humili- 
ation and  prayer.     In  the  army  and  navy  |)rovi>ioii  is  made 
for  religious  services,  conducted  by  chaplains  of  various  denomi- 
nations, and  no  difficulty  seems  to  have  been  found  in  rec(jiiciling 
their  claims.     In  most  States  there  exi^t  laws  puni-hing  blas- 
phemy or  profane  swearing  l»y  the  name  of  Cod  ilaws  winch, 

'ThouRh  Michigan  and  Oregon  forl.i.l  any  ai)|.ro|..iuti..n  .,f  .Stut.'  fund-*  for 
religious  scrvicia. 
3d 


%f 


771) 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PAHT    VI 


howvi-r,  ;ir.'  in  soiik"  i)l:if<'s  oponly  tninsjrrosscd  tiiul  in  f('^v  ot 
none  t-iiforccd),  laws  restricting!;  or  for>)i(l(liii}i;  Inuio  or  labour  on 
tht>  Sahlvitli,  as  well  as  laws  protcctinp;  assi-niMamcs  for  n'liRU»us 
jjurposcs.  sucli  as  canip-infctinfis  or  religious  processions,  from 
i)eimr,listurl)e(l.  Tli(>  IVil.le  is  (in  most  States)  read  in  the  public 
State-sup!)(:rt:Ml  schools,  and  though  controversies  have  arisen 
on  tliis  head,  the  practice  is  evithnitly  in  accord  with  the  gen- 
eral sentiment  «>f  the  peoph'. 

The  matter  may  l>e  sununed  uu  by  sayiuK  that  Christiamty 
is  in  fact  understood  to  be,  thoujili  not  the  legally  established 
relijiion,  vet  the  national  religion.'     So  far  from  thinking  their 
commonwealth  jjodless.  the  AnuTicans   conceive  tliat  the  reh- 
jriuus  character  of  a  government  consists  in  m)tliinn' but  the  re- 
figious  belief  of  the  individual  citizens,  and  the  conformity  of 
their  conduct  to  that  Ixlief.     They  deem  the  general  acceptance 
of  Christianitv  to  !»>  one  of  the  main  sources  of  their  national 
p:osperit  V,  and  their  nation  a  special  object  of  the  Divine  favour. 
The  leiial  position  of  a  Christian  church  is  in  the  United 
States  siini>ly  that  of  a  voluntary  association,  or  gioup  of  asso- 
ciations, conxtratc  or  uniiuoiporate,  under  the  ordinar,    law. 
Th(>re  is  no  such  thing  :'s  a  special  ecclesiastical  law;  all  ques- 
tions, not  onlv  oi  property  l)ut  of  church  discii)line  and  juris- 
dictioi\,  are.  if  brought  before  the  courts  of  the  land,  dealt  with 
as  questions  of  contract  :-'  and  the  court,  where  it  is  ol)liged  to 
.'xaniine  a  (|uestion  of  theology,  as  for  instance  whether  a  clergy- 
man luis  advanced  (.]Mnionsinconsi.stent  with  any  creed  or  formula 

to  which  h<'  has  t)ound  himself  -  for  it  will  pr(>fer.  if  possible,  to 
leave  such  matt<>is  to  the  proper  ecclesiastical  atithority  —  will 
treat  the  point  as  one  of  ]iur(>  legal  int(>rpretation,  neither  assum- 
ing to  itself  theological  knowledge,  nor  .suffering  considerations 
of  policv  to  interv.Mie.''  {Questions  reflating  to  the  union  of  two 
religious  Ixxlies  an>  similarly  dealt  with  on  a  basis  merely  legal. 

1  xt  has  ..ft.'ii  l).<'n  said  that  <  liristiai.ity  is  a  part  of  the  con.nion  law  of  the 

States    us  it  lias  1 ii  >ai.l  I..  1«    of  tli.'  < oimnoii  law  of  Kiichiml  :    •'>'♦  ""   J.'"^ 

point  thciv  hav..  l"<n  ,lis.  n  ptmt  juai.-al  opinions,  ,„,r  .'an  it  l)c  said  to  hud 
any  sp.-afi.'  pra.ti.al  application.  A  .lis.  iissi,.n  of  it  may  !»■  f.mml  m  Justi.'- 
i^t.irv's  o|)ini.in  in  tln'  fanmiis  (iirar.l  will  .'aso. 

;■().  ,,,l„.,-.vi-  •.-  .,.i..-ii..n^  ..f  privat.'  .ivil  law.  .\.ti.)rs  f..r  (laniaK«'.s  an- 
soin.'titn.'s  l.n.uijht  against  ...rl.-.iasti.al  auth.iritirs  by  jm  rs,.ns  .Ic.yn.nt:  tii.an- 
.iclvcs  t.)  hav.'  t n  improperly  a.rnsc.l  or  .lis.iplinod  or  d.-prived  of  the  enjoy- 
ment i.f  property.  ...  .•        .i,   »  1     - 

'  Thi-  i;mp<'r..r  Aur.lian  .l.-.i,i,Ml  in  a  lik.'  mutral  spirit  a  question  that  hu. 
ari.-ieu  lietweeu  two  <  hiislian  ihurclie.s. 


CHAP,  ex         THK  CHrUCHKS   AND  THK  CLKUCV 


I 


As  a  rule,  every  religious  hody  cuii  nfzani/i  it-elf  in  ;tny  w.y 
it  pleases.  The  State  does  not  re(|iiifc  :i-  li;i\i'  to  lie  ;i-kec|, 
but  permits  aiij'  form  of  cliunvi  ii;over!!ii,"i,t  a'ly  icch  sia~ti'-a! 
orch'r,  to  l)e  createcl  and  endov.cd,  any  m,i  ilmd  to  he  adopted 
of  vestiiifi;  church  proi)erty,  either  >iiiiply  in  iiu-tee-  or  in  cor 
porate  bodies  formed  either  tinier  ihe  uini  lal  iaw  of  tlie  Stati 
or  under  some  sju'cial  statute,  .^oiueiinn  -  a  limit  ;.,  iMipo.-ci! 
on  the  amount  of  jiroperty,  or  of  real  e.-i.i!c,  w  iiic'i  .■  ■  :  (  dc  -ia-ii  ■ 
cal  corporation  can  hold;  ixit,  on  tiie  uhoji'.  ii  i;];i\  ;,.■  -aj,!  ihat 
the  civil  power  manifesl.s  no  jealousy  of  tin  -(liiii.ial,  I  iit  a^o^\•- 
the  latter  a  perfectly  free  field  for  expansioi;.  <  >i'  c mr-e  if  anv 
ecclesiastical  authority  were  to  liccoiue  lornndiile  eiti,<r  i.y  i!> 
W(;alth  or  by  its  control  over  the  nieniiier-  oi  it-  t.ojy,  ihi-  ca-y 
tolerance  would  disappear;  all  I  oliser\e  i-  th.^t  il.e  dillii-nliii - 
often  exp<'rience(l,  and  still  more  often  h  an  d,  in  I  Jirojie,  fr-ini  the 
growth  of  organizations  e.\erci>in^  treniendou-  -piri'iial  pie.vi 
have  in  the  United  States  never  |)ro\cd  >eiion>.'  Xo  ehun  fi 
has  anywhere  a  power  approai  liin.ii,  that  of  l!i<  IJonian  <  'athohc 
Church  in  Lower  Caiuula  Heli;;iou.-  lioili(>  an-  in  -o  far  tli'- 
objects  of  special  favotu'  that  th.  ir  i)i(jperi>-  i-  in  n:o-t  Stato 
exempt  from  taxation;  and  tlii<  i>  tecvM':!.  d  to  i!i,,:y  l.y  the 
argum  ntthat  theyareservicealilea-niorala^eicii  -.aiid  <iiniini,-ii 
the  expenses  incurred  in  resjx'ct  of  police  admii'i-ttaiion. '  Two 
or  three  States  impose  restriction-  on  the  en;,tion  of  'eli^loll-  cdv- 
porations,  and  one,  Maryland,  reijuire-  tli<  M-t'on  of  t!  e  h  tr'-la- 
ture  to  dispositions  of  i)roperty  to  reliii,Ioi:s  ii-e<.  r.iM,  -peakiiiy 
generally,  religious  luxlies  are  tlie  oKjeci-  (.f  l.iii-laii\ .  f"a\"our.'' 

I  pass  on  to  say  a  few  woid>  a-  to  the  re!;>^i..ii-  tM,  li,  -  ,,f  il., 
country.' 

'  OroasioiiJiUy  a  <'ariili<latc  liclniiitiiii;  to  ;i  i.;ii  lii  i.l.ii  ■!  !■•  ii;r  t  w  ^i  ji.ii-.-.- 
sonir  s.viii|>;it!i('tic  .-upiKict  I'min  lt>  niiniiii-.  i  Mi'-  in  ■■  ->  .••  ..•!,■  u  i.  \i- 
kansa.«.  a>  one  .".■iMiliilali-  fur  t)i'- '  .i.\  (  I  i,iir-!:ii.  I.,:'l  •  •  ■  i,  I'l;'"  •  i;  '  '  •  ■■■•■I 
the  othor  a  Motlioilist  iJi-.'siilitiL'  I'l.lrr,  ;ii:il  i',uf-iiitti,-  ■  i  >';  \  :■  i-  !.■  I  •!  l-"1  n 
onu  or  othtT  driioniiiiatiiiii.  I'acli  ii'ii'iv'il  il  i;.'.'! 'i' :il  ui  .1.  ji   .  ,ii,  in^  ij.,,  ,ri  .■  ■  !■  :j 

'  In  l)is  iiics-a(rc  uf  Issl  tlir  (;o\ '  muv  ..!  V.  .i-'r,ihL't'  n  'I  '  mi'.  :  •.  i  ■  :i:i'  i,  1  ; 
thr  lofci.«Iatiir<' to  cxc'Tnpt  cluin-ti  |iin|Mrt\   tiiiiii  i:iv,ti,  ,11    I  ■■•    ■'■',■■   i-iith'    fr^ii    ■ 

that  "ol-.urrhi's  and  i^rhoolhou-i-  .in'  ilii-  r^  rnji!' - ':r,i:<w,i,.  ■.'.'..■\  .-.hk'    "  ri- 

(i\,vv  to  the  cultivation  of  pi  air,   h.-ipi  ir.' --.  ;i:i'l   pi'-;    i'",.      I,'.'     ;,-      '■     >:- 
"rhurohrs  rrilianci'  t\v   \alui'  oi   .ontiL'Un'i,  pi.,pirl\.   w'm' h.   U'T'    t>:.y  :!;„,!- 
ishr-(l.  woulii  l>f  of  loss  valil'-  nml  ntiirn  l---  e  ■■  ■  i     '    " 

'  V;-w  Hanipshirr  taxtti  r  }i;ir.-h;  -  '■■::  '.'::■■  :■:■■■:■■  ■■:  '':■■:•'  r-- ■'■  ■ -•  ■■  .v^r.^.tr-rr 
^lO.lK.i). 

'  .\n  intiTcstiriK  and  iniparli:i'  sunitinrv  r  i.  u  "f  tli"  Vii-'  ■'•\-  ''  '}•-  ■}.!'* 
tlpnontinatinn.<  in  the  I'nitcd  St:it.^  nia'.  •'■  fmiiid  in  Dr.  < :  '  r/'  P.  Kishi  rj 
Hititiinj  II/  the  (.'hriistidii  (.'Inirch.  pp.  •">."»'•  •"j'^J. 


^.\ 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT   VI 


% 


-::  1 


In  IIKH)  m  attempt  wms  nmdv  to  ol)tain  from  vavh  of  these 
luMlio-;  full  statistics  reKanliuR  its  munbers  and  the  value  of  its 
property.  The  results,  which  I  take  from  the  bulletins  and  ab- 
stracts of  that  census,  were,  as  respects  the  denominations  whose 
nienihership  exceeds  .J(H),(HK)  persons,  as  follows  :  — 

K...nan  Ca.h..lu.s V^i'S' 

MHluulisis  (17  1).)(li«>s)        ....  ';'•'•'  'C"! 

Haplists  (IC.lHMli.-s) ^r-T^., 

Lulhorans  (JinxMUcs)          ....  I'^ii;-;'" 

|'n'sl>vi<Ti:ins  (fJ  luxlios)    ....  *'    .\'irL 

|>is,i|',l.>.of("l.rist 'Wnrl 

I'l-DlfstaiU  Kpisci.palians     ....  ^^ji  ,/,o  : 

(■im;;icnati<)iiaiisls hM,.r^6 

Htwi.l.s  these  einht  ixxlies  the  Jews  are  returned  as  haviuR 
H:UKM)  nieiiihers  (oidv  heads  of  families,  however,  beinj?  reck- 
um-d).  the  Kriends  nS,7.V2,  the  Spiritualists  295,000,  and  eight 
,-.).ninuMistic  societies  (inchidiuR  the  so-called  Shakers)  only 
;}OSI.  The  total  number  .)f  p«'rsons  r(>turned  as  communioants 
or  members  of  all  the  churches  is  ;V2,!«6,445. 

Of  tlie  al)ove-menti(med  denominations,  or  rather  groups,  for 
in.xt    of   them    incluth'    numerous   minor   denominations,    the 
Methodists  an<l   Baptists  ar(>  numerous  everywhere,  but  the 
Methodists  ..si>e(iidlv  numerous  in  the  South,  where  they  have 
been  the  chief  evangelizers  of  the  negroes,  and  in  the  Middle 
State-^    New  York.  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illmois.     Of 
the  Coii"regatio!ialists  nearlv  one-half  are  to  be  found  in  New 
I'Hulan.r  the  rest  in  sucli  parts  of  the  Middle  and  Western 
^fit.w  a<  have  been  peopled  from  New  England.     The  Preshy- 
tcriiu^  are  strongest  in  Pennsylvania,  New  York,  Ohio,  New 
Jersey,  and  in  the  ohh-r  Southern  States,'  especially  Virginia 
and  North  Carolina.  States  where  many  Scoto-Irish  emigrants 
^Ptth'd.  but   are  well   represented  over  the  West  also.     Of  the 
1  utheran<  nearlv  .)ne-half  are  (lermans  and  one-quarter  Sean- 
dinavia.K.   iu.-lu'dini,'   Ic.>landers    ami    Finns.     The   Protestant 
Episcopalians  are  strongest  in  New  York  (which  supplies  one- 
fourth  of  their  total  number),  Pennsylvania,  New  .  .>rsey,  and 

.  Ml  !,apti7..-.i  I{,„n;u>  C.tl.o'irs  ovrr  ui.u-  yoars  of  aur  aro  ^.-atod  as  mcmlM-rs. 

'.'■yi.,.  ,1.,..!  =.,in,*-r-f  n.-iiiKtirs  of  all  denominations  is  roturnod  at  156,107. 

,1,-  total  v^ilii.' of  .hur-h  sites  an.l  l.uildii.KS  (includir.K  many  Chinese  temples; 

"^  *Thr'Jtr<'iiati.  of  I'reshvt.rianiH.n  in  th.'  .''outh  is  probably  due  in  part  to 
ih.  imn.iKr.tin,.  ...to  thos,'  S.af.  „f  Ulst-rmen  in  the  middle  of  laat  century. 
and  of  *  Ul.  r^,  from  Holland  at  a  .itill  earlier  date. 


rHAP.  rx 


THK  (IHRCHKS  AM)  TIIK  CLVAit.Y 


Masstu'hus<>tts.  There  arc  G")  (liorcsc^  ami  'M  li^liojt-,  iiut  no 
archbishop,  the  supreme  autliority  litiim  vt^ti-d  in  a  cukvciiUoii 
which  meets  trienniully.  The  L'iutariaii>  '  in  ail  70. "(12  witli  .',}] 
ministers)  are  few  outside  New  Knyiatid  aii'i  tin-  njijoii-  -<nli"l 
from  New  England,  Init  have  cxerci-cil  an  infiucnrc  far  l.iyor:<i 
that  of  their  numbers  owing  to  the  i mim H' !■  oi  -mnf  of  tli<ir 
divines,  such  as  Channing.  KintTS(tn.  and  Tin  odon  I*ark' -,  aid 
to  the  fact  that  they  inchide  a  iurgt' nuniiii  r  of  l,ii;lily  niliivaKd 
men.  The  Roman  Catliolics  arc  cxccpi  in  .\Iai\land  ai:d  Lou- 
isiana, nearly  all  either  of  Irish,  (Itrinan.  Itaiian.  Shr.onic.  or 
French-Canadian  extraction.  Tlicy  al.ound  (  \<  r\  nli<  n.  <  xci  pt 
in  the  South  and  some  parts  of  tin ■  N'oriii-Wi-t  aid  a?-  ii'-rt,;.;)- 
owingtotheinHuxof  Irisli  and  Frcnfh-<  anadiai!-.  fmo-i  ri  lativly 
mimerous  in  New  EngUinil.  Tlie  grta'  d''ViI.,>)tn<;ii  of  tf> 
Lutheran  bodies  is  of  course  due  to  (Icrnian  ;;nd  Siai,diiia\  iaii 
immigration.  Of  all  denomination-  ih"  .hw-  hav«'  in< 'la-f-d 
most  rapiilly,  viz.  at  the  rate  of  10(1  p-r  (■»  n*  f.ir  i!.'  I'-n  y.-ar-. 
1880-1890.  The  Jewish  population  of  t1.<  T.  S.  wa-  .  -'iina^'-d 
to  be  in  1880,  230.257;  in  1897.  •»:i7.S0(} :  and  i'  l'.'<i7,  )  777  Iv*. 
Of  the  Orthodox  Jews  (for  there  is  al-o  a  larsi--  '  H<-for!ji( '1 " 
section),  half  are  in  New  York. 

All  these  phenomena  find  an  ea.-y  liist<»rifal  'xplaiia^ii";.  T'u<' 
churches  of  the  United  States  arc  tlic  cliujiljt-  of  iii(-  i'.'i'i-!i 
Isles.  mo<lified  by  recent  Roman  C'atliolic.  Luihfran.  ai.d  .Jcwi-h 
immigration  from  the  Eunjpean  cojiiin*  !.t.  1... 
as  a  rule,  adhered  to  the  form  of  nliirii'n  i'  i.'i 
and  where  denominations  coniijarativ- 1\-  -m  .:1 
have,  Hke  the  Methodists  and  Ba]i'i-T-.  --.v  li.  j 
portions  here,  it  is  because  tin-  -oija!  roiii 
they  throve  in  England  w<'rc  tit-r'-  r.  !irodii'<d  •■ 
scale.  In  other  words,  the  cau-'-  whiilj  L;r. 
relative  importance  and  their  local  di-iri!ii';o;i 
denominations  have  been  racial  and  -o.id  ra^'  '  r 
tical.  No  new  religious  force-  }iav<-  -pru;  ::  un 
soil  to  give  a  new  turn  to  her  rdi^io  ;-  *  i--ory.  ']  :.<•  '.r.'akn:i: 
up  of  large  denominations  into  -mall'  r  n  ' 
be  due,  partly  to  immigration.  \v',:< !  i 
diverse  elements,  partly  to  ttic  -riu.';.  ..cy  •.  ;.  .^^ 
stringency,  a  tendency  which  ha-  \>'-'-]i  foui 
fissile  force. 

It  need  hardlv  Ik-  .said  that  there  exi-t  no  -uc}j  -ofial 


-.V'-    La-. 

JOiJ.ipe  : 
Ij.ulalid 
•.  a-t  pr<- 
i'-r  wj.j.-i; 
'ars'-r 
•j:\v''r.  '].>-]r 
I.  A.'!ier!c;in 
iM  (■(•(■]. --ia-- 
:;   Am*  rican 


.';    a    ;u 


771 


SOCI  \l,   ISSTl'IMTIONS 


I' Mir  VI 


tiii.tn.li>  l.(l\\(M  II  .liricniil  »l<-nomiiiii(ioiiH  :is  llios.-  d'  lliiuliiiul. 
No  .l.iA.Mii;'".  '!'>  lavMiiiii.  tilli.T  looks  ilowii  upon  or  looks  up 
to  Hii.v  othn  tU  rnymaii  or  layman  in  rrs|).Tt  of  his  worsliip- 
pini;  ('.««l  in  .in..iiiir  wav.  TIh'  Woniai\  ralliolic  clnircli  of 
(•ours.  >lan(U  aloof  Ironi  iIk'  I'rotfsliint  ( "lirislians,  wlioin  slic 
roh-i.l.r^  s.liiMiitii.':  and  altlionuili  what  is  popularly  called 
•iu'  do.triu.'  of  an>>^t..|ic  su.'crssion  is  less  p-m-rally  d.-fMicd 
vital  liy  rio!.-.i;'!it  I'pix'opalians  in  Aim-rica  than  il  has  come 
(olv  l>\  them  oi  i;ite  \ears  in  i:ii^;laiHl.  the  clergy  of  that  eliureh 
di.i  not  often  admit  lo  their  own  piili)ils  pastors  of  (ither  bodies 
Olioiiuli  lliey  ttieiUM'lv.s  M.metiiiu  s  appeared  in  llie  pulpits  of 
lliOM'\lunvhe-i  imlil  m  i'.HVS  a  •  anon  was  passed  expressly 
i.-iiali/.in.j;  ihe  adiui--ion  t>f  ministers  of  other  Christian  coin- 
inuiiio:i>.  Such  exchan.tivs  of  piiipil  are  common  amonn  Pres- 
livti'rians,  ('(.niiii'iial  ionali-is,  and  other  ortli<K|ox  Protestant 
IxKlies.  In  inapy  part;,  of  lii.'  North  ami  West  the  l'rv»iestant 
r.l>iscopal  i'iiurcl!  h:;s  Imv:  I'ee.i  slijihtly  more  fashiona!)le  than 
it>  sister  rtiunlii  >  :  and  people  who  ha\e  no  particular  "reli- 
i;ii.u>i>refereiuH-^."  Init  wish  tt)  stand  well  socially,  will  sonietirnes 
add  thcm-clve-  -o  it.'  In  ilu'  Soulli.  however,  IVeshyterianisni 
ai,d  ill  --'111.'  phh  s  Methodi>m)  is  (Hjually  well  refj;ardetl  from 
a  wcridly  i>oint  of  \  lew :  while  everywhere  the  strength  of 
.Met!uvdi>t>  and  r.aji'iists  and  Honian  ("atliolics  resides  in  the 
masses  k>\  llie  ]>eol)le.' 

t>f  laie  years  piopo-als  for  union  l)'>twe(>n  some  of  the  l(>ad- 
iuL.  Prulestant  churciv  s.  a'ld  especially  hetween  the  Preshv- 
tcrians  and  Ton^cri  iiationalists  and  Lutiierans,  have  been  freely 
ianva»ed.  Tli.  >  witne.--  to  ;i  firowin^;  }:oo<l  feeling  among  the 
cleiiiy,  an.<l  ^ri)wir,ii  indil'ference  to  minor  points  of  doctrine  and 
church  govcriuncnt.  The  vested  interests  of  th<'  existing  clergy 
civatr  some  iliihrj.'ii's  -^■rious  in  small  towns  and  country 
d>'ricts:  iiut  it  -ecms  )).p-sil)le  that  iiefore  many  years  more 
than  ont'  -ucii  ui'ion  will  'm-  carried  tlirougii. 

The  M.ciai  -tandiiii:  of  ilie  cl'tgy  of  each  church  corresi)onds 


ail 


ri-,!.  ■-:  ij       !':■  •    -• 

'  ',  .■  ■*.  '  ■  \-;.  •: 

;t\  .    whu    [•   •      r 


,1,   [.,..!■•■  tli:ii i-  Iiiiidi'  ill  the  ariliutll   crphvcil- 

!  .  hir  h.  that  it  ,-li.inM  imII  il^c  I'  '■'I'lii'  N'ati<m;il 

••Iv.  !\  -  l.Ji  't'.l   ti.V  till'  U'liiiii  ^1  ii-  ■  "f  ilif    lliajor- 

!.  :'   ,.!i  ,i--uii!.ti'>ii  I'i  till-  kiiiil   \viml<l    provukc  iiiucl)  <iis- 

.   ..•    '    .'ili-ti:'!!-. 

I,  .,-i-..  ■,,,.  .,i,|  t.,  tnik"  iiinrc  u-.'  of  -ni'ial  moans  in 
•  .,  .,,,„.-.  ■,!'  1  t..  .j.lipt  thi-tn.-si'lvcs  nion;  pcrft'otly 
I'j  til'   ijiiii  r  I'lvt-  -taut  Ijodii'S. 


\  i 


niAH.  .X       'I'llK  ciliKcUKs  ANU   III!:  •  i.i:i; 


pretty  closclv  to  tin-  fluiriK  tt  i  it  'n' 
say,  tlir  l);istors  ol'  the  I'lc^iv'    ii;'ii    '  ' 
piiliiin,  ;iii"l    ruiiariim  Ixiilii  -  i  uu     u. 
NortluTii  States,   froiii  a  *l!'j;iiily   1,:^: 
those  ol' other  iiiurt'  iiuiiu'r"U-  il<ii"i!.,: 
usually  Ki':i<l'i:i'«''^  <*'  •'^"i""'  uiiiM  i-n\-  >: 
Hritaiu,  coiiiparativcly  iVw    an-  'i'    -" 
not  very  many  coini'  tVoni  tlif  '>vii!(,.!.i 
of  a  minister  of  the  (In-p.l  cjitn.      ..■  , 
is  to  say,  it   Ki\'<'-  -"i  '"•'"   ■•  '•  ri:;::     :i 
whatever  it  may  I'e.  to  wliidi  !■••  ii.i;i;.v 
his  family  coniieetioii-,  hi-  ni'm  -. 
great    eities  tiie  Iradivi:  iniiii-'' i  -  '■'    ' 
iiiehidinK  the  Homan  ^  '.r'.^lii-  w-    i  I'l"'' 
whether  they  l»e  enniuMt   ;.-  )>!>  .|.•.•■- 
pists,  or  in  resiM'ct  of  tlieir  i<  ai  i.;.:t;.  ;  •• 
ami  exereise  an  iiitluencc    >f"  n  vv;     : 
tliat  of  any  layman.    I'n--ii.iy  ;.m:i:.i!;  ,: 
President   IJncoln,  li.-t<  Imiii  ~i.  wur:'". 
mourned  as  the  late  Dr.  I'ii'iiiir    )'.;•.• 
Catiiolic    ])relates    are    kiMiwu    u:/i    .-. 
limits   of   tlieir  dioees;'-.      I:     '      •-   •: 
elergymen    of    ther.''    d<i!'»iii:!!;.'':j   - 
usually  the   ease)   to  lie   ii:':!   "i    U  ■• 
aceeptahle,  move  in  the  !"  -'  -•'  :  " '•   '  : 
country  places  the  i)a>1"r  i-  '.«'•:  ■     . 
oned  than  the  uverau-   ii  ■  ui!    :-   '  :   i 
loader  in  work>  of  l>e!iiti''ii''-.      i'  • 
ing  is  ri-^inn  amonu;  tin-  ri.-ruy    '  "    ": 
the  univer>it!e-.     Tlii- aha:,' •     -       ' 
those  denominalion-  whii-ii.  ;:.;•    ":•    . 
have   heretofore   lairired   l»hi!i'i.    '" 
mostly  auKjny;  the  i)oor.     S'l  ::i'     ■  ; 
he  clergy  are  al-o  im-rea-i'it:.  :ii    .-' 
'iving.  which,  e>]ieria!ly  in  '■■'':■  -    '  ■ 
of  a  profe>.-i(jn  from  whicii  \\.'   :...i   •' 

is    expecled.       The    liiL^he-:     -;u;-.:.--      •.• 

Hroshytenan  and  «  ongri-u't' :":■••    ■ 
which' nm  from  Sh(X«)  n).  "■  •■^I' ""      ■ 
cojm!  l.i-ho))-  f.<W(K)  up  ♦  i  <!-' "-'"' 
heing  celibate  :Uld  'iN'ifh  i''J'.'''  ''■  •' 


ll.al    J     I- 


■'    '-; 

.  -  '      ; ! 
■    JU 


T    Ul- 


>u 


V.-r\. 


I    I 


I  I 


rr. 


SOCIAL   INSTITl'TIONS 


I»AMT  VI 


r 


.Mi'llunlist  lti>lio|)s  usu;illv  *.')(MH),  with  tnivHIiiiK  cximmisch. 
Ill  the  wcullhicr  (IfiKiriiiiuitioiis  tlu-rc  arc  iiuiiiy  city  ministers 
wlicsc  iiicKiiics  rxccfil  SitHM),  wiiilc  in  siiuill  towns  and  rural 
(li>tii(ts  lew  lull  ImIuw  s|(HK»;  in  tin-  less  wealthy  $I'»0()  for  a 
city  anil  STtH)  lor  a  nwal  charge  may  !«•  a  fair  avcrane  as  .-rganls 
tlif  Ndrtli  ant!  Uisl.  Tlif  average  inroinc  of  a  H»)man  Catholic 
prit>t  is  jjivcn  at  SSDO.  To  tlic  sums  regularly  paid  nuist  ix' 
iiddi'd  in  many  cases  a  residence,  and  in  nearly  all  various  ^ifts 
and  fees  wlii<'li  the  minister  rec(>ives. 

'riiesr  liiiures.  wliich,  luiwever,  must  he  a  little  reduced  for 
the  Southern  States,  compare  favoural)ly  with  the  averam" 
inioniis  received  by  I  lie  cieryry  of  all  denominations  in  Kn^liind 
or  Scotland,  and  ar(>  al)ove  the  salaries  paid  to))riestsin  Franc(> 
or  to  l'rote>lant  pastors  in  Ciermany.  Heckoninj?  in  tlic  clerRy 
of  all  <lenominations  in  (!reat  Mritainand  in  tho  United  States, 
both  the  lu'cuniary  ami  the  social  position  of  the  American 
clerjiy  may,  so  far  as  it  is  possii)le  to  strike  an  average,  he 
pronoimced  slijjhtly  IukIum-. 

Althoujiii  the  inlhience  of  the  clerjiy  is  still  great  it  has  changed 
its  nat:re.  yielding  t»>  the  universal  current  which  makes  for 
e(iuality.  At  the  heginninu;  of  the  century  the  Now  England 
ministers  enjoyed  a  local  autnority  not  unlike  that  of  the  bishops 
in  Wt'stern  Europe  in  the  sixth  c(>ntury  or  of  the  Presbyterian 
mini^ti  r-ol'  Scotland  in  the  seventeenth.  They  were,  especially 
in  count r.\  placi-s.  the  h'aders  as  well  as  instructors  of  their 
congregations,  and  w<'re  a  power  in  polities  scarcely  less  than  in 
spirilual  affairs.'  That  order  of  things  has  quite  passed  away. 
His  profession  and  his  education  still  secure  respect  for  a  clergy- 
man,- l)ut  he  must  not  now  interfere  in  politics;  he  must  not 


..'  1 


In  a  f<-\\  St.it'-  rhriiMiHii  aic  .--till  (lc-c'l:in'il  iiicliKihlc.  l).v  the  coriMtitution. 

a-  Tirin'iii-  "f  a  Stit.'  I  ■>.'i~latili'r.      Tlii-y  ilii  lint  .si'ciii  to  li.-n'i'  ill  tl arl.v  il;i.\» 

.~at  ill  th'  -  ■  lin«!i(  >  :  ami  thi'.\  \it>-  raiilv  sit  iti  ("oiiKrcs.'i.  hut  one  fiiid.s  them  in 
r..!.\.ntiiiii-.  l>iii'  "f  till'  >itrni'i>  (.f  tlif  I  )<(laratii>ii  of  Iii(lf|M'ii<lcti('o  wji.s  .lohii 
\\  it!,!  r-p'.'i:i.    1   I'll  -'i\  •   riaii  iiiiiii.-ttr  and  pri'.sidciit  of  Princeton  C'oIIckc  who 

I,,,,],  oiiir  n nth  tri>!M  .■^cotlaii'l.    Some  of  tlii'li<':-t  siii'cchcs  in  tno  Miis.suchus('tt.s 

I  .,ii\.  i;ti.';i  'if  IT^s  wliicli  ratiticil  tiii'  I'rili-ral  ("onstitiition  were  made  ti.v  niiiii.-;- 
!•  r-.  Ill  N'  w  i':iL'laiid,  ihi.v  \vcn>  marly  all  a(lvocato.'<  of  the  Constitution,  and 
lii-~i   i  iiit'i  t!,c  r,'l,rali-t  party. 

iii.  .:.  itv  ..i'  I!"  .,':,ji.i.-  1)1  a  L-t»iii  dr.-tl  of  fa-.ti-ir  ili  \arii>lir:  =lii:ill  way:-; 
for  iii-taiici'.  ilii\  u-«'cl  tl)  rii'<i\c'  fiif  pa.'^scs  on  railroads,  and  the  Intor-i^tatc 
(oiiiiM. n-.-   .\it   of   lss7,   whilf   forliiddiiiK   the  .xy.stcni   of  urantiiiK  frci-   pa-iises. 

which  had  liccii  Tiiuch  ah.i.scd.  spc<'ially  exempted  clercy n  from  the  prohil)i- 

tion.  Their  (  hildrcn  arc  iisiiall\  educated  at  lower  fec>,  or  e\cii  urati.-i.  in  col- 
li in-,  atirl  -torckc  I  pt  rs  ofti  ii  allow  them  a  discount. 


niAP.  vx        THK  ("IIIKCIIKS  AND  TIIK  (I.KU'iV 


iImi  111!  1-   i<-(|ij!r' 

."•'li't:    .'ii'ii'tii    a-   , 
■  >i'  V'    l--ia!'li-!;'- 
•iii.i'irini-'  Miiiii-i'  ! 
.•il 


sprakon  any  sccuhir  suhjcct  ex  rtitliclm  :  lii>  iiillii<iM<-,  \vliai<v<  r 
it  limy  he,  is  no  loiij^cr  dUiciuI  Im:  can  only  \»-  tliat  <»f  a  <iiiziti 
tlistiiiKuishod  hy  his  tulciifs  or  charai  itr.  wlm-r  utlji  r  {:;v<  -  him 
no  KPfutor  lulvaiitaKt'  tlian  that  dI'  an  iiiiiti«iii c  uh<M  -hiniiiu 
Kifts  may  !«•  more  wiilciy  visihlc  Ndw  anil  tlicn  thi-  rule  oi 
altstciition  from  politics  is  hrukcn  thniu.rh.  Mr.  Iltury  Wafl 
Hcrchcr  t<K»k  the  field  as  a  Mii^wiiinp  in  the  j)rr-i'l'iiiial  cam- 
paign of  1884,  and  was  dfcnicfl  the  mmc  comaucnu-  in  d'/ui^ 
HO  hccausc  the  coMnrcnatioii  of  I'lynnnii  I;  riiiircti  wire  mo-tly 
"straight  out"  Hc|)ui)licaiis.  'i"hc  |{>iniaii  <  i'IidIjc  hi-liop- 
have  soinetimcs  hcci.  accuse*  1  of  ien.iii  li  -i  <  n  i  ai'l  lo  iln  [Militii  al 
party  which  will  i)roiMir('  snliveiiijoir,  ).,r  i!,iir  -<  liool-  ai -! 
charities,  and  (h>  no  doiiht,  a-  indnil  ih 
press  warmly  the  claims  of  deiiiiiniiiai' :. 
otherwise  they  also  al)stain  from  jxi!'!  ■ 
constantly  taken  in  Knuland  liv  inini-ii  i- 
Church  on  the  one  side  of  politico,  liy  Snuc 
on  the  other,  woul<l  in  Ainerii'a  exciti  (ii-,iMr,rir,,il.  I'  i-  oiAy 
on  platforms  or  in  convention^  wlicp   -iiin.-  luM-ai  <  a  >'  i-  to  (•• 

advocated,  such  as  AI)olilioni»iii  wa-  l'fiir>-  'ii*    war  ><ar-  av- 

or  temperance  is  now,  that  clci;ryni(  n  c.ii  w-'i  imit.M'y  a;if;<  ar 
("onsiderinR  that  the  absence  <if  Sta'<-  iii'i-M'  ri-i  '■'   I'l  rnafJ<  -- 

of  religion  is  one  of  the  luo^t   -trikiii::  il:'!' r' n'l - 

the  European  countries  on  the  oii<-  iiaiid  anl  ^'.'   ' 

on  tlie  other,  the  Kuropeun  rea'l'r  may  n a'  ;'a.^ 

further    remarks  on   tiic  j)racti(al   r.-  ;!'-   "I    t   - 

"There  are."  he  will  say.  "tw')  'vi 

the  European  def<'n<lers  of  c-iuMi-!:'  1  '  *■■'■''■ 

us  when  disestablishment    asid    d]-''i'i'>-,vi  ,i 

one  that  the  authority  and    itifiu'ii'<    n:    •• 

State  recojinition  is  withdrawn.  '!'■  nr'..  -   ' 

tlie  clergy  and  their  sncial  -tatu-  '.\    i   -j:.' 

fact  become  pleheians,  and  tliai  tn.-  ■  .  >,';i  - 

exist  in  every  country  pari>h  -.viil  '■'    •  ■■.'.•  : 

also  two  henetits  which  the  a'i\'i(;r'  -     '  "• 

Free  State'  promi-e  u-,  nif  ^ '<■■•■'   -'■<■:;■,   i* 

nesses  Ix'tween  dilTerent    xi-i-  \::]]   n.' ,*    a' 

thai  the  churiii  will  ;;(  r-;  if  ;-'  r:,;;;i    ;:;•;: 

and  id<'as.  moie  earne-t  in  In  r  pn.p'  r  v 

the  nurtUH'    5  tfie -(luj.     W  hai  iia- Am 

iin  tliesc  four  j)oint-  '!" 


fi,:i--'li>i>': 


,( ' 

vecii    n: 

]■'■ 

1  .*1at'-- 

\]" 

ft   -'.;:.• 

'  ']'• 

,.r^r(.;,i-.' 

^^'j■! 

h  w'.i.  ■. 

:  1' 

J  urr.'y 

!M' 

•iT  j"r:<"i. 

l'   ii 

war,'-  ;; 

i !  ■ ' 

nr,r  -    '.f 

/:•■:.  T.OW 

'I" 

':.'  n-  a"' 

k  of 


778 


S(MM,\L    IXS'l'ITr'noNS 


I'AKT   VI 


I'  ''■' 


ii 


,-  i 


Thi'.H*'  art'  (|U«'wtioii.s  so  prrtim'iil  to  n  nnhi  ctMicfptiMii  of  tl»i> 
eci-h-!siii.-ttifiil  sid."  of  Anit  ruuii  lilr  lliiil  I  niimol  (U-fliiic  ttic  duty 
of  tryiiiK  to  huswit  tlnin,  tlioii«li  rclurtiiiil  to  tnuti  on  Krotind 
to  wiiirh  Kiiropraii  ttrntlicts  nivt-  ii  toiitrovi-rsiiil  rliumttcr. 

I.  To  ("stiiimtc  the  iiitliifiicc  ami  autliorilv  of  n-liuiou  is  not 
oiisy.  Suppose,  liow.'vcr,  tlial  we  lake  lilli.-r  tlif  lial)i;  of 
iittondiiiK  cluircli  or  tlif  sale  of  rclinious  ImmiKs  as  t-vidcu  of 
its  influfun*  ainonntlu-  iiiultitudf :  Mtppose  tliat  as  rcuards  the 
more  cultivated  elas>es  we  look  at  the  amount  of  respeet  paid 
to  ('hri>tian  pn'cepts  and  ministers,  the  interest  taki-n  in  tlieo- 
lopicul  questions,  the  eomiection  o(  i)hilantliiopie  reforms  with 
religion.  Adding  these  varituis  .lata  toj^.-ther,  we  may  ^et  some 
sort  of  notitMi  of  tlie  inlluenee  of  religion  on  the  Am«'riean  peopio 
as  a  whole. 

Purposing  to  toueh  on  these  points  in  the  chapter  next  fol- 
lowing. I  will  liere  only  say  l>y  way  of  anticipation  that  in  all 
these  respects  the  intluence  of  ('hris>'  nity  seems  to  h«',  if  we 
h)ok  not  merely  to  tiie  numi)ers  l»ut  a.s(t  the  intelligence  of  the 
persons  influenced,  greater  and  more  widespread  in  the  United 
States  than  in  any  part  of  western  Continental   KurojM'.  and 
probably  as  p-eat  as  in  KuKland.     In  parts  of   France,  .  •  •!  in 
Italy.  Spain,  and  the  Catholic  parts  of  Cicrmany,  as  well  as  in 
German  Austria,  the  authority  of  religion  over  the  ma.sses  is 
of  course  great.      Its  inHuence  on  the' i test  educated  classes -- 
one  must  include  all  i)arts  of  society  in  order  to  form  a  fair 
judgment  —  is  apparently  smaller  in  France  and  Italy  than  in 
Great  Britain,  and  apparently  smaller  than  in  tlu-  I'nited  States. 
The  country  which  mosi  resembles  .Vm<'rica  in  this  resptrt  is 
Scotland,  where  the  mass  of  tlie  pe(,pl(>  enjoy  large  rights  in 
the  management  of  their  church  affairs,  and  where  tlie  interest 
of  all   classes  has,  ever  since  the  Keformtition,  tended   to  run 
in  ecclesiastical  channels.     So  far  from  suffering  from  the  want 
of  State  support,  religion  scents  in  the  United  States  to  stand 
all  the  firmer  because,  standing  alone,  she  is  seen  t«)  stand  by 
her  own  strength.     No  political  party,  no  class  in  the  com- 
munity, has   any   hostility   either  to  Christianity  or  to  any 
particular  Christian  body.     The  churches  are  as  thoroughly 
popular,  in  the  best  sense  of  the  word,  as  any  of  the  other 
institutions  of  the  country. 

II.  The  .social  and  economic  position  of  the  clergy  in  the  United 
States  is  perhaps  slightly  alxjve  that  of  the  priesthood,  taken  aa 


iiiM'.  (S        TIIK  ("III  U<'nK.S   AM)  TIIK  r|,i;i(»;^ 


77'» 


H  wlinir,  in  i^MniHli  ( 'utlinlic  coiiiittM-.  ;iii<l  )i|iiil  lu  tli.it  iii  all 
(l«'in)iriiiiiiti()ii-  taktii  tu^jdlni  :  .vn.;!!!  .in  ami  \<»iiri,Ml<>rtfii-t 
ill  Knuluml.  No  Aiiu'ricaii  pa-tor- ••ii|o\  -mii  rt\rni|i-  u-  tl.i' 
prrlatrs  t»t'  KiihIjiikI  ai.ii  Muiijiarv  ;  Imt  tin  a',<taut  itirotii'  at- 
tui'lifd  to  tlu-  |)M>toi'al  (illicc  i~  in  Ainiriia  r:iili<r  l,ri;ir  'IIk- 
jM'culiiir  coiHlitioiis  ut'  I  jiulaii'l,  win  !•■  m:--  i-tiiircli  hxik-  dww'i 
sociiilly  on  tlic  oilier-,  Makr  a  i  wrii|),iri-i.;i  in  i.tl,ir  ii-|nct- 
(lilfii'lllt.  'I'lii'  rijiication  o!  ill"  Am  m;  u,  inini-ti  •-  »ti.  II  r'lan- 
nrrs,  tlu'ir  ciiijacity  lor  ■•jinauin<:  Imlii  ain'm!.'  tin  ^numi  -•  i m 
sijjM'riiJr  to  tliosr  of  til'-  si'iuinaii-t  pti' -'li<',,.l  ..i  I  ian'«  ari'l 
Italy  (who  iin-  of  rourM'  far  inorc  of  :t  .i'-in  (  •  ■■  ,-it  i  an'l  -iitiai 
to  those  of  thi'  I'rotf-taiit  pa-iur-  ni  ' ..  i  m  in\    unl  ">■  '.ti  ir,i'. 

III.  Social  jcaiousic-  coniiictcd  \\j!(i  ri^^^ic^  -i-i.tc  ]■,  .  \]-i 
ill  Aincrica.  and  one  iioto  a  kindlier  l- 1  liii'i  L<  t-.M  it.  •  !  di  i.onu- 
iiatious,  Hoinaii  ( 'attiolic-.  inclndtil.  a  i.n  it.  r  ;,  i,|;;,,  ,.  ),,  .vi.rk 
together  for  coiiinicH  charitaliji'  aim-',  di.tii  ti<M\i-i',  (  aM'iiM- 
Hiid  Protestants  in  i'rati(<'  or  (Mrni.in\,  or  ii-iuon  \:iy:ii.an- 
aiul  N'onconforini^ts  in  IliiLdnid.  'I'i  <  n^  i-  a  ri.  a!r\  iitwccn 
the  leadiim  dciioiniiiation-  to  cNti  nd  i'.<  ;r  t,(,iu 'i-  "•  i  r'-'t  -^u'l 
fill  new  chiirche-..  to  rai-e  iin-.ii  -'im-  nj  rj,iir' >i  pwrpo-e-. 
Viewed  from  the  -ide  of  ihe  .\'  ^^  i  •  i  aniUii  it  iia.  apl/iar  a 
foolish  rivali  .■ ;  liiit  it  i-  m.i  ui,;':  Hx.  a,.  .  •;"■-  !i"i  firo."ke 
had  hlood,  l)ecause  the  State  -t  iiiii-  n.  |1r,.i,  a!  *  Mi  '!,i"!'- 
have  a  free  field.  'J'liere  i-  le--  imiMil  •  \'i  i".ei,.---  ^'tnu 
in  any  otlier  e()initr>,  e\eepi  pt  ri, ap-  Se,,Ti  c  d  An  ;n-iai-'e 
may  l-e  found  in  the  hahii  of  exci,  ii;Lri;.'j  t>  ;  •  i'-  ainMier 
in  the  eoini)arative  fre(|ti(riev  with  v.i.ir'  pi--  i-  f  i—  fr';,-!; 
one  denomination  '<>  ifio'liir,  if  a  parH'^ila"  'j. '-■, -ijan  at- 
tracts tlieni.  or  if  they  -eitjc.  in  .a  pia'  '•  di-'a:  •  i".!r,  •.  ■  •  Mr'-n 
of  their  own  liody.  '  >nf  often  iind-  nii-n-i'-r-  "i  Ti'  -arne 
family  Ix-lontrinir  to  ditT-Tent  den.^n'-i..^' :,-  -^or.  ■  '■*■  ^''»- 
leading  l).xlies.  and  e-perialiv  'iie  I'r.  '.■,'.  r,n-  V:  ;  f  ..•rre- 
trationidi-is,  hetween  who-e  d<.<'triiie-  i  •.(-.■  ix;-'.  p-'u  t:eally 
no  difference,  linve  heeii  wont  e-i.x  i!,i^!v  m  V'  W  >-•  i  ,  '-'^ 
op«-rat(  for  i'ie  -ake  of  efii.  M.fi.-N  anM  ■■"■!<, n;.-  lu  \in.'  .-.i:  r'A 
to  plant  two  rival  chun-l  >•-  in  a  ir-x"  ^.L'-n  '.■.'  ■■•■■.,  -  .ffice. 
liut  to  arranire  ihat  oii'  di  ii'iiii;n;."'.ti  -;.:i.i  -e'  :;p  '-'';!;•'••!, 
and  the  otfn-r  advM-    it-  a'it,ereiit-   u,   y,:u    and    -■.;':>''n    ihiit 

cfiurcfi. 

IV.  To  irive  an  'ipinlm.  '.-,  i'e  ■'■:■':-  f..-.  t:    •-  ,..,.-•:.,.-  i. 

iiicijin])ara!)ly  ea-ier  tliaii  to  -a\   ■Aii'V'.'r 


'1  :.  Av  'I,  1 


•  •    ( 


.n»- 


7S0 


SOCIAL  IXSTITITTIONS 


PAUT   VI 


M-: 


tiuiiity  luis  giiiiu'd  ui  spiritual  purity  uiul  dignity  by  her  sovoraiur 
from  till'  secular  power. 

There  is  a  spiritual  gain  in  that  diniinution  of  envy,  malice, 
and  uncharitableness  l)etween  the  clergy  of  various  sects  whicli 
has    r— 'ted  from  their  beinu  ail  on  the  same  legal  level;  and 
the  absence  both  of  th(>s(>  fuult^  and  of  the  habit  of  bringing 
(.cdesiastical  (luestions   into  secular  politics,  gives  the  enemy 
less  occasion  to  l)laspheme  than  he  is  apt  to  have  m  Europe. 
Churcii  assemblies -synods,  conferences,  and  conventions  — 
seem  on  the  whole  to  be  conducted  with  better  temper  and  more 
g(»(Kl  sense  than  these  bo-lies  have  sometimes  showi  in  the 
Old  World,  from  the  Council  of  Ephesus  down  to  our  own  ilay. 
But  in  America  as  elsewhere  some  young  men  enter  the  clerical 
l)rofession  from  tein])oral  motives;  some  laymen  join  a  church 
to  improve  their  social  or  even  their  business  position ;  some 
country  pastors  look  out  for  city  cures,  and  justify  their  leaving 
a  iKJorer  Hock  for  a  richer  ))y  talking  of  a  wider  sphere  ot  use- 
fulness.    One  hears  that  in  some  Ixx lies  there  is  much  intrigu- 
ing to  secure  a  jwst  of  eminence,  and  that  men  of  great  wealth 
exert  undue  inHueace,  as  they  did  in  the  days  when  the  Epistle 
of  St.  James  was  written.     The  desire  to  push  the  progress  of 
the  particular  chur  h  or   of   the   ilenomination  often  mingles 
with  the  desire  to  preach  the  gosp<'l  more  wdely  ;  and  the  gos])el 
is  sometimes  preached,  if  not  with  "respect  of  persons"  yet 
with  less  faithful  insistence  on  unpalatable  truths  than  the  morul 
healt'i  of  the  community  requires. 

So  far  as  I  could  ascertain,  the  dependence  of  the  minister 
for  support  on  his  <-ongregation  does  not  lower  him  in  their 
,>ves,  nor  make  him  more  ai)t  to  flatter  the  leading  members 
tiiun  he  is  in  estublished  churches.  If  he  is  i)ersonally  digni- 
fieci  .1(1  unselfisli.  his  indepeiuhmce  will  be  in  no  danger.  h\u 
whether  the  voluntarv  sy^iein,  which  no  doubt  makes  men  more 
liberal  in  giving  for  the  support  of  religious  ordinances  among 
themselves  and  of  missions  elsewhens  tends  to  quicken  spiritual 
life,  and  to  keei.  the  church  i)ure  and  undefiled,  free  fn  -^i  the 
corrupting  inHueiices  of  the  world,  is  another  matter,  oi  hich 
a  straniKT  may  well  hesitate  to  speak.  Those  American  vhose 
opinion  I  have  enquired  generally  hold  that  in  this  resp.  t  i- 
the  fruits  of  freedom  have  been  good. 


V.  HAPT!;U   CXI 


THK    INFI.UENCK    OK    KKLKilON 


To  convoy  some  iiiij)rcssi()ii  of  the  cliaractcr  and  type  which 
religion  has  taken  in  Anierii-a,  and  to  cstiiuate  its  influence  as 
a  moral  and  spiritual  force,  is  nn  infinitely  harder  task  than 
to  sketch  th(>  salient  ecclesiastical  phenomena  of  the  country. 
I  approach  it  with  the  }!;n'at(>st  diffidence,  and  do  not  jjiofcss 
to  give  anything  more  than  the  sifted  res\dt  of  answers  to 
(luestions  addressed  to  iiiany  competent  observers  belonging 
to  various  churches  or  to  none, 

An  obviously  important  point  to  det<'rmine  is  the  extent 
to  which  the  external  mini.xt  rat  ions  of  religion  are  supplied  to 
the  people  and  used  by  them.  This  is  a  matter  on  which  no 
trustworthy  .statistics  seem  attainal>le,  l)ut  on  which  the 
visitor's  own  eyes  leave  him  in  little  doubt.  There  are  churches 
everj'whcre,  and  everywluTe  efpially  :  in  the  cities  and  in  the 
com  <rv,  in  the  North  and  in  the  South,  in  the  (luiet  nooks  of 
•  Now  C-i^gland,  in  the  .■settlements  which  have  sprung  uj)  along 
railroads  in  the  West.  It  is  only  in  the  very  roughest  parts  of 
the  West,  and  especially  in  the  region  of  mining  cam[)s,  that  they 
are  wanting,  and  the  want  is  l)ut  temporary,  for  "home  mission- 
ary" societies  are  quickly  in  the  field,  ;uid  i)rovide  the  ministra- 
tions of  religion  even  to  this  migratory  population.  In  many  a 
town  of  moderate  .size  one  fin(U  ;i  ctuirch  for  cvcmv  thousand 
inhabitants,  as  was  the  case  with  Dayton,  in  <  >hio.  which,  when 
it  had  40,()00  people,  had  just  forty  ciiurclies.  The  growth  of 
churches  is  deemed  an  indication  of  i)rosperity,  ;is  I  remember 
that  the  dweller  in  a  new  Oklahoma  city,  an.xious  to  prove  its 
swift  progress,  pointed  to  a  corner  lot  and  said,  "A  Fifteen  Thou- 
sand Dollar  church  is  going  u])  there." 

Denominational  rivalry  has  coun.te.j  for  much  in  the  rapid 
creation  of  churches  in  the  ne\\i.\  settled  West  and  their  mul- 
tiplication ovorywhore  else.  So.  too,  we;ik  chtirches  are  some- 
times maintained  out  of  pride  v  hen  it  W(;uld  bo  better  to  let 

7«1 


4 


111 

i 

si 


78'J 


SO(MAI>  INSTITUTIONS 


I'AllT    VI 


tlu'in  ho  wnitotl  with  ntluM-  coiiiirfKalions  of  tlic  s;iiu('  luxly. 
Attoiulaiu'c  is  prflt\  f^otid,  tliDiijili  in  simic  (Iciittmiiialioiis 
the  wonu'ii  j^n'atiy  outiuuiilu'r  itu-  iiicn.  In  cities  of  iiUKlcratc 
.sizt>,  :vs  well  as  in  small  towns  and  coiniti-y  jylacfs,  a  si  ranker 
is  told  tliat  jxissilily  a  lialf  of  the  native  Ainciican  population 
<lo  to  church  at  least  on('(>  »>very  S\niday.  In  the  .lireat  cities  the 
l)roporti»)n  of  those  who  attend  is  very  much  less,  hut  whether 
or  no  as  small  as  in  Knftlish  cities  no  one  could  tell  me.  One 
sometimes  finds  the  haliit  of  chureli-^oinv;  well  formed  in  the 
more  sotth'd  parts  of  the  Far  West  wh«-re  tlu-  perplc,  l>einK 
newcomers,  mi.mht  i>e  supposed  to  lit>  less  mider  the  sway 
of  habit  and  convention.  California  is  an  exception,  and  is 
the  State  supposetl  to  he  least  att'ected  l«y  n>lif!;ious  influences. 
In  the  chief  city  »)f  ()reii;oi\  I  found  in  ISSl  that  a  person, 
and  especialh  a  woman  of  tlie  upper  class,  who  did  not 
belonR  to  some  church  and  attend  it  pretty  re<iularly,  would  he 
looked  askance  on.  She  neeil  not  actually  lose  caste,  hut  the 
fact  would  excite  suiprise  and  rejiret  :  and  her  dis(|uieted  friends 
would  put  some  pressun*  upon  her  I  enroll  hers<>lf  as  a  church 
member.  That  would  hardly  happer.  in  such  a  city  to-day,  and 
there  are  grounds  for  thinking  that,  takint;;  the  country  as  a 
whole,  church  attendance  .loes  not  keep  pace  with  the  growth  of 
population. 

The  observance  of  the  Sabbath  as  it  was.  or  the  Simday  as  it 
is  now  usually,  called,  furnishes  another  test.  Tlie  strictiioss 
of  Puritan  practice  has  quite  (lisapi);'ared.  even  in  New  Eng- 
land, but  there  are  still  a  few  out  of  the  way  places,  especially 
in  the  South,  where  the  American  part  of  the  rural  population 
refrains  from  amusement  as  W(<11  as  from  work.'     It  is  otherwise 


'■I:.. 


'  An  intrri-stinc  suniriiarv  i>f  tlic  l.r.vs  for  the  ohsorvanco  of  .•^uiulay  may 
1)0  found  in  a  paper  r.',,!  I.y  Mr.  Henry  i;.  Vmiiii:  at  tli--  Thinl  Annual  Mcot- 
inu  of  thi'  Aimrian  Bar  .\ss<m  iaf  ion  IssO).  'I'licsc  la«s.  ulii.-li  s.  rni  to  exist 
in  cvcrv  State,  were  stated  to  l-e  in  many  eases  very  striet.  forliiddini:  all  laliour, 
PXi-ppt  works  .if  neee.,sity  and  nic  rey,  and  -nmetinies  fnrhiddins  al.so  travellinu 
and  nearly  •very  ki-id  of  amusement.  V.-rii,ont  and  South  Carolina  went 
farthest  in  tin-  dio.tion.  The  former  iireserihed.  under  a  line  of  .*:',  that  no 
one  shall  "  vi>it  from  hou.se  to  hous  ■.  ex^'ept  from  motives  of  humanity  or  charity, 
or  travel  fn.iN  inidnit'lit  of  Saturda.e  to  loidniaht  of  Sunday,  or  hold  or  attend 
^f,._.  !,..)i  ,,r  ;i:;.--,  .;r  u-e  ;!!!>.  £r:!!!!e.  -!">r>.  or  pliiv  ,  or  r(  .sort  to  any  house  of  enter 
tainnient  for  anni>eiiient  or  reeriation." 

In  Indiana,  where  all  latK)ur  and  "enfa^ii;::  in  om 's  usujil  avoeation'  nre 
prohilnted.  it  has  1  e-n  \:  Id  I.y  th-  Courts  that  'sellinK  a  linar  to  one  who  has 
rontraeted  th''  hai.i;  oi  ■■.•.:t  l.ii.;:  is  a  w<.rU  of  neee..,~it  v." 

South  Carolina  wind.s  up  a  minute    ,  ries  of  iirohibitions  \>y  ordering  all  per- 


CHAP,   rxi 


Ti   F.   IXFU'KNCK  CF    HFLKilON 


7h:; 


with  tlu'  (ioniKins  ;  und  in  some  part-  (,i  tin-  cjutM'-y  ilnir  <xaiu 
ph»  litis  hrouglit  ill  laxity  as  rcfiunl-  ainii-ciiiint.  Sudi  ('itn'?^  as 
riiicano,  Ciuciiinati,  New  Orlca;-.  aii'l  San  l-rarifj-^co  havir  a 
Suiidny  (luitc  unlike  that  of  New  l-jitkunl,  an'l  luojf  rcM-Uif^iin}^ 
what  one  liiids  in  (Icrniany  or  l-'ranc".  Nnwin  ri  .  t;'.v\(\  i-r, 'i<j«r.» 
one  sec  the  shops  open  or  ordinary  work  doiie.  On  many  rail- 
roads there  are  few,  on  some  l»rancli  Ime-  nu.  Siii.'iay  uuin^  and 
museums  are  in  some  cities  closcil.  iiut  in  i  wo  i  i-;i< '  i  -  i  n<-  pra'- 
tice  is  more  1  ix  than  in  (Jreai  I5i!t;'in.  .\Io-i  -<[  "lie  j.a''m;; 
newspapers  ]in.lili-li  SmMlay  cdiiion-.  v,ii;i|i  f^ii'ain  a  ^jreat 
deal  of  p;c!i(M;d  reai'inti  matter,  ^t(/n(■.-  coiiii'-  pK  '-r*  -.  jio-sip. 
and  so  forth,  over  ;i!id  al'ove  tl,i'  H'  w-  >>\  \i,i-  d  iv  :  ■i;;'i  i;,  Mn- 
great  eities  t!ie;.*r''-'  :'.re  n^w  open  on  Sunday  <'.<•';;■  ^-  ■ 

The  interest  in  theulojrie  d  (jin-tinn-  j-  !• --  kt-iii  ii.ufi  :\  wa,^ 
in  New  England  a  eei;lur\'  aiio,  i/nt  pi'-l-ak-iv  ;■-  kei-i  a-  j'  lia* 
generally  heeii  in  Kntilan<l  -in<'  •!ieda\--o}  ')!<■  <  (.n,;.'iO!iv."-uith. 
Miieh  of  the  onlinary  reading  ot  tt:'-  a-.<;  i'.''  jm:,:;;.  na-  ;i  ."ij- 
gituis  tinge,  heiny:  Mi])iilied  iii  riii'zio;!-  or-' iiii-''  ..iii'i^i-  v.  i-«  k:>  an'-i 
monthly  maga/ine-.  Till  r.  cniis-  in  !);;!-<■!  i?,'  \\'-'  ",.'.;' 
problems  of  jireilf-t  mat  ion.  rep;,  li.ir  jiri.  and  <  j-  '•';".'i  '  ■>;  ti!.  i'-dt', 
hodiseusscil  l.y  farmers  and  -liojiki'  i>(  •-  in  T-'  i"  .'  i-  jT'  iwr,'-  \- 
with  the  old  ea«iernes>.  ;uid  iiav.  a  -<i:i<.y>-  ':<  ■^'  '"  i::"jr  v  ''w  >>' 
religion.  The  ordinary  man  n-ei  to  l;',(.\v  •;,<  ]■!,  ■.■'  •,ii'-,'.  t  ■,  : 
took  up  an  allusion  to  it  more  (j  lici;!;.  '•;an  ti  ".•  j'.ary  i.r,i!- 
lishmai).  though  perha])-  m.i  k.ivi-  -.-a:.  '.'.,■■  <.r'!;r.u'>  ^'m''!,- 
man.  Indeed  I  may  ~a\-  om-.' for  .ai!  tfia'  tni  ■  ■..:•  .\m'T,'an 
in  everything  eoneernintr  theiiki^y  r.-mir.';-  '••;<  •-•?-'.'  !:i'.>r»-  ol 
Scotland  tlian  of  England.  alil.<>i;uij  i;-  '•'  ;.■  '  ■ 'u:  'a-"  uno 
turn  of  hi-  mind  he  i-  far  njore  J.ni:i'-':  ^':■■^■..  ^^m'-I:.  ' 'n^ 
is  told,  liowever.  that  uowad.aN-  iti"  kn-.w  i'-m'-  <  ;  .-'•r;ptur^ 
has  decline<L      It    i-  liard   ti,  -latr'  at;-.'  !.'".'ra.    '.■■«■  a-  •<■  \u' 


thfTfori  in  th"  i!i!»ii'-  n'  j,!  i\  au  l  'r  i.  »••  .i-  • 
laws  ari-  |)r;i''ii'-a!l\  '■!-'  t'  "  -  '  v'  ;■'  >•  ■  i;' 
8;in-  truffi"  a;,  1  i  i-.'.  :r.  '1  '.  'n;.'  'V'  •/  '•>■ 
aijti  un  ju-tin<"i  ■:-  '<■  :u-  ui  •'.'  '..  ■■'  :••  ':'■' 
w<in<.ii,ic;ill\  li-'-;  il  '■  ril^i'i'ja-  i  I.'  '-■'• 
i)f  n-wjrt ] HE  t  •  i>iui-'-  "'  i-iMi'  ;>-'!,  ;■■•  ;:.'-:)' 
iati-  \cnr- 

meijt  iif  uii  '•["•-'■Lin'-  '"■  thi-iTi- -.i   ■■••I'i- 
SiUBeuniiA.  r  "d  art  (5<illfri'?s  oii  ■"■  J!j'la> 


■Uli'    '  II'-* 

■.  •■;.l"    ulir 
-  i.ii-     '   .a' 

]'■•     Ufe*"-     '  '' 


'-.:■>■    •!.' 


If    ;.u-M. 


r'S4 


SOCIAL    INSTITI TIONS 


I'AUT    \ 


sul)stamv  ..r  pulpit  t»-:i(l.iM-,  lu'caus.-  tlu'  (lin.Tc'iurs  hrtwivii 
ditT.'mit  (h>iu)iuin:ituM>s  iirc  iiKiikrd ;  l)Ut  the  U'lulciicy  has 
Imh'11,  :i!ui  diiilv  fjrows  alike  anioiig  (\.n>!;n'nati()imlists,  Bap- 
tists.' N(  rtluTu"  I'lvshyti'iians,  aiul  Episcopalians,  for  sermons 
to  hv  loss  nu'taphysical  ami  less  markedly  doetriiial  than 
formerly,  and  to  lurome  either  expository  or  else  of  a  practical 
and  ho'rtatorv  character.  This  is  less  the  case  amonj?  the 
Presbyterians  of  the  South.  \vli»)  are  MU)re  stringently  ortluuhix, 
and  in  all  respects  more  eoiisi>rvative  than  their  l.rethren  of 
the  North.  The  discussion  «.f  the  leading  the«)loKieal  ques- 
tions of  the  (lav,  such  as  those  of  the  authority  of  Scrii)ture, 
the  relation  of  natural  science  to  the  teachings  of  the  Hihle,  the 
existence  of  rewards  and  punishments  in  a  future  state,  rocs  on 
much  as  in  Entjland.  Smie  of  the  le.-idins  reviews  and  magazines 
publish  articles  on  these  subjects,  which  are  read  more  widely 
than  corres|X)mling  articles  in  EnRland,  l)Ut  do  not,  I  think, 
al>sorb  any  more  of  the  thought  and  attention  of  the  average 
educated  man  and  woman. 

Whether  scepticism  makes  any  sensible  advance  either  in 
affecting  a  larger  number  of  minds,  or  in  cutting  more  deeply 
■It  the  roots  of  their  belief  in  (Jod  and  immortality,  is  a  question 
which  it  is  to-dav  extremely  difficult  for  any  one  to  answer  even 
as  regards  his  own  country.     There  are  many  phenomena  in 
every  part  of  Europe  which  appear  to  indicate  that  it  cloes 
advance  ;  there  are  others  which  point  in  the  opposite  direction. 
Much  more  difficult,  then,  must  it  be  for  a  stranger  to  express 
a  positive  opinion  as  regards  America  .)n  this  gravest  of  all  sub- 
jects of  enquiry.    The  conditions  of  England  and  America  appear 
to  me  verv  siniilar  ;  whatever  tendency  prevails  in  either  country 
is  likely  to  prevail  in  the  other  and  like  changes  of  taste  in  theo- 
logicariiterature  have  showni  themselves.     The  mental  habits  of 
the  people  are  the  same  ;  their  fundamental  religious  conceptions 
are  the  same,  except  that  those  who  prize  a  visible  Church  and 
bow  to  her  authority  are  relatively  fewer  among  American  Prot- 
estants ;  their  theological  literature  is  the  same.     In  discussing 
a  theological  (luestion  with  an  American  one  never  feels  that 
slight  difTereuce  of  point  of  view,  or,  so  to  speak,  of  mental 
atmosphere,  wliicii  is  sure  to  crop  up  in  talking  to  a  Frenchman 
or  an  Italian,  or  even  to  a  German.     C  onsiderations  of  specula- 
tive argument,  considerations  of  religious  feeling,  affect  the  two 
nations  in  the  same  way :  the  course  of  their  refigious  history 


ciiAi'.  <xi  THK    IXriJKNCK    OF    RIll.K.loN 


is  not  likfly  to  tlivcrjic  If  (hcii'  \>i-  a  .litlirtiKi  ai  all  in  tlicir 
present  atlitudo,  it  is  ]M'iliap-  to  in'  loiimi  in  tlii-,  iliat  wlicn-u!- 
Aiucric:in>  ;irc  inorc  l'n'(|Ui'iiti\  <ii-))<i-iil  to  tna'  iiiinoi  i-suc: 
in  u  l)()l(l  spirit,  ilicy  iirc  nicirc  apt  Id  ncoil  iniin  l,huik  mjia- 
li»ni.  As  ail  American  once  <ai(l  to  inc  ilie\  ;,  .  ajji  io  put 
serious  views  into  familiar  words  -  "We  dou'i  i/iimi  j;oinn  a 
pood  way  alonji  the  planiv.  but  we  like  to  Mop  -hort  of  tlie 
jump-«)t'f." 

\\'lietlier  ])i'onouiiced  t  lieolojiical  unt"  li<i.  ^'.l  i'ti  can  now  he 
])reai'lied  liy  lectures  and  in  i)ani|>lilii-  wild  .-;  in  i  ilou]  unknown 
half  a  century  ajio.  ha-<  made  -iilj-i,ii:iial  pKjjifc--  ainon;;  l!i<- 
thinkinji  part  of  the  working  cja--  i-  a  'ji.c-non  oii  wliicli  on<- 
hear>  the  most  opposite  -laleijiinl-.  I  lia-,<-  ->  i-u  -i;tii-ijc- 
which  ])urport  to  >iiow  t  liai  ih''  proooii  io?.  of  im mhit-  of  '  'hrj  — 
tian  churchi's  to  thv  lolal  popnlaiiot,  lo-c  ;!i  i}:i  I'toic-ianl 
churches  from  1  in  1!^  in  \.i).  ]s(t()!o  ]  ;>,  o  ji,  ^.\)_  1as():  uu'J 
which  otimatfd  the  nuinher  of  >  (,!!i'iiiiiiii-aij' -  jn  ISStj  at 
r2.<MK).(KM).  tlie  lota!  adi;ll  populalioii  i'l  T!;ai  Mar  '>'!ui>  lak^n  al 
25.(IUU.<K)(I.  S<i  the  ccii-n-  of  ciiiiff!,,--  of  I'tOo  ur>'-  ii-'  n'jniher 
of  cliurcli  nieniKer-  or  communii-an' -  a'  ;;:•;  (KtO.DoO  or  '4U.] 
of  till'  total  estimated  popuiatioM.  lii^t  i-;;'  aNo  r.>  at- rtiUiiV 
lamentation^  over  the  di'iiiiii-hid  atn-ndai.' <•  ai  '■Jty  <i  i^rcfjc  ; 
atid  in  ecclt'>ia-tica!  i-i.'c|c-  p'ojj]'-  -aw  _iu-t  a-  t:  cy  -ay  ;.';  Jji}^- 
laiid.  that  till-  <:r<';tt  ]>ro!  Imh  i-  l-ow  io  ria't:  I'.r  ma— '■•  'J"he 
mo^t  ])rolial'J<'  conclu-ioti  -ii-m-  ■'o  t  ■■  i!:a'  ■»\';:1'-  ;::  ciiji--  iike 
Xew  \'oi'k  and  ('hicatio  t!:"  'I'iii-  of  i!,i  h  imt'li;-  '■;;.,--.(•-  ixccpt 
t);e  Roman  ('atholir-.  ^\ho  af'  ia!;."i'.  tci  :;t  ^nj!-  '^ru.M^; 
ari-  ])racticaily  .h"at),en  to  li;^-  -:.!:..  (xti.'j-!  a-  ::,  J^oJ.dorj.  or 
Li\"er]>ool,  or  Berlin,  tiio  pr'.poj-'ioi,  .,:  ■.■.ork:;  ;;  i;.'  m  w  '  o  oi  lorij> 
to  <omc  rejitiioii-  Imdy  may  i..  i:,;;^'  ;  ]<:  inw!  -  ji  ■  i  :  :>o.f»'»M  thaii 
it  i-  in  :!;<■  -imiiar  ■'own-  of  ( Ir^  a'  jifiia:::  o-  < ,'  '-r^'.-  y  _ 

In  tic  mi'r'-  '-iihiw,!!-!  (  ;;ii.-  ..'  '  '.i  ;j:o-_;'  '•;'  ji--  >  ■  <  fi'iij-  a 
liumhcr  of  i>c.i|)!c.  a-  i,nc  (;o(-  >  1,' i;j;;!i:.  wf.o  t,;r.'  ■.-.•rt 'luiiy 
a!iandoni-(i  ( 'hri-tianity.  aiid  a  !■..'•',  ■..-.■w'  '  '■■''''  w'''  -'-''tn 
liractically  indiifi-r'iit .  aid  -'■].■, ,;;j  i:, n, ',_■,.■,;  \  t;  >  :•  \\;\c-  f,,t 
-i-t'T-  t"  chiU'cii.  >o  aKo  i:;  riio-'  I,'  ■!},(-  '  \i--  ' '  I  o  ,-  -a:d  to 
i't-aknot  ofiiii-n  wIjo  profi--  a;:;.o-':':-'-j.  a'.'!   -'<:.'- ■•ui--  ha"-' 


•  ::;''-';:.;:-i^.a  ••    v. -.^  -     ■   • ,:  ,::   ■ 
middle  of  lu-t   ci.^jtury  ''•.'■  ^  'rn,' 
and   ni'.ir''    r<--.  rved  :   the   ia 
But    the    relaxation    of    tia- 


a--  \-'' ■' .'.  ,  '  a'-"'    ''.-rri  'cwit 

^^"■od    r^  aoi  \\     >  a\a-    i'viwii.,j, 

!    ^t  ri'-t III---    oi    i.priti'>'iox\'    iia,s 


786 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


11 


not  diiTunislu'd  the  zeal  of  the  various  (•Imiclics,  nor  their 
hold  upon  th.'ir  atlherents,  nor  tlioir  ardour  nx  missionary 
work,  nor  their  attachment  to  the  fundamental  doctrmes  ot 

Christianity.  , 

This  zeal  and  attachment  happily  no  longer  show  themselves 
in  intolerance.     Except  P<'rhaps  in  small  i^laces  in  the  West  or 
South,  where  aggressive  scepticism  would  rouse  displeasure  ami 
might  affect  a  man's  position  in  so.-iety,  (>verylM)dy  is  as   ree  m 
America  as  in  London  tu  hold  ami  express  any  views  he  pleases. 
Within    the    churches   themselves    there    is    an    unmistakable 
tendency  to  loosen  the  bonds  of  subscription  reqmred  from 
clergymen.     Prosecutions    for   heresy   of   cours(>    come    before 
church  courts,  since  no  civil  court  would  take  cognizance  o 
such  matters  unless  when  invoked  by  some  one  alleging  that 
P  church  court  ha<l  given  a  decision,  or  a  church  authority  had 
taken  an  executive  step,  which  prejudiced  liim  in  some  civil  right 
ami  was  unjust  because  violating  an  obligation  contracted  with 
him  '     Such  prosecutions  have  latterly  become  uncommon,  but 
th-  sjTnpathv  of  the  public  is  usually  with  the  accused  minister, 
and  the  latitude  allowed  to  divergence  from  the  old  standards 
becomes  constantly  greater.     At  present  it  is  in  the  Congrega- 
tionalist  church  pretty  much  the  sam(>  as  in  that  church  in 
Englaml ;  in  the  Presbyterian  church  of  the  North,  and  among 
Baptists  and  Methodists,  slightly  less  than  in  the  unestaDhshed 
Presbyterian  .  hurch  of  Scotland.     Most  of  the  churches  usually 
called  orthodox  have  allowed  less  latitud(>  in  doctrine  ami  m 
ritual  than  recent  decisions  of  the  courts  of  law,  begmnmg  from 
the  "Essays  and  Reviews"  case,  have  allowed  to  the  clergy  of 
the  Anglican  Establishment  in  England :  but  I  could  not  gather 
that  the  clergv  of  the  various  Protestant  bodies  f(H>l  themselves 
fettered,  or  that  the  free  development  of  religious  thought  is 
seriously  checked,  except  in  the  South,  where  orthodoxy  remained 
more  rigid,  and  long  forbade  a  clergyman  to  hold  Mr.  Darwin  s 
views  regarding  the  descent  of  man.'^    A  pastor  who  begins  to 
chafe  umler  the  formularies  or  liturgy  of  his  denomination  would 
be  expected  to  leave  the  denomination  and  join  some  other  in 
which  he  could  feel  more  at  home.     He  would  not  suffer  socially 

I  IncludinK  tlio  cas...  in  whi<h  a  chufli  court  hud  <lisroKardc<l  its  own  regu- 
lations, or  acted  in  violation  of  the  plain  priii.ii.l.^  of  judicial  procedure. 

»Xnu.  while  a«o,  a  professor,  not  in  th..  thcoloKical  faculty,  wa.  retnovod 
from  his  chair  in  the  University  of  South  Carolina  for  holding  Umtanau  views. 


CHAP.    IX I 


TIIK   IXFLl'KXCK  OF   IlKLICION 


787 


by  (loiiiK  so,  us  aw  Aiifilicuii  ( l^I■^ym:^ll  possiMy  mi^hl  in  the 
like  case  in  Eiiniand.  In  tlic  Hoiiiaii  Cutliolic  church  there  is, 
of  course,  no  siniihir  inchilfjc  ncc  to  ii  dcvijition  from  the 
ancient  dogniutic  stiuuhmls;  hut  there-  is  a  greater  (lis;)osition 
to  welcome  the  -U'wer  forms  of  leartiii!^  and  culture  than  one 
finds  in  England  or  Ireland,  and  what  may  he  called  a  more 
pronounced  democratic  ^pirit.  So  anions  the  younger  Prot- 
estant clergy  there  has  heeii  of  late  years  a  tendency,  if  not  to 
socialism,  yet  to  a  marked  disconlent  with  existing  economic 
comlitions,  resembling  what  is  now  percej)tihle  among  the 
younger  clergy  in  liritain. 

As  respects  what  may  he  callecl  tlie  every-day  religious  life 
and  usages  of  the  Tnited  States,  tliere  are  differences  from  those 
of  England  or  Scotland  which  it  is  easy  to  feel  l)Ut  hard  to  define 
or  describe.  There  is  ratlier  less  conventionalism  or  constraint 
in  speaking  of  religious  experiences,  less  of  a  formal  separation 
between  the  church  and  the  world,  less  disp<(sition  to  treat  the 
clergy  as  acuste  and  exjH'ct  them  to  coidorm  to  a  standard  not 
prescribed  for  the  laymtui,'  less  relic<'iice  about  sacred  things, 
perhaps  less  sense  of  tl:e  refinement  with  which  sacred  things 
ought  to  be  surrounded.  The  letting  !)y  auction  of  sittings  in 
a  popular  church,  though  I  think  very  rare,  excites  less  disap- 
proval i,han  it  would  in  llurojx-.  Some  fa>hi(^nable  churches 
are  supplied  with  sofas,  carpets,  and  the  o1  hei'  comforts  of  a  draw- 
ing-room ;  a  wc>ll-trained  el  oir  is  provide!  and  the  congregation 
would  not  think  of  sj)oiling  tie  jx'iforn.unce  by  joining  in  the 
singing.  The  .social  side  of  church  life  is  more  fully  developed 
than  in  Protestant  Europe.  A  congregation,  i)articularly 
among  the  Methodists,  Baj)tists,  and  Congregationali.sts,  is 
the  centre  of  a  group  of  societies,  literary  and  recreative  as  well 
as  religious  and  pliilanthrojMc,  which  not  only  stinmlate  chari- 
table work,  but  bring  the  poorer  and  richer  members  into  friendly 
relations  with  one  another,  and  form  a  large  p.irt  of  the  .social 
enjoyments  of  the  young  f)(ople.  keeping  them  out  of  harm's 
way,  and  giving  them  a  means  of  forming  accjuaintances.  Often 
a  .sort  of  informal  evening  i)arty,  calle  !  a  "social)!*',"'  is  given 
once  a  month,  at  which  all  ages  and  classes  meet  on  an  ea.sy 


m 


'  Although  total  a!i.-*tinciic<'  is  nmrli  niori'  i^iik  rall.s'  <x[iritr(l  from  a  <I(Tgy- 
nian  than  it  would  I,c  in  (Inat  liritain.  In  nio.-it  (Icn^nninatiDn.-i,  inrlndinK  Bap- 
tists .and  Mi'tliodi,^ts.  ( 'onKrcgationali.sts  and  I'nsliyttriaua,  it  is  practically 
universal  among  tho  ckrgy. 


Ill 


788 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT   VI 


footing.'  The  Young  Men's  Cliristiuu  Associiition  niovcniont 
which  hus  attained  vast  dimensions  does  nujch  to  attraet  the 
young  i)eople  by  providing  facilities  for  exercis(>  an.l  annisemenl 
as  well  l)y  work  of  a  more  ih>Hnitely  religious  character.  Reli- 
gion seeiiis  to  associate  itself  better  with  the  interests  of  th(> 
young  in  America,  and  to  have  <-ome  within  the  last  forty  years  to 
wear  a  less  forbi.l<ling  countenance  than  it  has  generally  done 
in  Britain,  at  least  among  English  Nonconforimsts  and  m  the 
churches  of  Scotland. 

\  still  more  peculiar  feature  of  the  American  churches  is  the 
propensity  to  what  may  be  called  H.'vivalism  which  sonn>  o 
them     aiid    especiallv    th(>    Methodist    church.'s,    show.     That 
exciting  preaching  and  those  external  demonstrations  ol  feeling 
wliich  liave  occasionally  api)eared  in  iiritain  wer<«  long  chronic 
tlKTc,  appearing   chiefly    in    the    f..rm    of    the    .amiMTieeting, 
a  gathering  of   I)eolil«"  usually    in    the   wo..ds   .)r   on   the  sea- 
shore    where    open-air    preaching    goes    on    jierhaps  for  days 
together      One  hears  maiiv  stories  about  these  .•amp-in(>etings, 
not  alwavs  to  their  credit,  which  agree  at   least   in  this,  that 
thev  exercised  a  powerful  even  if  transient  iuHuence  upon  tlie 
humbler  classes  wh<.  flock   to  tluMii.     In  the  West   theyhav.« 
b,H>n  serviceable  in  evangeli/ing   .listricts    wheir    few  regular 
chun-lH-s  had  vet  been  (>stablish(«d.     Of  lat.>  years  they  hav(^ 
teiKh'd  to  i)ass  into  mere  summer  outings,  except  in  some  parts 
of  the  South,  where  however  it  is  now  chiefly  among  the  humbler 
classes,  and  of  course  still  mon'  among  the  negro(>s,  that  they 
flourish.     All  denominations  are  nu)re  prone  to  emotionalism 
in  religion,  and  have  h-ss  reserve  in  displaying  it,  than  in  Eng- 
land or  Scotland.     I  remember  in  1870  to  hav."  lu'cn  a  passenger 
bv  oiu-  of  the  splendid  steam<-rs  which  l)ly  along  the  ^ound 
betw(>en  New  Vi.rk  and  Fall  Hiv.>r.     A  Unitarian  Congress  was 
b(>ing  h(>ld  in  New  York,  and  a  comi)any  of  New  England  I  n;- 
tarians  were  going  to  attend  it.     Now  New  England  I  nitarians 
are  of  all  Americans  iierhaps  the  most  staid  an<l  soIxt  m  their 
thoughts  and  habits,  the  least  incline(i  to  a  demonstrative  ex- 

iKv^n  .hinrrs  niuv  ho  Biv.i.  hut  not  hy  m11  ,l..non.inatinns.     Whou  a  Vrv^ 

of  tho  o,H..nn^  nf  its  n,.w  .hunl.  h„,l,lin>:     ^  Pr.sporous  .hunlHS  aUva.  .  hau^. 
l,uil<ii.J  with  a  s.t  of  rooM.s  for  m<-.'tinKs   -  thr  sexton  (as  h-  ,s  rail.  .1  in  Am.  r- 
r"     wh.    1  a.l  .-.,„.  froM,  a  !'n,t...taMt  K,.is,.o,.al  -hunl.  M>  th,;  Kast    ..hs.-rv... 
Ill;  Ll,rv,.y...l  th..  .,pa.lou<  hall,  'What  a  ,.ity  you  af  not  Lp.sropal.au.s  ;   y.m 
might  have  Kiv.ii  a  ball  in  this  r.joni !" 


THAP.  (xr 


Till",    INFLIKNcr,   OK   UKMC  .(»\ 


rs'.i 


pn'ssuui  of  flifir  I'.'iitli.  This  (■(Mii|)aii,v,  Imwcv  rr,  iiisiallcil  it.-rH' 
round  the  ;)i;iiio  in  t  he  ^rcat  salcniii  ol'  1  lie  \ cssi'l  and  saiin  hymns, 
liyiniis  full  of  ■  tTusiou,  for  iicarl>  two  hours,  many  of  the  other 
piisst'UKcrs  jomiiiji.  :ind  all  looUiuff  on  with  sympathy.  Our 
ImikHsIi  jKirty  assumed  at  tirst  that  tlie  singers  i)elon>j;ed  to  some 
Methodist  body,  in  which  rase  there  would  have  lieeUMiotliiu}?  to 
remark  except  the  attitude  of  the  l>y-tanders.  lint  they  were 
rnitarians. 

Kuropean  travellers  have  in  one  ])oint  f;reatly  exa>ia;erated 
the  difFerences  between  their  own  continent  .and  the  I'uited 
Stat<'s.  They  have  representeil  the  latter  as  pr<'-emiiiently  a 
land  of  straufje  sects  anil  almornial  relijiious  developments. 
Such  sects  and  devehtpnieuts  there  certaiidy  are,  hut  they  play 
no  irreater  |)art  in  the  whole  life  of  the  nation  than  similar 
sects  do  in  (iermany  and  Iji^ilaiid,  far  ie>s  than  the  various  dis- 
sentiiifj;  comnnmities  do  in  l{u>sia.  The  Mormons  drew  the 
eyes  of  the  v.orld  Ix'cause  they  attempted  to  form  a  sort  of 
relifjious  connnonwealth,  and  revived  one  ancient  practice  which 
modern  ethics  condemn,  ami  wliich  severe  conyiressional  legisla- 
tion is  supposed  to  have  now  stamped  out.  But  the  Mormon 
church  is  chiefly  recruitecl  from  llurope.  In  18S1  I  found 
few  native  Americans  amonj;  the  Moriiutus  in  Salt  Lake  City, 
and  those  few  from  ainona;  the  poor  whites  of  the  South.'  The 
mnnher  of  recruits  from  all  (piarters  hejian  soon  thereafter  to 
decrease.  The  Sli  ,ers  are  an  interestinjr  and  well-conducted 
folk,  hut  there  are  very  few  of  theiu,  and  they  decrease  —  there 
were  in  IDOfi  oidy  oUi  persons  in  their  eleven  comnnmities  : 
while  of  the  other  communistic  reliy;ious  bodies  one  hears  more 
in  F]uroi)e  than  in  America.  Here  and  there  some  strange 
little  sect  emerges  and  lives  for  a  few  years ;  -  but  in  a  country 
seething   with    religious    emotion,   and  whose  conditions  seem 


'  There  is  a  non-polytrainous  Mormon  cliunli.  rcjectinu  Uriitliam  Vouuk 
tind  Ills suopossors  in  IMali.  \vl)ii>h  reiiiriieij  itself  to  tlie  ceii.-iiis  of  I'.lOti  a.s  liaviiiu 
li(.N.'il  mniilwrs.      .<oiiie  Soulhcrii  States  |i\iiiis)i  tlie  preaeliiiiu  of  Mormotiisin. 

-  Near  \^';illa  Walla  in  the  .State  of  Wasliiiitztoii  I  laiiie  in  issl  across  a  curious 
s  it  formed  l).\  i  Welshman  who  fell  into  trances  and  ilelivered  revelations.  He 
liad  two  sons,  -.iriii  asserted  one  of  them  to  lie  an  incarnation  of  Christ,  and  the 
oilier  of  St.  .Jolui  the  !5;ipti:it,  ;u:i!  ;;a!';-.:  ■  -1  a'rri-  'i!'?.',-  di^-  i[)!es.  •.vhe.ni  he  cn- 
deavonr(<l  to  form  into  a  society  havinu  all  tliins:-  in  connnon.  However,  hoth 
the  cliildren  died  ;  and  in  Issl  most  of  hi>  disci|il.  s  had  deserted  him.  Proliahly 
siieh  phenomena  are  not  utK'ommon  :  there  is  a  ;:ood  deal  of  pronene.ss  to  .super- 
stition amonn  the  less  educated  Westerns.  es|)'iiall.\-  the  imniiKiauts  from  Kurope. 
They  lead  a  solitary  life  in  the  mi  1st  of  a  vast  nature. 


i 


790 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


.  t 


to  tompt  to  now  (loparturcs  uiul  «'xi)oriiiHMits  of  all  kinds,  tlio 
philosophic  traveller  may  rather  wonder  that  men  have  stood 
so  generallv  upon  tlie  ohl  paths.' 

We  have  already  seen  that  Christianity  has  in  the  Lnited 
States  maintained,  so  far  as  externals  ^o,  its  authority  and 
dignity,  planting  its  houses  of  worship  all  over  the  country, 
and  raising  enormous  revenues  from  its  adherents.  Such  a 
position  of  apparent  influence  tiiight.  however,  rest  uixm  ancient 
habit  and  convention,  and  imply  no  dominion  over  the  .souls 
of  men.  The  Roman  Kmpire  in  the  days  of  Augustus  was 
covered  from  end  to  end  with  superl>  temples  to  miiiiy  gods; 
the  priests  were  numerous  and  wealthy,  and  enjoyed  the  i>ro- 
tection  of  the  State;  processions  retainetl  their  pomp,  and  sac- 
rifices drew  crowds  of  achniring  worshippers.  Hut  th(>  old 
religions  had  lost  their  hold  on  the  lu-lief  of  the  <'ducated  and 
on  the  conscience  rf  all  classes.  If  therefore  we  desir(>  to  know 
what  place  ("lirisii  i-iity  really  fills  in  .\merica,  and  how  far  it 
gives  stability  to  the  ("(Hnmonwealth,  we  nuist  enquire  how  far 
it  governs  the  life  and  moulds  the  mind  of  the  country. 

Such  an  enquiry  may  address  itself  to  two  points.  It  may 
examine  into  the  influence  which  r(>ligion  has  on  the  conduct 
of  the  people,  on  their  moral  standard  and  the  way  they  con- 
form themselves  thereto.  And  it  may  ask  how  far  religion 
touches  and  gilds  the  imagination  of  the  peo])le,  red(H'ming  their 
lives  from  commonness  and  l)athing  their  souls  in  "the  light 
that  never  was  on  sea  or  land." 

In  works  of  active  beneficence  no  coimtry  has  surpassed, 
perhaps  none  has  equalled,  the  United  States.  Not  only  are 
the  .sums  collected  for  all  sorts  of  iihilanthropic  purjjoses  larger 
relatively  to  the  wealth  of  America  than  in  any  European  covm- 
try,  liut  the  amount  of  i)ersonal  interest  showi  in  good  works 
ami  personal  effort  devoted  to  them  seems  to  a  European  visitor 
to  equal  'vhat  he  knows  at  Ikjiuc.  How  much  of  this  interest 
and  effort  would  be  given  were  no  religious  motive  present  it 
is  impossible  to  say.  Not  all,  but  I  think  n(>arly  all  of  ^t,  is  in 
fact  given  by  r(>ligious  people,  and.  as  they  themselves  suppt)se, 
under  a  religious  impulse.  Tln^  religious  impure  i<  less  fre- 
quently than  in  England  a  sectarian  impulse,  for  all  Protestants, 

'  As  roKiirds  now  sects  the  most  noticonMf  fi-aturo  nf  ri'cpiit  yours  has  been  tho 
Kfowth  of  the  Iwdy  which  calls  itsvlf  by  the  imnic  of  "Christiiin  Science."  It  la 
said  to  claim  a  million  of  adherents,  many  of  them  in  New  Kngland. 


CHAP,  rxi 


TIIK    INFLIKNCK  OF   UKLKilOX 


791 


and  to  sotuf  fxtriil  Hdiiwiii  < 'iillutlics  also,  iirc  wt»nl  to  join 
huiuis  for  most  works  of  hciu'volcncc. 

Tlic  I'tliiciil  sljiiidanl  of  the  avcraKc  niiiii  is  of  course  tho 
("liristimi  stutnlanl,  iiiodificd  t(»  sonic  slight  extent  by  the  cir- 
cuni-'  uices  of  Anu-rican  life,  wliicli  have  heen  ditTcrent  from 
those  of  Protestant  Kurope.  'i'lie  av<'ra};e  man  has  not  tliou^ht 
of  any  other  stanihird,  and  reh^ions  tearhin>r,  thouuh  it  has 
become  less  definite  and  less  doKMuitic,  is  still  to  him  the  sourco 
whence  he  Ix'lieves  himself  to  have  drawn  his  ideas  of  duty 
and  conduct.  In  Puritan  da>s  there  nujst  have  been  some  little 
conscious  and  much  more  unconscious  liyi)ocrisy.  the  profe>sion 
of  religion  beinjj;  universal,  aiitl  the  exactitude  of  ])ractice  re(|uired 
by  (tpinion,  aiid  even  by  law,  beinfj  aliove  what  ordinary  human 
nature  seems  capable  of  attaininp;.  The  fault  of  untinomianism 
which  used  to  \)v  charged  on  hinh  Calvinists  is  now  sonu'timcs 
charned  on  those  who  become,  under  the  influence  of  revivals, 
extreme  emotionalists  in  religion.  Hut  taking  the  native  Ameri- 
cans as  a  whole,  lu)  people  seems  to-day  less  open  to  the  charge 
of  Pharisaism  or  hypocrisy.  They  are  perhaps  rather  more 
prone  to  the  oi)posite  error  <tf  uood-iuitured  indulKcnce  to  offences 
of  which  they  are  not  themselves  puilty. 

That  there  is  less  crime  amoiifj;  native  .Americans  than  among 
the  foreign-! )orn  is  a  ]n)int  not  to  be  fjreatly  pressed,  for  it  may 
be  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  the  latter  are  the  {Mjorerand  more 
ignorant  part  of  the  population  ;  and  in  jiarts  of  the  South  and 
West  violence  and  even  homicide  are  common  enough  among 
the  native-born.  If,  however,  we  take  matters  which  do  not 
fall  within  the  scope  of  jM-nal  law,  the  general  impression  of 
thos(>  who  have  lived  long  both  in  Protestant  Europe  and 
in  America  seems  to  be  that  as  respects  veracity,  temperance, 
the  purity  of  domestic  life,'  tenderness  to  children  and  the 


'  The  Kri'iit  fr('(|ucnf.v  of  divorrc  in  niimy  St:it('s  —  there  are  districts  where 
the  proportion  of  divorei  s  to  iiiiirriMUes  is  I  to  7  -does  not  appear  to  betoken 
immorality,  hut  to  be  due  to  tlie  extretne  fmility  with  whieli  the  l;i\v  allow.s  one 
or  lK)th  of  a  married  pair  to  indulce  tluir  iapri<c.  l)i\(iree  i^  said  to  Ix'  less 
frequent  in  proportion  anioiic  the  middle  classes  than  anionu  tile  richer  and  the 
humbler  and  is.  si)eakini:  Ki'nerally,  more  frei|uent  the  further  West  one  Roes, 
th'.iigh  it  is  tinhipt.ily  frrij-.^e.t  ie,  ~.;ne  of  th'-  \t:dd!e  J^t.ifes  and  U:  sotsie  K:i.stern 
also.  It  is  inereasini;  eyerywhere  :  but  it  increases  also  in  those  Kuropeaii 
countrii's  which  permit  it.  Some  remarks  on  this  subject,  and  a  eompari.son  of 
the  conditions  which  prevailed  in  the  Homan  Kmpire  may  be  found  in  an  essay 
entitled  "Mai  riaife  and  Divorce  in  Uoman  and  Kieilish  I^aw  "  in  n\y  StiulieK  in 
History  (iiul  Juiiiiiiiit/lc'icc. 


til 

ill 


7iri 


SOCIAL   INSTITITIONS 


PAIIT    V. 


weak,  aiitl  piural  kiiulliiu'ss  of  hcliaviour.  tli.-  native  Anu'ri- 
cans  staixl  rather  liinlier  tliaii  eitlier  the  KiiRhsli  ..r  the  Cet- 
luans.'  And  those  whose  opinion  I  am  <|UotinK  seem  generally, 
though  not  universally,  (hsptised  t(.  think  that  th«'  infhieiiee 
of  religious  hehef,  which  may  survive  in  its  effect  upon  the  charac- 
ter when  a  man  has  ih-opi)«'<l  l>i>*  coiisiection  with  any  reUKious 

Ixxlv,  ounts  lor  a  k I  <l''!il  '"  "''^-      '*'•'*'''<'  '^  ""^^'  '^  R*''»'T'il 

feeUiiKthat  the  State  jutlnes  achninister  in  to<»  hix  and  easy 
a  way  hiws  which  are  t  heniselves  too  lax.  The  al)Use  of  divorce 
proceihire  amounts  in  some  States  to  a  scanihd. 

If  we  ask  how  far  rehnion  exerts  a  stinnihitinn  inthience  on 
the  tlioUKht   and  imagination  of  a  nation,  we  are  met    by  the 
difficulty   of  (h'terminiiiK   wliat    is   the   condition  (»f  mankind 
where  no  such  influence  is  i)resent.     There  has  never  heen  a 
civilized  nation  without   a  relijjion  ;  and  though  many  hinhly 
civilized  indivitlual  men  live  without  one,  they  are  so  obviously 
the  children   of   a   state   of   sentiment  and   thought  in  which 
religion  has  been  a  powerful  factor,  that  no  one  can  conjecture 
what  a  race  of  men  would  l>e  like  who  Ir  I  during  sev(>ral  gener- 
ations believed  themselvestolu'thehighest  beings  in  the  universe, 
or  at  least  entirely  o»it  of  relati(»n  to  any  other  higher  Ix'ing,  and 
to  be  therewithal  destintd  to  no  kind  of  existence  after  death. 
Some  may  hold  that  resj)e(t  for  pul)lic  opinion.  symi)athy,  and 
interest  in  the  future  of  mankind  would  do  for  such  a  people 
what  religion  has  done  in  the  i)ast  ;  or  that  th.-y  might  even  be, 
as  Lucretius  expected,  the  hapi)ier  for  the  extinction  of  possil)le 
supernatural  terrors.     Others  may  hold  that  life  wouhl    seem 
narrow  and  insignificant,  and  that   the  wings  of  imagination 
would  droop  in  a  universe  felt  to  be  void.     All  that  neecl  be 
here  said  is  tliat  a  jn'ople  with  c()iui)aratively  little  around  it  \n 
the  way  of  historic  memories  and  associations  to  touch  its  emo- 
tion, a'peoi)Ie  whose  energy  is  chiefly  absorbed  in  commerce  and 
the  ■develoi)ment  of  the  material  n-sourct's  of  its  t(Tritor>',  a 
people  consumed  liy  a  feverish  activity  that  gives  little  opportu- 
nity for  reflection  or  for  the  contemplation  of  nature,  seems  most 
of  all  to  ne(>d  to  have  its  horizon  widened,  its  sense  of  awe  and 
mvstery  touched,  by  whatever  calls  it   away  from  the  busy 
world  of  sight  and  sound  into  the  stillness  of  faith  and  medita- 

"  ThH  i-iiniiot  1.1'  s:ii(l  :i-^  rciiMrds  .■oniin.TciMl  ii|.riijrlitii.s.-..  in  which  rcsiMTt 
thr  rnitcd  St;it.'s  staiul  .(itMiMlN  on  no  hiuli.r  level  tliim  Kn^hina  .in.K  lenni.ny, 
and  possibly  Iwluw  Franei'  ;inil  S.  ;inilin;i\  ia. 


CHAP,   rxi 


TlIK   INKLIKNCK  OF  UKLKilON 


7»;{ 


tion.  A  pprusal  of  the  littTuttirt'  which  the*  AiinTicim  of  the 
p<luoute(l  fiiriniiiK  cluss  n-ails,  hikI  h  study  of  the  kiixl  of  Htcru- 
tu.p  which  tho.Hc  who  arc  least  coNturcti  hy  ICurojxaii  iiifhiciiccs 
PHmIucc,  h'd  one  to  think  that  th  Mihlc  and  Christian  thcolojiy 
ultoRothcr  huvc  in  the  past  dum  more  in  the  way  uf  fonninu  the 
.maninutivc  InickKround  to  an  averaue  American  view  of  the 
world  of  inun  and  natnre  than  they  have  in  nidst  lOurojx'an 
countries. 

No  one  is  so  thoughtless  as  not  sometime-  to  a>k  himself 
what  would  befall  mankind  if  ♦he  >oliil  fahric  of  lielief  on  which 
their  morality  has  hitherto  rested,  or  at  least   been  deemed  by 
them  to  r«'st,  were  suddenly  to  lireak  u|)  and  vanish  under  the 
inHuence  of  new  \  iews  of  nature,  as  the  ice-field-  split  and  m<'lt 
when    they    have   floated    dtiwn    into   a   warmer   >ea      Moral- 
ity with   relinion   for  its  sanction  has  hitherto  been   the  basis 
of  social  |)olity,  except  under  military  desj)otisms  :  w(»uld  moral- 
ity be  so  far  weakened  a-  to  make  social  polity  unstable'.'  and  if 
so,  would  a  reijrii  of  violenc*'  return?     In  Murope  this  ([uestion 
d(M's  not  seem  urgent,  because  in  Kurope  the  i)hysical  force  of 
armed  men  which  maintains  order  is  usuallv   consjjicuous,  and 
iiecause  ol)edience  to  authority  is  everywhere  in  Europe  niitter 
of  ancient  habit,  having  come  down  little  impaired  from  ago 
when  men  ob(>yed  without  asking  for  :■  reason.     Mut  in  .\meri<'a, 
t  lie  whole  system  of  goveriunent  seems  to  re-t  not  on  armed  force, 
i)Ut  on  the  will  of  the  luinierical  majority,  a  majority  many  of 
whom  might  well  think  that  its  overthrow  would  be  for  them  a 
gaiis.     S)  sometimes,  standing  in  the  mid>t  of  a  great  .American 
•\f-    and  witching  the  throngs  of  eager  figures  >tre:iming  hith(>r 
im.  ThaThc    marking  the  sharp  contra-ts  of  poverty  and  wealth, 
im  sa'P^-as-ag  mass  of  uretchediie—  and  an  increasing  display  of 
JissiErr     kiinwiiig  that  before  long  a  hundrecl  millions  of  men  will 
'.w  iiv-;j!i£    wTweeii  ocean  and  oce;iri  under  this  one  government. 
—  a.  as'vi'rrsrnent  ■•Ahich  their  own  hands  have  made,  and  which 
-jjjm  -^  T,    be  ttie  work  of  their  owni  hands.  — one  is  startled 
bv  tw-  fswighi  of  what  might  bej'.ill  this  huge  yet  delicate  fabric 
()■<-  am^sxiA  commen-e  and  social  institutions  were  the  foundation 
!T   3*-  nested  on  to    crumbl(»  away.      Su])j)ose  that   all    these 
~.—  ...w.  —,i  i..  i.j.Kj.i..,.  th;)t  there  w;is  .•in.v  nower  above  them, 
fiv  MmB-<>  before  them,  anything  in  he;iven  or  earth  but  what 
Tl«f>!;   sf?tses  Told  them  of;  suppose  that   their  consciousness  of 
lata'  id»u.,i  force  au.l  re>pon>ibility.  alreaily  dwarfed  by  the  over- 


794 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


Mi 

■t   ■ 


whelming  power  of  the  multitude,  and  the  fatalistic  submission 
it  engenders,  were  further  weakened  by  the  feeling  that  their 
swiftly  fleeting  life  was  rounded  by  a  perpetual  sleep  — 

Soles  oocidcre  oi  rediro  possunt : 
NoV)is.  (iiiiim  semol  owidit  brevis  lux 
Xox  est  iMTpotua  una  dormienda. 

Would  the  moral  code  stand  unsliakeii,  and  with  it  the  rever- 
ence for  law,  the  sense  of  duty  towards  the  community,  antl  even 
towards  th(!  generations  yet  to  come?  Would  men  say,  "Let 
us  eat  and  drink,  for  to-morrow  we  (Ue  "  ?  Or  would  custom 
and  sympathy,  and  a  ix-reeption  of  tlie  advantages  which 
stable'government  offers  to  the  citizens  as  a  whole,  and  which 
orderly  self-restraint  offers  to  each  one,  replace  supernatural 
sanctions,  and  hold  in  check  the  violence  of  masses  and  tlie 
self-indulgent  impulses  of  the  individual?  History  cannot 
answer  this  question.  The  most  she  can  tell  us  is  that 
hitherto  civilized  society  has  rested  on  religion,  and  that  free 
government  has  prosiiered  b(>st  among  religious  peoples. 

America  is  no  doubt  the  country  in  which  intellectual  move- 
ments work  most  swiftly  upon  the  masses,  and  the  country  in 
which  the  loss  of  faith  in  the  invisible  might  produce  the  com- 
pletest  revolution,  because  it  is  the  country  where  men  have 
been  least  wont  to  revere  anything  in  the  visible  world.  Yet 
America  seems  as  unlikely  to  drift  from  her  ancient  moorings 
as  any  country  of  the  Old  World.  It  was  religious  zeal  and  the 
religious  conscience  which  led  to  the  founding  of  the  New 
England  colonies  nearly  three  centuri(>s  ago  —  those  colonies 
whose  spirit  has  in  such  a  large  measure  passed  into  thi^  whole 
nation.  Religion  and  conscience  have  be(m  a  constantly  active 
force  in  the  American  commcmwealth  ever  since,  not,  indeed, 
strong  enough  to  avert  many  moral  and  political  evils,  yet  at 
the  worst  times  hispiriug  a  minority  with  a  courage  and  ardour 
by  which  moral  and  political  evils  have  been  held  at  bay,  and 
in  the  long  run  generally  overcome. 

It  is  an  old  saying  that  monarchies  live  by  honour  and  repub- 
lics by  virtue.  The  more  democratic  republics  l>ecome,  the  more 
the  masses  gr<nv  conscious  of  their  own  power,  tlie  more  do  they 
need  to  live,  not  «)nly  by  patriotism,  but  by  reverence  and  self- 
control,  and  the  more  essential  to  their  well-being  are  those 
sources  v.-hence  reverence  and  self-control  flow. 


CHAPTER  CXII 


THE   POSITION   OF   WOMEN 

It  has  been  well  said  that  the  jKJsition  which  women  hold 
in  a  country  is,  if  not  a  complete  test,  yet  one  of  the  best  tests 
of  the  prosress  it  has  made  in  civilization.  When  one  compares 
nomad  man  with  si'ttled  man,  heathen  man  with  Christian 
man,  the  ancient  world  with  the  modern,  the  Eastern  world 
with  the  Western,  it  is  plain  that  in  every  case  the  advance  in 
pubUc  order,  iii  material  comfort,  in  wealth,  in  decency  and  re- 
finement of  mai\ners,  aiuonK  the  whole  population  of  a  country 
—  for  in  these  matters  one  must  not  look  merely  at  the  upper 
class  —  has  been  accomj)aui('(l  by  a  greater  respect  for  women, 
by  a  greater  freedom  accorded  to  them,  by  a  fuller  participation 
on  their  part  in  the  best  work  of  the  worhl.  Americans  are  fond 
of  pointing,  and  can  with  [xrfect  justice  ]M»i!it,  to  the  position 
their  women  hold  as  an  evidence  of  the  liigli  level  their  civiliza- 
tion has  reached.  Certainly  notliiiig  in  the  country  is  more 
characteristic  of  the  peculiar  type  tiieir  civilization  has  taken. 

The  sul).ject  may  be  regarded  in  so  many  aspects  that  it  is 
convenient  to  take  up  eacli  sejjarately. 

As  resjjccts  the  h^gal  rights  of  women,  these,  of  course,  depend 
on  the  legislative  enactments  of  each  State  of  the  Union,  for  in 
no  case  has  the  matt(>r  been  left  under  the  rigour  of  theconnnon 
law.  With  much  diversity  in  minor  details,  the  general  princi- 
ples of  the  iaw  are  in  all  or  nearly  all  the  States  similar.  Women 
liave  been  i)laced  iu  an  e<iu:ility  witli  men  as  respects  all  i)rivate 
rights.  In  some  States  luisltand  and  wile  can  sue  one  another 
at  law.  Married  as  well  as  unmarried  women  have  long  since 
(anil  I  think  everywhere)  obtained  full  control  of  their  property, 
whether  obtained  by  gift  or  d(>scent.  or  by  their  own  labour. 
This  has  been  deemed  so  important  a  point  that,  instead  of  being 
left  to  ordinary  legislation,  it  has  in  several  States  been  directly 
enacted  by  the  in-ople  in  the  Constitution.  Women  have  in 
nost,  possibly  not  yet  in  all.  States  rights  of  guardianship  over 

79.5 


I 


SOCIAL  IXSTITUTIONS 


I'AKT   VI 


71)6 

llu'ir  .-hildrcii  wl.ich  the  law  of  Engla.ul  (U-nied  to  them  till 
the  Act  of  188G ;  and  in  some  States  the  mother's  rights  are 
equal,  where  there  has  been  a  voluntary  separation,  to  those  of 
the  father.  The  law  of  divorce  is  in  many  States  far  from  satis- 
factory, hut  it  always  aims  at  doing  equal  justice  as  between 
husbands  and  wives.  Special  protection  as  respe.is  hours  of 
labour  is  given  to  women  by  the  laws  of  many  States,  and  a  good 
deal  of  recent  legislation  has  been  pas.sed  with  intent  tobeneht 
them,  though  not  always  by  well-chosen  means. 

Women  have  maile  their  way  into  most  of  the  professions 
more  largelv  than  in  Europe.     In  many  of  the  Northern  cities 
they  practise  as  physicians,  and  seem  to  have  found  little  or  no 
prejudice  to  overcome.     Medical  schools  have  been  provided 
for  them  in  some  universities.^     It  was  less  easy  to  obtain  admis- 
sion  to  the  bar,  yet  several  have  secured  this,  and  the  number 
seems  to  increase.     They  mostly  devote   themselves  to  the 
attorney's  part  of  the  work  rather  than  to  court  practice.     One 
(.(Uted  the  Illinois  Law  Journal  with  great  acceptance.     Several 
have  entered  the  Christian  ministry,  though,  I  think,  chiefly  in 
what  may  l)e  calletl  the  minor  sects,  rather  than  in  any  of  the 
five  or  six  great  denominations,  whose  spirit  is  more  conserva- 
tive.    Some  have  obtained  success  as  professional  lecturers, 
and  not  a  few  are  journalists  or  reporters.     One  hears  little 
of  them  in  engineering.     They  are  seldom  to  be  seen  m  the 
ofhces  of  hotels,  but  many,  more  than  in  Europe,  are  employed 
as  clerks  or  secretaries,  both  in  some  of  the  Government  depart- 
ments and  bv  telegraphic  and  other  companies,  as  well  as  in 
publishing  houses  and  other  kinds  of  business  where  physical 
strength  is  not  needetl.     Typewriting  work  is  largely  m  their 
hands     They  form  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  teachers 
in  public  scluK)ls  for  lK)ys  as  well  as  for  girls,  and  are  thought 
to  be  iH'tter  teach(>rs,  at  least  for  the  younger  sort,  than  men 


are. 


No  class  i)rejudice  forbiils  the  daughters  of  clergymen  or 


lif 


1  In  lono  thir<-  w<  re  HOo  women  n-turncd  :is  studyinn  mcdioini.'  in  the  medi.'ul 
8..h()..l.s,  ami  '.t.-j  in  th.^  dentistry  schools.  ,      ,    .      .         ,      .,      ,.•,,.,.  ^,.,t,w 

5  The  nunilier  of  teueliers  in  tlie  eonuuon  s<-liool.s  is  kivpu  by  the  Uniteil  Matia 
in<  "'in'  'r  '■  •  i(H4tJ5  nion  and  .SOO.OSJS  women. 

\s  male  t.-aehers  are  in  a  majority  in  a  very  few  Southern  States  (Tenne8s,-e. 
West  Virginia,  an.l  .\rkansas).  and  in  New  Mexico,  the  preponderance  of  women 
in  the  Northern  Stat.s  Rcnerally  is  very  Kreat.  It  hiw  increased  .sensibly  of  late 
years  over  the  whole  country.  In  Massachusetts  women  teachers  are  ten  and 
one-half  times  as  numerous  as  men. 


CHAP.   CXII 


THE  POSITION  OF  WOMKX 


797 


lawyers  of  the  best  standing  to  teach  in  ehnncntary  schools. 
Taking  one  thing  with  another,  it  is  easier  for  women  to  find 
a  career,  to  obtain  remunerative  work  either  of  literary  or  of 
a  commercial  or  mechanical  kind,  than  in  any  part  of  Europe. 
Popular  sentiment  is  entirely  in  favour  of  giving  them  every 
chance,  as  witness  the  Constitutions  of  thos(!  Western  States 
(including  Washington,  even  while  it  refused  them  the  suffrage) 
which  expressly  provide  that  they  shall  he  etiually  admissible 
to  all  professions  or  employments.     They  liav(>  long  borne  a 
conspicuous  part  in  the  promotion  of  moral  and  i)hilanthropi(! 
causes.     They   were   among   the  earliest,  most    zealous,    and 
most    effectivo   apostles   of    the    anti-slavery  movement,   and 
have  taken   an  equally  active  share  in  the  temperance  agi- 
tation.    Not    only  has  the   Women's   Christian    Temp(>rane(> 
Union  with  its  numerous  branches  l)eeu  the  '  M)st    powerful 
agency  directed  against  the  traffic  in  intoxicants,  particularly 
in  the  Western  States,  but  individual  women  have  thrown 
themselves  into  the  struggle  with  extraordinary  zeal.     Some 
time  ago,  during  what  was  called  the  Avomen's  whiskey  war, 
they  force<l  their  way  into  the  drinking  saloons,  bearded  th(> 
dealers,  adjured  the  tipplers  to  come  out.     At  elections  in  which 
the  Prohibitionist  issue  is  prominent,   ladies  will   sometnnes 
assemble  outside  the  polls  and  sing  hymns  at  the  voters.     Their 
services  in   dealing   with   pauperism,  charities,  and^  reforma- 
tory institutions  have  been  inestimal)li>.     In  N(>w  York  when 
legislation  was  needed  for  improving   the   administration    of 
the  charities,  it  was  a  lady    (belonging  to  one  of  the  oldest 
and  most  respected    families    in    the  country)   who  went    to 
Albany,  and  by  placing  the  case  forcibly   before   the    State 
legislature  there,  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  recjuired  measure. 
Many  others  have  followed  her  example  with  the  best  results. 
The  Charity  Organization  societies  of  the  great  cities  are  largely 
managed  bv  women;  and  the  freedom  they  enji.y  makes  thejii 
invaluable  agents  in  this  work,  which  the  inrush  of  new  and 
ignorant  immigrants   renders  daily  more   important.     So  too 
when  it  became  neces.sary  after  the  war  to  find  teachers  for 
the  negroes  in  the  institutions  founded  for  their  b(>nefit  in  the 
South,  it  was  chiefly  Northern  girls  who  volunteered  for  the 
duty,  and  discharged  it  with  single-minded  z(>al. 

.\merican  women  take  far  less  part  in  politics  th:in  their  Eng- 
lish   sisters,   although    more    than    the    women   of   (lermany, 


,;£j 


798 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


}i: 


r"   ! 


France,  or  Italy.     That  they  talk  less  about  polities  may  he 
partly  ascribed  to  the  fact  that  politics  coinc  less  into  orilinary 
convorsation  in  America  (except  during  a  pre-sidental  election) 
than  in  England.     But  the  practice  of  canvassing  at  elections, 
recently  developed  by   English   ladies  with   eminent  success, 
seems  unknown.     Women  ha\-e  seldom  been  chosen  members 
of  either  Republican  or   Democratic  conventions.     However, 
at   the   National   (Convention   of  the   Prohibitionist   party   at 
Pittsl)urg   in    1884    some    presented   credentials    as   delegates 
from  local  organizations,  and  were  admitted  to  sit.     One  of 
the  two  secretaries  of  that  Convention  was  a  woman.     In  1912 
women  serv» d  as  delegates  to  the  Republiean  National  Con- 
vention.   So  women  have  in  some  cities  borne  a  useful  and  influ- 
ential, albeit  comparatively  inconspicuous,  part  in  mo\ements 
for  the  reform  of  municipal  government.     Here  we  are  on  the 
debatable    ground    between    pure  party    politics    and   philan- 
thropic agitation.     Women  have  rx-en  so  effective  in  the  latter 
that  they  cannot  easily  be  exr'.uded    when  persuasion  passes 
into  constitutional  action,  and  one  is  not  surprised  to  find  the 
Prohibition  jiarty  declare  in  their  platform  of  188-1  that  "they 
alone  recognize  the  influence  of  women,  and  offer  to  her  equal 
rights   with    man    in    the    management    of   national    affairs." 
At  some  gatherings  in  the  West  which  gave  expression  to  the 
di.=Jontent  of  the  farming  class,  women  appeared,  and  were 
treated  with  a  deference  which  anywhere  but  in  America  would 
have  contra.sted  strangely  with  the  roughness  of  the  crowd. 
One  of  them  signalized  herself  by  denouncing  a  proposed  ban- 
quet, on  the  ground  that  it  was  being  got  up  in  the  interest  of 
the  brewers.     Presidential  candidates  have  often  "receptions" 
given  in  their  honour  by  ladies.     Attempts  have  been  made, 
but  with  little  success,  to  establish  political  "salons"  at  Wash- 
ington,  nor  has  the  influence  of  social  gatherings  anywhere 
attained  the  importance  it  has  often  iwssessed  in  France,  though 
occasionally  the  wife  of  a  politician  mak(>s  his  fortun(>  by  her 
tact  and  skill  in  wiiuiing  support  for  him  among  professional 
politicians  or  the  members  of  a  State  legislature.      There  was 
another    and    less    auspicious  sphere  of    political  action    into 
which  women  found  their  way  at  the  national  capital.     The 
solicitation  of  members  of  a  legislature  with  a  view  to  the  pas.s- 
ing  of  bills,  especially  private  bills,  and  to   the  obtaining  of 
places,  has  become  a  profession  there,  and  the  persuasive  a.ssidu- 


CHAP.   CXII 


THE  POSITION  OF  WOMEN 


799 


ity  which  hail  long  been  rccogiiizt-tl  by  poets  :is  characteristic 
of  the  female  sex  made  tliein  at  one  time  widely  employed  and 
efficient  in  this  work. 

I  have  already,  in  treating  of  tlu>  woman  suffrage  movement 
(Chapter  XCIX),  referred  to  the  various  public  offices  which 
have  l)een  in  many  States  thrown  open  to  women.  It  is  ad- 
mitted that  wherever  the  suffrage  has  been  granted  the  gift 
carries  with  it  the  right  of  obtaining  those  posts  for  which 
vot(>s  are  cast. 

The  subject  of  women's  education  opens  up  a  large  field. 
Want  of  space  obliges  me  to  omit  a  description,  for  which  I 
have  accumulated  abundant  materials,  and  to  confine  myself 
to  a  few  concise  remarks. 

The  public  provision  for  the  instruction  of  girls  is  quite  as 
ample  and  adequate  as  that  made  for  boys.  Elementary  schools 
are  of  course  provided  alike  for  l)oth  sexes,  grammar  schools 
and  high  schools  are  organized  for  the  reception  of  girls  some- 
times under  the  same  roof  or  ev(>n  in  the  same  classes,  some- 
times in  a  distinct  building,  but  always,  I  think,  with  an  equally 
complete  staff  of  teachers  and  equipment  of  educational  ap- 
pliances. The  great  majority  of  the  daughters  of  mercantile 
and  professional  men,  especially  of  course  in  the  West,'  re- 
ceive their  education  in  these  public  secondary  schools;  and, 
what  is  more  retnarkable,  the  number  of  girls  who  continue 
their  education  in  the  higher  branches,  including  the  ancient 
classics  anil  physical  science,  up  to  the  age  of  seventeen  or 
eighteen,  is  as  larg«?  as,  in  many  i)laces  larger  than,  that  of  the 
boys,  the  latter  being  drafted  off  into  practical  life,  while  the 
former  indulge  their  more  lively  interest  in  the  things  of  the 
mind.  In  the  Western  universities  the  ancient  classics  are 
now  more  largely  studied  by  women  than  by  men,  partly 
because  the  latter  form  a  majority  of  the  t(>achers.  One  .some- 
times hears  it  charged  as  a  fault  on  the  American  .school  sys- 
tem that  its  liberal  provision  of  gratuitous  instruction  in  the 
advanced  subjects  tends  to  raise  girls  of  the  humbler  classes 
out  of  the  sphere  to  which  their  i)ecuni;iry  mt  '-^s  would  destine 
them,  makes  them  discontented  with  their  lot,  mplants  tastes 
which  fate  will  forever  forbid  them  to  gratify. 

1  There  are  manv  private  lioar.iinu  ^rhnnU  as  well  as  private  day  sehools  for 
girls  in  the  Eastern  States.  Comparatively  few  cliildnm  are  educated  at  home 
by  governesaea. 


fi 


soo 


i-OClAL  INSTITUTIOXft 


PAIIT   VI 


hif' 


ri-1 


\s  stated  in  u  previous  ehaptcr  (Chapter  CVllI),  Univer- 
sity  education  is  provided  for  women  in  the  Eastern  States  by 
eolleKes  expressly  i-rected  for  their  benefit,  and  in  the  Western 
States  by  St- '  iniversities,  whose  regulations  usually  provide 
for  the  admission  of  female  equally  with  male  students  to 
instruction  in  all  subjects.  There  are  also  some  colleges  of 
private  foundation  which  receive  young  men  and  maidens 
together,  teacliing  them  in  the  same  classes,  but  providing 
sei)arate  buildings  for  their  lodging. 

I  must  m)t  attempt  to  set  forth  ami  discuss  the  evidence  re- 
garding the  working  of  this  system  of  co-education,  interest- 
ing as  the  facts  are,  but  be  content  with  stating  the  general 
result  of  the  inquiries  I  made. 

Co-education  has  worked  well  in  institutions  like  Antioch 
and  Oberlin  in  Ohio,   where  manners  are  plain  and  simple, 
where  the  students  all  come  from  a  class  in  which  the  inter- 
course of  young  men  and  young  women  is  easy  and  natural, 
and  where  there  is  a  strong  religious  influence  pervading  the 
life  of  the  place.     No  moral  difficulties  are  found  to  arise. 
Each  sex  is  said  to  improve  the  other :  the  men  become  more 
refined,  and  the  women  more  manly.     Now  and  then  students 
fall   in  love  with  one   another,  and  marry  when  they  have 
graduated.     But  whv  not?    Such  marriages  are  based  upon 
a  better  reciprocal  knowledge  of  character    than    is    usually 
attainable  in  the  great  world,  and  are  reported  to  be  almost 
invariably  happy.     So  also  in  the  Western  State  universities 
co-education  is  generally,  if  not  quite  invariably,  well  reported 
of.     In  these  establishments  the  students  mostly  lodge  where 
they  will  in  the  city,  and  are  therefore  brought  into  social 
relations  onlv  in  the  hours  of  public  instruction ;  but  the  ten- 
dency of  late  years  has  been,  while  leaving  men  to  find  their 
own'(iuarters,"  to  provide  places  of  residence  for  the  women. 
Of  late  years  a  rc'sort  to  them  has  become  so  fashionable  that 
the  authorities  express  some  anxiety  lest  the  interest  in  social 
enjoyments  mav  with  some  women  students  be  found  to  exceed 
their  devotion  to  study.     Should  this  happen  to  any  great  ex- 
tent, difficulties  might  arise.     Rut  so  far  there  has  been  little 
to  do  in  the  wav  of  discipline  or  supervision,  and  the  heads  of 
the  universities  "have  raised  few  objections  to  the  system  of  co- 
education.    I  did  find,  however,  that  the  youths  in  some  cases 
expressed  aversion  to  it,  saying  they  woulil  rather  be  m  classes  by 


iHAP.    CXII 


TIIK  POSITION  OF  WOMEN 


81)1 


tlu'iiirit'lvt's;  the  n-usou  apparently  luaiiK  tliat  it  was.lisanircal.U' 
to  st-e  a  man  whom  men  thou^;ht  meanly  of  standing  lunh  m 
favour  of  women  students.     In  these  Western  States  there  is 

'    iris. 


much  freedom  allowed  in  the  intercourse  of  youths  and  j^i 


and  girls  are  so  w 


ell   able   to   take   eare   of   themselves,  that 


to  a  Eui 


have  little  weight. 


the  objections  which  oc.-.    .-  .  .       , 

Whether  a  sy.stem  which  has  borne  good  fruits  in  the  simple 
society  of  the  West  is  fit  to  l)e  adopted  in  the  Eastern  States, 
where  the  conditions  of  life  approach  nearer  to  tliose  of  Europe,  is 
a  question  warmlv  .lebated  in  America.     The  need  for  it  is  at 
any  rate  not  urgent,  because  the  liberality  of  founders  and  bene- 
factors has  provided  in  at  least  hve  women's  colleges  —  one 
of  them  a  department  of  Harvard  University  —  places  where 
an  excellent  education,  surjiassing  that  of  most  of  the  Western 
universities,   stands  open   to   women.     These   colleges  are   at 
present  so  efficient  and  popular,  and  the  life  of  their  students 
is  in  some  respects  so  mucli  freer  than  it   could  well  be,  con- 
sidering the  eti(pu'tte  of  Eastern  s()ciei>-,  in  universities  fre- 
quented by  both  sexes,  that   they  will  probably  continue  to 
satisfy  the  practical  needs  of  tin-  community  and  the  wishes 
of  all  but  the  advocates  of  complete  etjuality. 

It  will  be  seen  from  what  has  been  said  that  the  provision 
for  women's  etUu  ation  in  the  United  States  is  ampler  and  better 
than  that  made  in  any  European  countries,  and  that  the  making 
of  it  has  been  far  more  distinctly  recognized  as  a  matter  of 
public  concern.     To  the.se  advantages,  and  to  th(>  spirit  they 
proceed  from,  much  of  tlie  influence  which  women  exert  must 
be  ascribed.     They  feel  more  independent,  they  have  a  fuller 
consciousness  of  their  place  in  the  world  of  thought  as  well  as 
in  the  worhl  of  action.     The  practice  of  educating  the  two  sexes 
together  in  the  same  colleges  tends,  in  tho.se  sections  of  the 
countrv  where  it  prevails,  in  the  same  direction,  placing  women 
ami  m?n  on  a  lev(-l  as  regards  attainments,  and  giving  then^ 
a  greater  numl)er  of  common  intellectual  interests.     It  is  not 
deemed  to  hav(>  made  women  either  pedantic  or  masculine, 
or  to  have  diminished  the  differences  between  their  mental  and 
moral  habits  and  those  or  men.     Nature  is  quite  strong  enough 
to  mak<>  the  differences  of  temperament  she  creates  persistent, 
even  under  influences  which  might  seem  likely  to  retUice  them. 
Custom  allows  to  women  a  greater  measure  of  freedom  in 
doing  what  they  will  and  going  wher(>  they  please  than  they 
3  k 


802 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


f'  ! 


have  in  any  European  country,  except,  perhaps,  in  Russia.  No 
one  is  surprised  to  see  a  lady  travel  alone  from  the  Atlantic  to 
the  Pacific,  nor  a  girl  of  the  richer  class  walkinR  alone  through 
the  streets  of  a  city.  If  a  lady  enters  some  occupation  hereto- 
fore usually  reserved  to  men,  she  is  subject  to  less  censorious 
remark  than  would  follow  h(>r  in  Europe,  though  in  this  matter 
the  society  of  Eastern  cities  i.s  hardly  so  liberal  as  that  of  the 

West.  , 

Social  intercc  -s,     .etween  youths  and  maidcMis  is  everywhere 
more  easv  and  unrestrained  than  in  England  or  (Jermany,  not 
to  speak'  of  France.     Yet  there    are    considerable  differenc(<s 
between  the  Eastern  cities,  whose  usages  have  begun  to  approx- 
imate to  those  of  Europe,  and  other  parts  of  the  country.     In 
the  rural  districts,  and  generally  all  over  the  West,  young  men 
and  girls  are  permitted  to  walk  together,  drive  together,  go 
out  to  parties,  and  even  to  pulilic  entertainments  together, 
without  the  presimce  of  any  third  person,  who  can  be  sui>- 
posed  to  be  looking  after  or  taking  charge  of  the  girl.     So 
a  girl  mav,  if  she  pleases,  keej)  up  a  correspondence  with  a 
young  man,   nor  will   her   parents   think  of  interfering.     She 
will  have  her  own  friends,  who,  when  they  call  at  her  house, 
ask  for  her,  and  are  received  by  her,  it  may  be  alone;  be- 
cause they  are  not  deemed  to  be  necessarily  the  friends  of 
her   parents  also,   nor  even  of   her  sisters.     In  the  cities  of 
the   Atlantic  States,  it  is  perhaps  less   usual  than  it   would 
once  have  been  for  a  young  man  to  take  a  young  lady  out 
for  a  solitary  drive ;   and   he  would  not    in  all  sets  be  per- 
mitted to  escort  her  alone  to  the  theatre.     But  girls  still  go 
without  chajierons  to  dances,  the  hostess  being  deemed  to  act 
as  chaperon  for  all  her  guests ;  and  as  regards  both  correspon- 
dence and  the  right  to  hav(>  one's  own  circh*  of  acquaintances, 
the  usage  even  of  New  York  or  Boston  allows  more  liberty 
than  does  that  of  London  or  Edinburgh.     It  was  at  one  time, 
and  it  may  possibly  still  be.  not  uncommon  for  a  group  of  young 
people  who  know  one  another  well  to  mak(>  up  an  autumn 
"party  in  the  woods."     They  choose  some  mountain  and  forest 
region,  such  as  the  Adirondack  Wilderness  west  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  engage  three  or  four  guides,  embark  with  guns  and  fish- 
ing rods,  tents,  l)lankets,  and  a  stock  of  groceries,  and  pa.ss  in 
boats  up  the  rivers  and  across  the  lakes  of  this  wild  country 
through  sixty  or  seventy  miles  of  trackless  forest  to  their  chosen 


CBAP.  cx;i 


THK  POSITION   Oi'  WOMKN 


803 


camping  ground  at  the  foot  of  some  tiill  rork  tl.ut  nsvs  from 
the  still  crystal  of  the  lake.  llci«'  tlu'V  l.uiM  their  l)ark  hut, 
and  spread  their  hed.-  of  the  »'la>tic  and  fragrant  hemlock 
boughs;  the  voiiths  roam  about  during  the  day,  traekmg  the 
deer,  the  girls  read  and  work  and  bake  tlie  corn  cakes;  at  night 
tliere  is  a  merrv  gatliering  round  the  lire  or  a  row  in  the  soft 
moonlight.  On  these  expeditions  brothers  will  take  their  sis- 
ters and  cousins,  who  bri  ig  i)erhaps  some  women  friends  with 
them-  the  brothers'  friends  will  come  t(.o;  and  all  will  live 
together  in  a  fraternal  way  for  weeks  or  months,  though  no 
elderly  relative  or  married  lady  be  of  the  party. 

There  can  be  no  <l()ubt  that  the  pleasure  of  life  is  sensibly 
increased  1)V  the  givater  freedom  which  transatlantic  custom 
permits-  and  as  the  Amt>ricans  insist  that  no  bad  results  have 
followed,-  one  notes  with  regret   that   fr(>e<lom  d.>clines  m  the 
places  which  deem  themselves  most  civilized.      American  girls 
have  been,  so  far  as  a  stranger  <-an  ascertain,  less  disposed  to 
what  are  called  "fast  ways"  than  girls  of  the  corresponding 
classes  in  England,-  and  exercis.-  in  this  inspect  a  pretty  rigor- 
ous censorship  over  one  another.     But  wlu>n  two  yovmg  people 
Pnd  pleasure  in  one  another's  company,  the-  can  see  as  much  of 
each  other  as  thev  please,  ca:i  talk  and  walk  togeth.>r  frequently, 
can  show  that  thev  are  nmtually  interested,  an.l  yet  need  have 
little  fear  of  being  misunderstood  either  by  one  another  or  by 
the  rest  of  the  world.'     It  is  all  a  matter  of  custom      In  the 
West  custom  sanctions  this  easy  friendship  :  while  in  the  Atlan- 
tic cities,  so  soon  as  p(M.ple  hav.>  (M.me  to  lin.l  sonu>thmg  excep- 
tional in  it,  constraint  is  f.-lt.  and  a  conventional  etiquette  like 
that  of  the  Old  World  begins  to  replace  the  innocent  simplicity 
of  the  older  time,  the  test  of  whose  merit  may  be  gathered  from 


»  I  may  hv  rcniiiuicd  of  tlic  pr.vali  iic 
but  thiiik'that  tliis  pruvc  evil  is  «iiic  ii<.t  t 
ntlautic  .        era.     The  cans,    is  rathir  ti 
less  than  woniiii  have  forninl  of  lit;litly. 
(iissolviiiB  the  niairiuK-'  ti<'.     I  have  how.- 
book  (Slurlrtx  in  H i^.lon/  anfl  .1  iin.--i>rii:hiii 

'Tho  hal)it  of  smokiiiK  ciiiarctfi's  wliic' 
men  of  thi'  rifhcr  class  in  tli<'  <  ii.l  "i  last  i< 
Atnoricaii  iiirls. 

•1  ISi'tui  rn  fastncas  and  frcoioni  tlim- 
in  the  world,  but  n<w-<'oni.'is  from   I'.nroi 
nnfo  hoard  a   C.i'nnun  lady   8.lll<<l  m  a 
women  as  -  furchthiir  frd   und  fun htbar 
fully  pious) . 


•  Mild  trrowiiii!  frcciucnfy  of  divorrp, 
1  th"  (omiiarativc  fr'i-iloni  of  Trans- 
be  Hdiitiht  in  the  habit  wliii'h  nun  no 
iliiiost  (  aiiricioiisty,  iiitcrinn  into  and 
\rr,  disiiisscd  this  siibj.'ct  in  another 

li  bicaii  to  spnad  atnnnK  ICtiRlish  wo- 
iitur\  s  •(  ins  to  ill'  li~s  frciiui-nt  among 


i(.^  ill  th<-  difTcri'iiot^ 
I   re  ini'nitxT  to  havo 
Wrstcrn   city   <hararti-ri/.i>   Amfrioan 
fioiinii  "   (frijfhtfully  frt-c  and  fright- 


in    Air.rritaii 
an-  startlid. 


11 
11 


804 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTION'S 


PART  VI 


the  persuasion  in  Amorica  that  the  generally  happy  marriages  in 
the  society  of  the  rural  (Ustriets,  no  less  than  the  idyllic  charm 
of  the  life  of  young  p<'ople  there,  were  due  to  the  anipler  op- 
port unities  which  young  men  and  women  hud  of  learning  one 
another's  characters  and  habits  Ix-fore  lM>coming  betrothed. 
Most  girls  have  a  larger  range  of  intimate  acquaintances  than 
girls  have  in  P'.urope,  intercourse*  is  franker,  there  is  less  differ- 
(<ii<-c  between  the  manners  of  hom(>  and  the  manners  of  general 

society. 

In  n()  count rv  are  women,  and  espj'cially  young  women,  so 
much  made  of.     The  world  is  at   their  feet.     Society  seema 
organiz(>d  for  the  purpose  of  providing  enjoyment  for  them. 
Parents,  uncles,  aimts,  ,'lderly  friends,  even  brothers,  are  ready 
to  make  their  comfort  and  convenience  bend  to  the  girls'  wishes. 
The  wife's  opportimities  are  circumscrilnd,  except  among  the; 
richest  people,  by  the  duties  of  household  management,  owing 
to  the  great  difficulty  of  obtaining  domestic  "  h(>lp."     But  she 
holds  in  her  own  house  a  more  prominent,  if  not  a  more  sub- 
stantially powerful,  position  than  in  England  or  even  in  P>ance. 
With  theCWTman  Hnuxjrnti,  who  is  too  often  contiMit  to  be  a 
iiiere  housewife,  there  is  of  course  no  comparison.     The  best 
l)roof  of  the  superior  place  Am(>rican  ladies  occupy  is  to  be 
found  in  the  notions  they  profess  to  entertain  of  the  relations 
of  an  Knglish  married  pair.     They  talk  of  the  ^:nglish  wif(>  as 
little  better  than  a  slave,  declaring  that  when  they  stay  with 
English  fricMids,  or  receive  an  English  couple  in  .Vmerica,  they 
see  th(>  wife  always  deferring  to  the  husband  and  the  husband 
always  assuming  that  his  pleasun*  and  convenience  are  to  pre- 
vail.    Th(>  European  wife,  they  admit,  often  gets  her  own  way, 
i)ut  she  gets  it  by  tactful  arts,  by  Mattery  or  wheedling  or  play- 
ing (m  the  man's  w(>akness"s  ;  wherea,s  in  .Vmerica  the  husband's 
duty  and  desire  is  to  gratify  the  wife  and  renih'r  to  her  those 
services  which   the   English   tyrant  exacts  from  his  consort.' 
One  may  often  hear  an  American  matron  eonuniserate  a  friend 
who  has  married  in  Europe,  while  the  daughters  declare  in 
chorus  that  they  will  nev(>r  follow  the  example.     Laughable 
as  all  this  may  seem  to  Englishwomen,  it  is  perfectly  true  that 

'  I  liavc  hi'urd  American  ladies  say,  for  iiistanro,  that  they  havp  olworvcd 
that  an  Kticlishnian  whi>  lias  forRottcn  his  koys  snuls  his  wifo  to  tho  top  of  the 
house  to  feteh  them  ;  whereas  an  Aiiierieaii  would  do  the  like  errand  for  hia  wife, 
and  never  8u£tcr  her  to  do  it  for  him. 


CHAP,   rxil 


TIIK  POSITION   OF  WOMEN' 


80.-. 


tlu'  thoorv  us  well  as  the  practi.r  of  ••..iijUKul  hi.-  i-*  not   tl.r 
Huinc  in  Anu'rica  as  in  Knulan.!.     Tlu're  arv  ovi'thcannK  hus- 
bands  in  America.  Imt  they  ar(>  njorc  cond.Mnncd  l.y  the  opuuon 
of  tho  n(.iKhl«)urhot)(l  tiiau  in  KiiKlaml.     Tht-rt'  an-  exacting 
wives  in  EnRland,  hut  their  husi)an(ls  are  more  pitieil  ti.an 
would  l)e  the  case  in  Anu-rica.     In  neither  country  can  one 
say  that  the  princi|)le  of  perf.'ct  e(iuaiity  reiK'ns,  for  m  America 
the  l)ahincc  inchnes  as  much  in  favour  .)f  the  wife  as  it  do«-s 
in  KiiKland  in  favour  of  tlie  husband.     No  one  man  can  have 
a  sutficientiv  lar^e  accpiaintance  in  both  c(,untries  to  entitle 
his  indivi(hial  (.pinit.n  on  tlie  resuUs  to  much  weiKht.      lh()se 
observers    who,    having    livd  in  lK)th    countries,   favour    the 
American  practi<-e,  .!<»  s.,  b«rause  the  theory  it   is  based  on 
departs  less  from   pure  e(iuality  than  does  that   of   hiiKlaiul. 
Such  obs,.rvers  do  not  mean  that  th.'  recoRnition  of  women  as 
equals  or  su|M'riors  makes  them  any  better  or  sweeter  or  wiser 
than  Englishwomen  ;  but  rather  that  the  principle  of  (Kiuahty, 
by  correctiiiR  the  characteristic  faults  of  men,  and  especially 
their  selfislniess  and  vanity,  is  more  ciMiducive  to  the  concon 
and  happiness  of  a  hom.>.     This  may  b.-  tru.-,  but  I  have  heard 
others  declare  that  there  is,  at  least  among  the  richer  class,  a 
crowing  detachment  of  the  wife  from  the  husbands  hfc  and 
interests,  .so  that  she  is  more  disposed  to  absent  herself  for 
long  periods  from  him  ;  and  some  observers  maintain  that  tlie 
American  svstem,  since  it  does  not  re(iuire  the  wife  habitually 
to  forego  h.'rown  wishes,  t(>nds,  if  not  to  make  her  s(>lf-mdulgent 
and  capricious,  vet  slightly  to  impair  the  more  delicate  charms 
of  character;  as  it  is  written,  "It  is  more  blessed  to  give  than 

^'\rneed'hanllv  be  said  that  in  all  cas(>s  where  the  tw..  s,^es 
come  into  comp<'tition  for  comfort,  the  provisum  is  made  first 
for  women.     Hefore  drawing-room  cars  had  become  common 
the  end  car   in    railroad   trains,  being   that    farthest    renK.ved 
from  the  smoke  of  the  locomotiv.>,  was  often  reserve,    for  them 
(though  men  accompanying  a  lady  could  .>nter  it),  and  at  hotels 
their  sitting-room  is  the  best  and  sonK>times  the  only  ^y^^"^^ 
public  room,  ladvless  guests  being  .Iriven  to  the  bar  or  the  hall. 
It  is  sometimes  said  that  the  privileges  yielded  to  Amencan 
women  have  ilisposed  them  to  claim  as  a  right  what  was  only 
a  courtesv,  and  have  told  iinfavourably  upon  their  manners. 
Instances;  such  as  that   of   women  entering   public   vehicles 


HOIl 


S()<IAI.  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


already  ovj'nTowiU-tl,  arc  cited  in  supijort  of  this  view,  l>ut  I 
cannot  on  the  whole  think  it  well  founded.  The  better  l)red 
women  do  not  presume  on  their  sex;  and  the  area  of  Rood 
breeding  is  always  widening.  It  need  hanlly  be  said  that 
the  community  at  large  \i,u\m  by  the  .softeninR  and  restrainiiiR 
influence  which  the  reverence  for  womanhood  diffuses.  Noth- 
ing so  ciuickly  incenses  the  people  as  any  insult  offere<l  to  a 
woman.  Wife-beating,  and  indeed  any  kind  of  rough  violence 
offered  to  a  woman,  is  far  less  common  among  the  rudest 
class  than  it  is  in  Englatul.  Field  work  or  work  at  the  pit- 
mouth  of  mines  is  seldom  or  never  done  by  women  in  America  ; 
and  the  Anu-rican  traveller  who  in  some  parts  of  Kurope  finds 
women  ix-rforming  sevi-re  manual  labour  is  revolted  by  the 
sight  in  a  way  wiiich  Kuropeuns  find  surjjrising. 

In  the  fartlHT  West,  that  is  to  say,  beyond  the  Mississippi, 
in  the  Rocky  Mountain  and  Pacific  Slates,  one  is  much  struck 
by  what  seems  the  absence  of  the  hvunblest  class  of  women. 
The  trains  are  full  of  ixjorly  dressed  and  sometimes  (though 
less  frequently)  rough-maimered  men.     One  discovers  no  wo- 
men whose  dress  or  air  marks  them  out  as  tlic  wives,  daugh- 
ters, or  sisters  of  these  men,  and  wonders  whether  the  male 
population  is  celibate,  and  if  so,  why  there  are  so  many  women. 
Closer  observation  shows  that  the  wives,  daughters,  and  sisters 
are  there,  only  their  attire  and  manner  are  those  of  what  Euro- 
peans woultl  call  middle  c!ass  and  not  working  cla.ss  people. 
This  is  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  Western  men  affect  a  rough 
dress.     Still  one  may  say  that  the  remark  so  often  made  that 
the  masses  of  the  .\nierican  iieople  correspond  to  the  middle 
class  of  Kurope  is  more  true  of  the  women  than  of  the  men, 
and  is  more  true  of  them  in  the  rural  districts  and  in  the  West 
than  it  is  of  the  inhabitants  of  Atlantic  cities.     I  remember  to 
have  been  dawdling  in  a  book-store  in  a  small  town  in  Oregon 
when  a  lady  entered  to  inciuire  if  a  monthly  magazine,  whose 
name  was  unknown  to  me,  had  yet  arrived.     When  she  was 
gone  I  asked  the  salesman  who  sh(>  was,  and  what  was  the 
periodical  she  wanted.     He  answered  that  she  wa.s  the  wife 
of  a  railway  workman,  that   the  magazine  was  u  journal  of 
fashions,  and  that  the  demanil  for  such  journals  was  large  and 
constant  among  women  of  the  wage-earning  class  in  the  town. 
This  set  me  to  observing  female  dress  more  closely,  and  it  turned 
out  to  be  perfectly  true  that  the  women  in  these  little  towns 


THAT.    >  XII 


THK  fOSlTlCN  OF  WoMKM 


ROQ 


wore  foll..win«  the  Varmmx  fush...n>  v.-rv  .•IcmIv.  aiul  wrr  in 
fact  Hhnul  of  th.>  n.ujority  ..I  lluKli.l.  la.li.s  luUnimnn  to  tin- 
ujv^.xum\  .iiul  nun-ai.tilr  .•lu>s..s.'  Of  .„ut>..  in  su<-l,  a  tc.wn 
as  I  rcf.T  t..  tluTi-  ur..  no  doin-slir  >.rvMnts  .x.-opt  in  I  lie  holds 
(i,ul,>r.l.  uUnoHt  the  ..nly  .lonu-sli.-  m-ivi...  to  Im-  ha.l  in  tht- 
PaciHc  Stat«'s  wan  th.-n  tl.iil  of  Chin.-s.K  so  tlu-sc  votanrs  o» 
fashion  did  all  thrir  own  housework  and   looked  after  their 

own  l>al>i<'s. 

Three  eausi's  eoinhiiu'  t.)  ereate  anioiin  Ainenean  women  an 
averaue  of  hterary   taste  and   inllne-..e   higher  than  that   o 
women  in  any  European  eountry.     Th.s,.  are,  the  edueational 
faeihties   thev   enj<.y.   the   ren.Knilion   ol    th.    e(,uahty   of   the 
sexes  in  the  whoh-  soeial  and  intelleetnal  sphere,  and  tlie  h-isure 
whieh  thev  possess  as  c.mpare.l  witli  men.     In  a  •■..nntry  where 
men  are  incessantly  oceupi.'d  at   th.-ir  business  or  profession, 
the  function  of  ke<.pinK  uj.  the  h-  -el  of  .ulfure  devolves  upon 
women      It  is  safe  in  their  hands.      Thev  are  (,uiek  and  keen- 
witted   h-ss  fond  of  op«M.-air  hfe  and  physical  exertion  than 
EnnUsiiwomen  are,  aiul  ..hh^.-d  hy  the  .Innate  to  pass  a  great er 
part  of  their  time  uu.h>r  shelter  from  the  coM  of  winter  and 
the  sun  of  summer.     For  music  an.l  for  the  pictorial  arts  they 
,U)not  vet  seem  to  hav.«  formed  so  >tn.nn  a  taste  as  for  litera- 
ture,  partlv  perhaps  <,winu  to  the  fad  that  in  Am.-rica  the  oi> 
nortunities  of  seciiiK  and  hearing  masterpieces,  .■xcei^t  indeed 
operas,  are  rar.-r  than   in   Kuroi.<>.     Hnt    they   are  ea^.T  and 
assiduous  rea.h'rs  of  all  such  hooks  and  penodi<-a  s  as  do  not 
pn'suppose   sp<.cial   knowledge   in   s.,me   l.ranch   of   science   or 
learning,  while  the  numi.er  who  have  devoted  themselves  to 
some  special  study  and  attained  proHcien.-y  m  it  is  large.      1  hey 
love  society,  ami  now  then-  is  hardly  a  villag.'  that  has  not  its 
women's  club  where  papers  are  n-ad  an.l  all  sorts  of  .-urrent 
questi.msdiscuss.<l,.jft.-nwith  th<-  inci.l.'i.tal  ivsult  .,t  enabling 
those  of  shMider  means  but  cultivat.-d  tastes  to  c-oni.>  into  social 
contact  with  those  of  higher  position.     Th.^  f.>ndness  for  s.>nti- 
ment,    especiallv    moral    and    dom.-sti.-    sent.nu-nt,    which    is 
often   ol)s.>rved    as    duiracterizing    Ameri.-an    taste    in    litera- 
ture   seems  to  be   mainly  due  to  ♦'»■    inHuence    of   women, 
for  ihey  form  n..l  ...ii>   the  larger  p.-t  of  the  read,ng  public, 

.  The  alv>v.-.  of  -•.mrs,-,  .I.m-s  not  ,.p,.l.v  f.  th.-  l:.t.-t  in,n.i«n,nts  from  Europe. 

who  ar,^  stiTl  Eur .m  i.  th,  .r  .tr,  >s  uu,l  w:>ys.  though  .n  a  town  thoy  Ix-oom. 

quickly  AmcTifiiiii7.'  <1. 


ij 

il 


mi 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT   VI 


If: 


but  an  indcpendent-iniiMlwl  part,  not  disposed  to  adopt  the 
i-anons  laid  down  by  men,  and  their  preferences  count  for  more 
in  the  opinions  and  predilections  of  the  whole  nation  than  is 
the  ease  in  England.  Similarly  the  number  of  women  who 
write  is  much  larger  in  America  than  in  Europe.  Fiction, 
essays,  and  poetry  are  naturally  their  favourite  provinces. 
In  poetry  more  particularly,  many  whose  naines  are  quite  un- 
known in  Europe  have  attained  widespread  fame. 

Some  one  may  ask  how  far  the  differences  between  the  posi- 
tion of  women  in  America  and  th(Mr  position  in  Europe  are 
due  to  democracy,  or  if  not  to  this,  then  to  what  other  cause. 

They  are  due  to  democratic  feeling  in  so  far  as  they  spring 
from  the  notion  that  all  men  are  free  and  e(iual,  {assessed  of 
certain    inalienable    rights,    and   owing   certain    corresponding 
duties.     This  root  idea  of  democracy  cannot  stop  at  defining 
men  as  male  human  beings,  any  more  than  it  could  ultimately 
stop  at  defining  them  as  white  human  beings.     For  many  years 
the  Americans  believed  in  equality  with  the  pride  of  discoverers 
as  well  as  with  the  fervour  of  ai>ostles.     Accustomed  to  apply 
it  to  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  men,  they  were  naturally  the 
first  to  apply  it  to  women  also;  not,  indeed,  as  respects  poli- 
tics, but  in  all  the  social  as  well  as  legal  relations  of  life.     De- 
mocracy is  in  America  more  respectful  of  the  individual,  less 
disposed  to  infringe  his  freedom  or  sul)ject  him  to  any  sort 
of  legal  or  fannly  control,  than  it  has  shown  itself  in  Conti- 
nental Europe,  and  this  regard  for  the  individual  enured  to 
the  benefit  of  women.     Of  the  other  causes  that  have  worke<l 
in  the  same  direction  two   may   be   mentioned.     One   is   the 
usage    of   the    C'ongregationalist,    Presbyterian,    and    Baptist 
churches,  under  which  a  woman  who  is  a  member  of  the  con- 
gregation has  the  same  rights  in  choosing  a  deacon,  elder,  or 
pjistor,  as  a  man  has.     Another  is  the  fact  that   among  the 
westward-moving  settlers  women  were  at  first  few  in  number, 
and  were  therefon>  treated  with  sp<>cial   respect.     The  habit 
then  formed  was  retained  as  the  communities  grew,  and  propa- 
gated itself  all  over  the  country. 

What  have  been  the  results  on  the  character  and  usefulness 
of  women  themselves? 

On  the  whole  favourable.  Though  critics  d\V(>ll  on  some 
drawbacks,  it  is  a  giiin  that  American  women  have  been  a(l- 
mitted   to  a  wider  life   and   more  variety  of  career  than  is 


CHAP,  cxn 


THE  POSITION    OF  WOMKX 


80'J 


enjoyed  in  Continental  Europe.  Thus  there  has  heen  pro- 
duced a  sort  of  independence  and  u  capacity  for  self-help 
which  are  increasingly  valuable  as  th.-  nunii.cr  of  unmarried 
women  increases.  Many  resources  an  now  oi)en  to  an  Ameri- 
can woman  who  has  to  lead  a  solitary  lif.',  not  merely  m  the 
way  of  emplovment,  hut  for  the  occupation  of  lier  mind  and 
tastes;  whileher  education  has  not  rendered  the  American 
wife  less  eomiietent  for  the  discharjie  of  household  duties 

How  has  the  nation  at  large  l)e<ii  atTeitcl  l)y  the  develop- 
ment of  this  new  type  of  womanhood.  «)r  rather  perhaps  of 
this  variation  on  the  English  type? 

If  women  have  on  the  whole  gained,  it  is  clear  that  the  nation 
gains  through   them.     As  mothers  they  mould  the  character 
of  their    children,  while   the   fuiu'tion  of  forming  th<'  habits 
of  society  and  determining  its  ino.al  tone  r.'sis  greatly  in  then- 
hands.     But  th        is  reason  to  think  that  the  influence  of  the 
American  system  tells  directly  for  good  upon  men  as  w<>ll  as 
upon  the  whole  communit        The  resptut    for  women   which 
every  American  man  either  feels  or  is  obliged  by  public  senti- 
ment to  profess  has  a  wholesome  eff.-ct  on   his   conduct   and 
character,  and  serves  to  check  the  cynicism  whi.-h  some  oth.-r 
peculiarities  of  the  country  foster.     The  nati<.n  as  a  whole  owes 
to  the  active  b(>nevolen(r  of  its  women,  and  their  zeal  in  promot- 
ing social  reforms,  benefits  which  th(- customs  of  ("(mtinental 
Europe  would  M-arcelv  have  permitted  women  to  confer.     Euro- 
peans have  of  late  vears  begun  to  rend.T  a  well-<les..rved  ad- 
miration  to  the  brightness  aii<l   vivacity  of   American   ladies. 
Those  who  know  the  work  th<-y  have  .lone  and  are  <loing  m 
manv  a  noble  cause  will  admire  still  more  th.ir  .nergy,  their 
cour'age,  their  self-d(>votion.     No  country  seems  I.,  owe  more 
to  its  women  than  Ameri<-a  do<>s.  nor  to  owe  t..  them  so  much 
of  what  is  best  in  social  institutions  and  in  the  l)eliels  that 
govern  contluct. 


CHAPTER  CXIII 


sM^  I 


KQUALITY 

The  United  States  are  deemed  all  the  world  over  to  be  pre- 
eminently the  land  of  etiuality.  This  was  the  first  feature 
which  struek  Europeaun  when  they  he^an,  after  the  peaee  of 
ISlf)  had  left  them  time  to  look  l)(>yoiid  the  Atlantic,  to  fee! 
curious  about  the  phenomena  of  a  new  society.  This  was  the 
great  theme  of  Tocqueville's  descrii)tion,  and  the  starting- 
point  of  his  speculations;  this  has  l)een  the  most  constant 
iMjast  of  the  Americans  themselves,  who  have  l)elieved  their 
liberty  more  complete  than  that  of  any  other  people,  because 
equality  has  been  more  fully  bl{>nd(Hl  with  it.  Yet  some  phi- 
losophers say  that  equality  is  impossil)le,  and  others,  \yho  ex- 
press themselves  more  precisely,  insist  that  distinctions  of 
rank  are  so  inevitable,  that  however  you  try  to  expunge  them, 
they  are  sure  to  reappear.  Before  we  discuss  this  question, 
let  us  see  in  what  senses  the  word  is  used. 

First  there  is  legal  ('(piality,  including  both  what  one  may 
call  passive  or  private  equalily,  /.<>.  the  equal  possession  of 
civil  private  rights  by  all  inhat)itants.  and  active  or  public 
equality,  the  equal  ])ossession  by  all  of  rights  t«>  a  share  in  the 
government,  such  as  th(>  electoral  franchis<<  and  eligibility 
to  pul)lic  office.  Both  kinds  of  political  equality  exist  in 
America,  in  the  amplest  measure,  and  may  be  dismissed  from 
the  present  discussion. 

Next  there  is  the  equality  of  material  conditions,  that  is,  of 
wealth,  and  all  that  wealth  "gives ;  there  is  the  equality  of  edu- 
cation and  intelligence:  there  is  the  (viuality  of  social  status 
or  rank;  and  there  is  (what  com(>s  near  to,  but  is  not  exactly 
the  same  as,  this  last)  the  equality  of  estimation,  i.e.  of  tlu> 
yal„o  v.hic}.  men  set  upon  one  another,  whatever  be  the  ele- 
ments that  come  into  thi-  value,  whether  wealth,  or  education, 
or  official  rank,  or  social  rank,  or  any  otlier  species  of  excellence. 
In  how  many  ami  whicli  of  these  scn-^es  of  the  word  does  equality 
exist  in  the  United  rotates? 

810 


CHAP.    CXIII 


EQUALITY 


811 


Not  as  regards  matoriiil  condition 


of  last  century 


there  were  no 


large  fortunes,  no  pov 


Till  about  the  middle 

great  fortunes  in  America,  fe.vv 

iome  poverty  (though 


:>rtv.     Now  then  is 


only  in  a  few  places  can  it 


l)e  called  pauperism),  many  large 


fortunes,  and  a  greater  number  of  gigantic  fortunes  than  in  any 


other  country   in  the  wo 


■Id.     The   class  of  persons  who  are 


other  country   m  me  wwn.i.      ...v    < .-        •     ^,  . 

pa    ably  well  off  but  not  rich  i<  nmch  larger  than  m  the  gi'eat 
countries  of  Europe.     Between  the  houses    the  dress,  and  the 
vav  of  life  of  thei  persons,  and  tho.,>  of  the  richer  sort   there 
Ts  1  .1  d  ffcHMU-e  than  in  iMUopc     The  very  rich  do  not  (except 
„  a  few  places)  make  an  ostentatious  display  of  their  wealth, 
because  thev  have  no  means  of  doing  so,  an.l  a  visitor  is  there- 
for   Tpt   to- overrate  the  extee.t   to  which  equality  of  wealth 
and  <,    material  conditions  generally,  still  prevails.     1  he  most 
mnarkable  phenon.enon  of  the  la.t  half  ccitury  has  been  the 
annearance    not   onlv  of    those    <-..lossul   milli..naires  who  fill 
JhTnubhc  eve    but 'of  a  crowd  of  millionaires  of  the  second 
1     men  wUh  fortunes  ranging  from  S.-.,(K)n,0()()  to  *20,000,- 
(K)0      \t  a  seasid.>  r<>sort    lik.-  Newport,  where  one  sees     he 
fin^^ned  luxurv  of  the  ^^llas,   and   counts  the  w.>ll-appom  ed 
eoiipage      wiih   their  superb  horses,   which  turn  out   m  the 
aft^no'm   erne  gets  some  impression  of  the  vast  an.l  growmg 
w  alt"'  o    the   Kastern   .-ities.     l>,ut  through  the  couniry  gen- 
erallv  there  is  little  to  mark  out  the  man  with  an  income  o 
SICK)  00.)  a  vear  fron.    the   man   of   .*20,(K)(),  as  he  is  marked 
.itn  England  by  his  country  house  with  its  park.  -  n:  France 
hv   th(>  opportunities   for   .lisplay    whi<-h    Pans   affonls.     The 
nnnln>r  o    these,  fortum-s  scmus  likely  to  go  on  incn-asing   for 
Zv  are  due    not    merely  to  the  sudd.-n  deveh>pment  of  the 
West   with  the  .bailees  of  making  vast  sums  by  land  speculation 
on,' railway  construction.  l>ut  to  the  field  for  doing  biisiness 
on  a  gr..at  «cal.'.  which  the  size  of  the  country  pn-sent>      ^\here 
:"m.Simit  o.  inanufactur..-  in  France  or  l^.^and  c.u     realize 

thousamls.  an  American.  ..|>erating  '"';'•'• /'''''*'>  v""*!.'"  nVav 
far  wider  theatre,  mav  r.-alize  tens  of  thousand.,  ^\e  may 
therX;;  expect  these'  ine<,ualitie.  of  wealth  to  ^n.w  iior  w.U 
even  the  habit  of  e<,ual  .livision  among  children  keep  t  Im 
down  for  famili.-s  are  ott.Mi  >maii.  and  ll.ougu  some  of  thohe 
wirin  erit  wealth  mav  renounce  bixiness.  others  will  pursue 
in  t^^e  at ua,., ions  of  other  kinds  of  life  are  fewer  than  in 
Eur  pe.     I'oiitics  are  less  interesting,  there  ,.  no  great  land- 


812 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


holtliiig  i-i:<-<s  with  the  duties  towurds  touants  un«l  iu'ighlx)urs 
which  an  EhkHsIi  squirt'  may,  if  Uv  plt'uscs,  usefully  discharge; 
the  pursuit  of  collecting  pictures  or  other  obje'-ts  of  curiosity  im- 
plies frequent  visits  to  Europe,  and  although  the  kilUng  of  birds 
l)revails  in  the  Middle  Statch  and  the  killing  of  deer  in  Maine 
and  the  West,  this  rather  barbarous  form  of  pleasure  is  likely  in 
lime  to  die  out  from  a  civilized  people.  Other  kinds  of  what  is 
called  "sport"  no  «loul)t  remain,  such  as  horse-racing,  eagerly 
pursued  in  the  form  of  trotting  matches,'  "rushing  round" 
i;i  an  automobile,  and  the  maidier  amusements  of  yacht-racing, 
rowing,  a.ul  l>ase-l)all,  but  these  can  be  followed  only  during 
part  of  the  year,  and  some  of  tliem  only  by  the  young.  To 
lead  a  life  of  so-called  pit .  sure  gives  much  more  trouble  in 
an  American  city  than  it  does  in  Paris  or  Vienna  or  Ix)ndon. 
Accordingly,  while  many  great  fortunes  will  continue  to  be 
made,  they  will  be  less  easily  and  (juickly  si>ent  than  in  Europe, 
and  one  may  surmi  -.e  that  the  tciuality  of  material  conditions, 
almost  universal  in  the  eighteenth  century,  still  general  in 
the  middle  of  the  nineteenth,  will  more  and  more  diminish 
by  the  growth  of  a  very  ricii  class  at  one  end  of  the  line,  and 
of  a  very  poor  class  at  the  other  end.' 

As  respects  education,  the  i)rofusion  of  superior  as  well  as 
elementary  schools  tends  to  raise  the  mass  to  a  somewhat  higher 
point  ihan  in  Europe,  while  the  stimulus  of  life  being  keener 
and  the  habit  of  reading  more  general,  the  number  of  persons  one 
finds  on  the  same  general  level  of  brightness,  keenness,  and  a 
superficially  competent  knowle<lge  of  common  facts,  whether 
in  science,  history,  geography,  or  literature,  is  extremely  large. 
This  general  level  tends  to  rise.  Hut  the  level  of  exceptional 
.ittainment  in  that  still  relatively  small  though  increasing 
(•la.ss  who  have  studied  at  th(>  best  native  universities  or  in 
lOurope.  and  who  pursue  learning  and  science  either  as  a  pro- 
fession '.  !■  as  a  source  of  pleasure,  rises  faster  than  does  the 
general  level  of  the  multitude,  .so  that  in  this  regard  also  it 
apfx'ars  that  ecjuality  has  diminished  and  will  diminish  further. 

So  far  we  have  been  on   comparatively  smooth   and  ea.sy 

'  The  tiottiiii!  liorw  is  ilrivi  ii.  not  ridden,  a  return  to  the  earliest  forms  of 
horMe-raeinti  we  know  of. 

'  How  far  extreme  iiieini,ilit\  of  material  eondilioiis,  eoexistinR  with  politieal 
e(|Ualit.v,  is  likely  to  prove  a  Moiirn>  of  polilieal  daiiirer  is  a  <|U«'»tioli  diseussed 
ill  other  ehaptera.  Hitherto  it  has  not  proveil  wrious.  ("f.  Aristotle,  Polil.  V., 
1.  2. 


CHAP.   CXIII 


BlQl  ALITY 


813 


ground.  Equality  of  wealth  is  a  coiicrctt'  thiiiK;  equality  of 
intellectual  possession  and  resource  is  a  thiuf?  which  can  be 
perceived  and  gauged.  Of  social  ecjuality,  of  distinctions  of 
standing  and  estimation  in  private  life,  it  is  far  more  (lifficult 
to  speak,  and  in  what  follows  I  speak  with  some  hesitation. 

One  thing,  and  perhaps  one  thing  only,  may  be  asserted  with 
confidence.  There  is  no  rank  in  .\merica,  that  is  to  say,  no 
external  and  recognized  stamp,  marking  one  man  as  entitled  to 
any  social  privileges,  or  to  deference  and  res|)ect  from  others. 
No  man  is  entitled  to  think  himself  Ix'tler  than  his  fellows,  or 
to  expect  any  exci<ptional  consideration  to  Ik-  shown  l)y  them  to 
him.  Kxcept  in  the  national  capital,  tlicrc  is  no  sucii  thing  as  a 
recognized  order  of  precech'nce,  either  on  put>lic  occasions  or 
at  a  private  party,  save  that  yielded  to  a  few  official  ptTsons,  such 
as  the  governor  and  chief  judges  of  a  State  within  that  State,  as 
well  as  to  the  Presid(«nt  and  Vice-1'resident,  the  Speaker  of  the 
House,  the  Federal  senators,  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Federal 
Court,  and  the  members  of  the  President's  cabinet  everywhere 
through  the  Union.  In  fact,  the  idea  of  a  regular  "rule  of 
precedence"  displeases  the  Americans,'  and  one  finds  them 
slow  to  believe  that  the  application  of  such  rules  in  Furop<! 
gives  no  offence  to  persons  who  iM)ssess  no  conventional  rank, 
but  may  be  personally  older  or  more  distinguislu'd  than  those 

who  have  it. 

What,  then,  is  tlu>  (>(Tect  or  inMuence  for  social  purposes  of 
such  distinctions  as  do  exist  betwet-n  men,  distinctions  of  birth, 
of  wealth,  of  official  position,  of  intellectual  eminence? 

To  l)e  sprung  from  an  ancient  stock,  or  from  a  stock  which 
can  count  persons  of  eminence  among  it>  ancestors,  is  of  course 
a  satisfaction  to  th.>  man  himself.  Th.>re  is  at  present  a  passion 
among  Americans  for  geiiealoiiic.il  nsearclio.  A  good  many 
families  can  trace  themselves  hack  to  I'-nglish  families  of  the 
sixteenth  or  seventeenth  ceiitin-y,  and  of  course  a  great  many 
more  profess  to  do  so.  For  a  man^  ancestors  to  have  conu* 
over  in  the  Mnnflourr  is  in  .America  much  what  (heir  hav- 
ing come  over  with  William  the  Conqueror  used  to  be  in  p]ng- 
land  and   is   often  claimed   on   ('(pially   llimsy  grounds.     The 

'  In  private  purtics.  h.  far  as  tluri-  i,i  any  nili'  i)f  pnccli-iirv,  it  is  tiiat  of 
iiRr  with  a  tciKlni.v  to  inuki-  an  .  x.-.iitic.ii  in  favour  ..f  rl.rc\  tncii  or  of  any  |«T- 
K,u  of  sporiBl  .•n.in.„rr.  It  is  only  in  \VashinKt.,n.  wli.  n  senator-^.  jM.lc-s, 
niinistors.  and  <on(!rfSPni..n  an  s..nsitiv..  ..n  tli.'sr  ,„,iiits.  that  micli  .i"'*''"'!* 
■ccni  to  arisr.  or  to  U;  ri'nar.h.l  as  .i.-s-rvinn  th.   attention  of  a  rational  lumd. 


814 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


descendants  of  any  of  thi'  revolutionary  heroes,  such  as  John 
Adams,  Eduiumr  Randolph,  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  the 
descendants  of  any  famous  man  of  colonial  times,  such  as  the 
early  governors  of  Massachusetts  from  William  Endicott 
downwards,  or  of  Jonathan  Eilwanls,  or  of  Eliot,  tl»e  apostle 
of  the  Indians,  are  regarded  by  their  neighbours  with  a  certain 
amount  of  interest,  and  their  legit imatx'  prid(>  in  such  an  an- 
cestry excites  no  disapproval.'  In  the  Eastern  cities  and  at 
fashionable  sunimer  resorts  one  begins  to  see  carriages  with 
armorial  bearings  on  their  panels,  but  most  peopl(>  appear  to 
disapprove  or  ridicule  this  as  a  piece  of  Anglomania,  more  likely 
to  be  practised  by  a  parvenu  than  by  the  scion  of  a  really  old 
family.  Virginians  used  to  s(>t  nmch  store  by  their  jjedigrees, 
and  the  letters  F.F.V.  (First  Families  of  Virginia)  had  become 
a  sort  of  jest  against  persons  pluming  themselves  on  their 
.social  position  in  the  Old  Dijminion.-  Since  the  war,  however, 
which  sliattered  old  Virginian  society  from  its  foundations,  one 
hears  less  of  such  pretensions.'' 

The  fault  which  Americans  are  most  frequently  accused  of 
is  the  worship  of  wealth.  The  amazing  fuss  which  is  made 
about  very  rich  men,  the  descriptions  of  their  doings,  the  spec- 
ulation as  to  their  intentions,  the  gossip  about  their  private 
life,  lend  colour  to  the  reproach.  He  who  builds  up  a  hiige 
fortune,  (>sp(«cially  if  he  does  it  suddenly,  is  no  doubt  a  sort 
of  hero,  because  an  enormous  number  of  men  have  the  same 
ambition.  Having  done  best  what  millions  are  trying  to  do, 
he  is  discu.ssed,  aihnired,  and  envied  in  the  same  way  as  the 
captain  of  a  cricket  eleven  is  at  an  English  .school,  or  the  stroke 
of  the  university  boat  at  Oxford  or  f'ambridge.     If  he  be  a 


W: 


'  In  all  thr  casi's  niciitidm-fl  in  the  t<'xt,  I  rptiiPiiihcr  to  liayo  l>oon  told  by 
others,  Imt  ni'vcr  liy  the  persons  (■Diiccnicil,  of  the  niiiisfry  This  is  ati  illus- 
tration of  thr  fac't  tli.-it  whili'  suih  .aiircstry  is  felt  to  !«■  ii  distinction  it  would 
tw  thouRht  bad  taste  for  those  who  (xjssrss  it  to  mention  it  uiilesii  a  neepssity 
arose  for  tlieni  to  do  so. 

'  An  aiiee.tote  is  toM  of  the  eiiptnin  of  a  str  atner  plyiuK  Mt  a  ferry  from  Mary-, 
land  into  Viruinia.  who.  iHimt  .isked  by  a  needy  Viririnian  to  (.ive  hiin  a  free  pas- 
saRe  nero.s8,  en>iuired  if  th<'  applieant  Uh.nced  to  one  of  the  I'M'.V.  "No." 
answered  the  man.  "I  eant  rxaetly  say  that  ;  rather  to  o'.o  of  the  second  fanii- 
lies."  ".lump  on  U.arii."  .>.iid  thi  raptain:  "I  nrvr:  iint  oin-  of  your  '^>rt 
before." 

'  Clubs  liave  Im'i'ii  formed  in  r;astern  eitiis  imludintr  only  persons  who  could 
prove  that  their  proirenitors  were  settliNi  in  the  State  U'fore  the  Ri'volution. 
and  one  widely  .spreail  women's  association  Uhe  Colouial  Uaines)  ha8  a  like 
butiia. 


CHAP.  <xin 


EQUALITY 


816 


great  HimncitT,  or  the  owner  of  a  j^reut  railroad  or  a  great  news- 
paper, he  exercis<!s  vast  power,  ami  is  therefori-  well  worth  court- 
ing by  those  who  desire  his  help  or  would  avert  his  enmity. 
AdmittiuK  all  this,  it  may  seem  a  p.iradox  to  observe  that  a 
millionaire  has  a  better  and  easier  soeial  career  open  to  him  in 
England  than  in  America.     Nevertheless  there  is  a  sense  in 
which  this  is  true.     In  America,  if  his  private  character  be 
bad,  if  he  be  mean,  or  ojjcnly  immoral,  or  personally  vulgar,  or 
dishonest,  the  best  society  may  kecj)  its  doors  closed  against 
him.     In  England  great  wealth,  skilfully  cmploye«l,  will  more 
readily  force  the.se  doors  to  open.     For  in  Kiigland  great  wealth 
can,  by  using  the  appropriatt-  methods,  practically  buy  rank 
from  those  who  bestow  it;  or  by  ol)liging  persons  whose  jwsi- 
tion  enables  them  to  command  fa.shioiuil)le  society,  can  induce 
them  to  stand  sponsors  for  the  ui)start,  and  force  hiin  into 
society,  a  thing  which  no  person  in  .\merica  has  the  power  of 
doing.     To  elTect  such  a  stroke  in  England  the  rich  man  nmst 
of  course  have  stopped  short  of  jiositive  frauds,  that  is,  of  such 
frauds  as  could  be  proved  in  co\irt.     Hut  he  may  be  still  dis- 
trusted and  dislikt'd  by  the  ililc  of  the  conmiercial  world,  he 
may  be  vulgar  and  ill-educated,  and  indeed  have  nothing  to 
recommend  him  except  his  wealth  and  his  willingness  to  spend 
it  in  providing  anmsement   for  fashionable  people.     All  this 
will  not  prevent  him  from  becoming  a  baronet,  or  possibly  a 
peer,  and  thereby  acquiring  a  [)osition  of  a.ssunnl  dignity  which 
he  can  transmit'  to  his  otTspring.     The  existence  of  a  system 
of  artificial  rank  enables  a  stamp  to  be  giv(>n  to  base  metal  m 
Europe   which   caimot    hv   given   in   a   thoroughly   republican 
country.'     The  feeling   of   tiie  .\merican   pul)lic    towards   the 
very  rich  is,  so  far  as  a  stranger  can  judge,  one  of  curiosity  and 
wonder   rather   than   of   respect.     There   is   less   snobbishness 
shown  towards  them  than  in  England.     They  are  admired  as 
.    a  famous  runner  or  jockey  is  admired,  and  the  talents  they 
have  shown,  say,  in  railroatl  managenu'nt  or  in  finance,  are  felt 
to  reflect  lustre  on  th.e  nation.     Hut   they  do  not  necessarily 
receive    either    flattery    or    social    dcfereiut'.    and   sometimes, 
where  it  can  be  alleged  that  they  have    won   their  wealth  as 

'Thi-  KnKlish  svstpni  of  li.T.-<liti»ry  titles  t.iuls  to  iiuiintiiin  thi-  distinotion 
of  anrirnt  li.i.iw  far  l.ss  |MTf.Ttly  th.-ir.  tliat  si.n|.lr  use  of  ;,  nmnlv  name  whu-h 
prevail.-.;  u  Itiilv  .luriiiK  th.-  .Mid.ll.'  A-.s.  or  in  aiui.iit  Uoii.r.  \  (  .)lonna  or  a 
Doriu,  lik."  a  ("onu'lius  or  a  Valerius,  .arrii-a  tlu-  Rlory  of  his  iiolnhty  m  his  name, 
wherewi  <U0'  uiMt&rt  may  be  created  a  duke. 


Hie. 


SOCIAL    INSTITITIONS 


I'AIIT    VI 


tlu'  IfiuliuK  spirt<  "m  iiioiiopoli.-tii-  coiiil.iiKilums,  tliry  arc 
niudo  turfrrts  iov  attack,  though  tlu-y  may  liavc  .loiu'  iiothmK 
mono  than  wliat  other  business  ineii  luivo  attempted,  with  less 
abihty  ami  less  sueeess. 

The  persons  to  whom  ofTicial  rank  gives  importance  are  very 
few  indei'd,  heinp;  for  the  nation  at  large  only  about  one  hun- 
dred persons  at  the  top  of  the  Federal  C.overmnent,  and  m 
each  State  less  than  a  dozen  of  its  highest  State  functionaries. 
For  these  State   functionaries,   indeed,   the   respect  shown   is 
extremely  s«'antv,  an<l  much  more  official  than  personal.     A 
high  F(Hleral  officer,  a  senator,  or  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
or  cabinet  minister,  is  conspicuous  while  he  holds  his  place, 
and  is  of  course  a  personage  in  any  private  society  he  may 
enter-  but  less  so  than  a  corresiHjnding  official  would  be  m 
Europe      \  simple  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives  is 
nobody.     Even  men  of  the  highe^.t  official  rank  do  not  give 
themselves  airs  on  the  score  of  their  jjosition.     Long  ago,  in 
Washington,  1  was  taken  to  be  presented  to  the  then  head  of 
the  United  States  army,  a  great  soldier  whose  fame  all  the 
world  knows.     We  found  him  staiuling  at  a  desk  in  a  bare 
room  in  the  War  Department,  at  work  with  one  clerk,    ^\hlle 
he  was  talking  to  us  the  <loor  of  the  room  was  pushed  open, 
and  there  appeare<l  the  figure  of  a  Western  sight-seer  Ix-long- 
ing  to  what  Kuropeans  would  call  the  lower  muhlle  class,  fol- 
lowed bv  his  wif.'  and  sister,  who  were  "doing"  Washington. 
Perceiving  that  the  ro(.m  was  occupied  they  began  to  retreat, 
but   the   Commander-in-chief   called   tlu'in   back.     "Walk   in, 
laches,"   he   said.     "You   can   look   around.     You   won't   dis- 
turb me;  make  yourselves  at  home." 

Intellectual  attainment  does  not  excite  much  notice  till  it 
becomes  (>minent,  that  is  to  say,  till  it  either  places  its  p«,ssessor 
in  a  consi)icuous  position,  such  as  that  of  president  of  one  of 
the  greatest  universities,  or  till  it  has  made  him  well  known  to 
the  worhl  as  a  ,)reacher,  or  writer,  or  scientific  discoverer 
When  this  kind  of  eminence  has  been  reached,  it  receives,  I 
think,  more  respc'ct  tlian  anywhere  in  Europe,  except  possibly 
in  Italv,  where  llie  interest  in  learned  men.  or  iM>ets,  or  artists, 
seems  to  be  greati-r  than  anywhere  else  in  Europe.*     A  famous 

.  In  fM.mmnv  errat  r..s„..,t  is  .m  .lout.t  frit  for  fhr  Ira.lors  of  loarninR  amj 
«,■!,.„,...  •  l.nt  ttwv  i.p.  r.-t'ar.l.>.l  as  lHl..„«iim  t..  a  w..rl.l  ..f  th.-.r  own.  spparate-l 
by  a  wide  Julf  from  tlu   lc.rril.,riul  aru.tocra.y,  which  -till  decim  iUeU  (^  m 


CHAP.   CXIII 


EQUALITY 


817 


writer  or  diviiu-  is  known  by  name  to  u  fi  •  Rreatcr  nuniber  of 
persons  in  Anu'rica  than  would  know  a  ilar  person  in  any 
European  country.  He  is  one  of  the  g!  ries  of  the  country. 
There  is  no  artificial  rank  to  cast  him  into  the  shade.  He  is 
l)08sibly  less  famous  than  the  railroad  magnates  or  the  manip- 
ulators of  the  stock  markets;  but  he  excites  a  different  kind 
of  sentiment ;  and  people  are  willing  to  honour  him  m  a  way, 
sometimes  distasteful  to  himself,  which  would  not  be  applied 
to  the  millionaire  except  by  those  who  sought  to  gain  some- 
thing from  him. 

Perhaps  the  best  way  of  explaining  how  some  of  the  (liffer- 
ences  above  mentioned,  in  wealth  or  official  position  or  intel- 
lectual eminence,  affect  social  equality  is  by  reverting  to  what 
was  called,   a  few  pages  back,   ecjuality  of  estimation  —  the 
idea  which  men  form  of  other  men  as  compannl  with  them- 
selves.    It  is  in  this  that  the  real  sense  of  (Hjuality  comes  out. 
In  America  myn  hold  others  to  be  at  bottom  exactly  the  same 
as  themselves.'     If  a  man  is  enormously  rich,  or  if  he  is  a  great 
orator,  like  Daniel  Webster  or  Henry  Ward  Boecher,  or  a  great 
sohher  like  Ulysses  S.  (Irant,  or  a  great  writer  like  R.  W.  Em- 
erson, or  President,  so  much  the  lietter  for  him.     He  is  an  ob- 
ject of  interest,  periiaps  of  ailmiration,  j)os.sibly  even  of  rev- 
erence.    But  he  is  deemed  to  be  still  of  the  same  flesh  and 
blood  as  other  men.     The  admiration  felt  for  him  may  be  a 
reason  for  going  to  see  him  and  longing  to  shake  hands  with 
him,  a  longing  frequent  in  America.     But  it  is  not  a  reason 
for  l)owing  down  to  him,  or  addressing  him  in  deferential  terms, 
or  treating  him  as  if  he  were  porcelain  and  yourself  only  earth- 
enware.-    In  this  resi)ect  there  is,  I  think,  a  difference,  slight 
but  perceptible,  In'tween  the  sentiment  of  equality  as  it  exists 

till-  <lay9  of  Candidr's  hn)th(T-in-law)  .1  <liff.-r<-tit  form  of  mankind  from  those 
who  havf  not  nixtci'ii  nuartiTiiiKS  to  show. 

I  Some  ono  lias  said  that  then-  an-  in  America  two  classes  only,   those  who 
have  surcfHtU-d  and  those  who  have  failed.  u        1     u        • 

«  This  is  seen  even  in  the  manner  of  .Vmericai;  »  rvants.  AlthouKh  then-  IS 
an  aversion  amoiiK  native  Amcrieans  of  tK)th  sexes  to  enter  reKular  domestip 
Berviee.  the  teniponirv  dis<harKe  of  jx-rsonal  s<rvi<<!  do.-8  not  necessarily  involve 
loss  of  easte.  .Many  y.-ars  w»  I  found  all  tlu-  waiti.iK  in  a  larue  llo^•l  in  the 
White  Mountains  done  l.v  the  daUKhleis  of  rrsportahle  X.«  Fii;;!!*!;--  .:irni<T«  m 
the  low  country  who  had  come  up  for  their  summer  change  of  air  to  this  pIuppoI 
resort,  and  were  earninR  th.-ir  In.ard  and  lodKinR  by  a.ti.iK  as  waitresses.  1  hey 
wen-  tn-ated  by  the  KU.'sts  as  e<iuals.  and  were  inde.-.!  .ultivated  and  well-man- 
nennl  youiiK  women.  .^)  college  students  sometimes  do  waitiiiK.  and  <lo  not  teel 
humbled  thereby. 
8a 


S18 


SOCIAL  INSTITrTlOXS 


PART  VI 


in  the  United  States,  and  at)  om  iind.s  it  in  Krancj'  and  8wit«- 
erland,  the  oountrieH  of  the  Old  Worltl  where  (if  we  except 
Norway,  which  has  never  had  an  ari«toeraey)  social  equality 
has  made  the  greatest  prognss.  In  France  and  Switzerland 
there  lingers  a  kind  of  fueling  as  if  the  old  nMisae  were  not 
quite  like  other  men.  The  Swiss  peasant,  with  all  his  manly 
independence,  has  in  many  cantons  a  touch  of  instinctive  rev- 
erence for  the  old  families ;  or  perhaps,  in  some  other  cantons, 
a  touch  of  jealousy  which  makes  him  desire  to  exclutle  their 
members  from  office,  because  he  feels  that  they  still  think 
themselves  better  than  he  is.  Nothing  like  this  is  possible 
in  America,  where  the  very  notion  of  such  distinctions  excites 
a  wondering  curiosity  as  to  what  sort  of  creature  the  titled 
noble  of  EurofK'  can  be. 

The  total  absence  of  rank  and  the  universal  acceptance  of 
equality  do  not  however  prevent  the  existence  of  grades  and 
distinctions  in  society  which,  though  they  may  fyid  no  tangible 
expression,  are  sometimes  as  sharply  drawn  as  in  Euroi)e. 
Except  in  the  newer  parts  of  the  West,  those  who  deem  them- 
selves ladies  and  gentlemen  draw  just  the  same  line  between 
themselves  and  the  nmltitude  as  is  drawn  in  England,  and  draw 
it  in  much  the  same  way.  The  nature  of  a  man's  occupation, 
his  education,  his  manners  and  breeding,  his  income,  his  con- 
nections, all  come  into  view  in  determining  whether  he  is  in 
this  narrow  sense  of  the  word  "a  gentleman,"  almost  as  they 
would  in  England,'  though  in  most  parts  of  the  United  States 
personal  qualities  count  for  rather  more  than  in  England,  and 
occupation  for  hardly  anything.  The  word  is  equally  indefin- 
able in  both  countries,  brt  in  America  the  expression  "not  quite 
a  lady"  seems  to  be  less  fretjuently  employed.  One  is  told, 
however,  that  the  son  of  cultivated  parents  would  prefer  not  to 
serve  in  a  retail  store  :  and  even  in  a  Western  city  like  Detroit 
the  best  people  will  say  of  a  party  that  it  was  "very  mixed." 
In  some  of  the  older  cities  society  wjis,  till  the  sudden  growth 
of  huge  fortunes  towards  the  end  of  last  century,  as  exclusive 
as  in  the  more  old-fashione<l  English  counties,  the  "best  set" 

'  On  the  New  York  plevnted  railroad  BtiiokiiiK  is  not  pcmiittod  in  any  oar. 
When  I  aaked  a  conductor  how  he  wa«  able  to  enforce  this  nile,  considering 
that  on  every  other  railway  Hinokinic  Wiw  practiw-d,  he  answere<i,  "I  always 
aay  when  any  one  Boenis  disfKWtil  to  iiu<iat.  '  Sir,  I  iini  sure  that  if  you  are  a  gentlc- 
mau  you  will  not  wiah  to  brio«  me  into  a  difficulty,'  and  then  they  always  leavt 
off." 


•HAP.   fXIlI 


KQUALITY 


81» 


conKideriiig  itself  very  selcrt  indiMMl.  In  .-^uch  a  city  I  remem- 
Imt  to  have  heard  a  family  belonnint*  to  the  Ix'st  set,  which  is 
mostly  to  he  found  in  a  partiruUir  <iuarter  of  the  eity,  speak 
of  the  inhabitants  of  a  handsome  suhurh  two  miles  away  just 
"8  B<'lKravian»  might  sjxnik  of  IshiiRton ;  ami  the  son  of  the 
family  who,  having  nu,  le  in  Kurope  the  acquaintance  of  some 
of  the  dwellers  in  this  suhurh,  had  gone  to  a  hall  there,  was 
questioned  hy  his  sisters  ahout  their  maimers  and  customs  much 
as  if  he  had  returned  from  visiting  a  tribe  in  Central  Africa. 
On  inqiiiry  I  discovered  that  these  North  Side  people  were  as 
rich  and  doubtl"ss  thought  themselves  as  cultivated  as  the  peo- 
ple of  my  friend's  quarter.  Hut  all  the  city  knew  that  the  latter 
were  the  "best  set.  "  P(M)ple  used  to  say  that  this  exclusive- 
ness  spreads  steadily  from  East  to  West,  and  that  before  long 
there  would  be  such  sets  in  all  the  greater  cities.  So  indeed 
there  are  .sets,  but  great  wealth  now  so  gem  rally  secures  en- 
trance to  them  that  they  c!in  scarcely  be  called  exclusive. 

Europeans   have   been   known   to   ask   whether  the   ''nited 
States  do  not  suffer  from  the  absence  of  a  hereditary  nubility. 
As  may  be  supposed,  such  a  question  excites  mirth  in  America; 
it  is  as  if  you  were  to  offer  them  a  Court  and  an  Established 
Church.     They  remark,  with  truth,  that  since  Pitt  in  England 
and   the   Napoleons  in   France  prostitut<'d   h(>re<litary   titles, 
the.se  have  cea.sed  to  be  either  respectable  or  useful.     "They 
do  not,"  say  the  Americans,  "suggest  antiquity,  for  the  English 
families  that  enjoy  them  are  mostly  new  ;  they  are  not  a.ssociated, 
like  the  ancient  titles,  with  the  history  of  your  nation  ;  they  are 
merely  a  prize  offered  to  wealth,  the  expression  of  a  desire  *or 
gilding  that  plutocracy  which  has  replac(>d  the  ancient  ar.s- 
tocraey  of  your  country.     Seeing  how  little  service  hereditary 
nobility  renders  in  maintaining  th(>  standard  either  of  manners, 
or  morals,  or  honour,  or  public  iluty,  few  sensible  i)    n  would 
create  it  in  any  European  country  where  it  did  not  exist ;  much 
less  then  should  we  dream  of  creating  it  in  .AiMenca,  which 
pos-sesses  none  of  the  mat«Tials  or  conditions  whicli  could  make 
it    tolerable.     If  a  peerage  is  purchaseal)le  even  in    Endand, 
where  the  (Ugnity  of  the  older  nobility  might   have  sugR.sted 
some  care  in  bestowal,  purchaseable  not  so  oixniy  as  in  Portu- 
gal or  a  (Jerman  principality,  but  practically  purcha-seable  by 
party  services  and  by  large  subscriptions  to  public  purposes, 
much  more  would  it  be  purcha-seable  here,  where  there  are  no 


820 


80(MAL  INSTITITIONS 


PART   VI 


If  I 


traditionH  to  break  down,  whirc  wealth  arcumulatcs  rapidly, 
and  the  wealthy  »eek  every  avenue  for  dirtplRy.  Titles  in  this 
country  would  l)o  simply  an  widitional  prize  offered  to  wealth 
and  ambition.  They  could  not  Ik-  resiwcted.  They  would 
make  us  as  snobbish  as  y.u  are."  .\  European  observer  will 
not  quarrel  with  this  judgment.  Tin  r  •  is  a  growing  disposi- 
tion  in  America,  as  everywhere  els*',  to  relish  and  make  the 
most  of  such  professional  or  official  titles  as  can  be  had ;  it  is 
a  hamiless  way  of  trying  to  relieve  the  monotony  of  the  world. 
If  there  l>e,  as  no  doubt  there  is,  less  disposition  than  in  Eng- 
land to  run  after  and  pay  court  to  the  great  or  the  fa.shionable, 
this  is  p<Thaps  due  not  to  any  superior  virtue,  but  to  the 
absence  of  thos<'  opportunities  and  temptations  which  their 
hereditary  titlc-s  and  other  social  institutions  set  Ix'fore  the 
English.  It  would  Im>  the  very  wantonness  of  folly  to  create 
in  the  new  country  what  most  thinking  people  would  gladly 
be  rid  of  in  the  ohl  one. 

Another  question  is  more  serious  and  less  easily  answered. 

What  is  the  effect  of  social  wiuality  upon  manners?     Many 

causes  go  to  the  making  of  manners,  as  one  may  se<'  by  noting 

how  much  Iw'tter  they  are  in  some  parts  of  Europe  than  in 

other  parts  where,   nevertheless,   the  structure  of  society   is 

equally  aristocratic,  or  democratic,  as  the  ca.se  may  \n\     One 

must  therefore  be  careful  not  to  ascribe  to  this  source  only 

such  peculiarities  as  America  shows.'    On  the  whole,  bearing 

in  mind  that  the  English  race  tia.s  less  than  some  other  races 

of  that  quickness   of  perception  and   sympathy  which   goes 

far  to  make  manners  g(H)d,  the  Americans  have  gained  more 

than  they  have  lost   by  etiuality.     The  upper  cla-ss  does  not 

lose  in  grace,  and  the  humbler  class  gains  in  indep<'ndence. 

The    manners   of    the    "best    people"    are    exactly    those    of 

England,    with    a    thought    nmre    of    consideration    towards 

inferiors  and  of  frankness  towards  efjuals.     Among  th<>  ma.ss<>s 

there  is,  generally  speaking,  a^^  much  real  courtesy  and  good 

nature  as   anywhere  else   in   the  world.^    There   is  less    uit- 

>  It  was  an  '>l<l  nproiu-h  in  Kurop*-  aKiiiiist  n'piililicf*  that  their  ritizciis  ww 
ni.l<-:    witniiw  tho   phnuMH,   "in.ini^rcN  dim  Suisse,'      -rivilis*'  fii   Hollaiul. 
^Riwr-hiT,  Po/i>iA-,  p.  :114).  _         ,.  ,  ,.,,..  , 

'There  are  parts  of  the  West  which  still  laek  iK.lish:  iiii.l  th.'  Lehaviour  ot 
t)ie  whites  t..  tlie  Cliiiieae  often  ineenses  a  .••Iranu-r  from  the  Atliiiitie  States 
..f  KuroiM-.  1  renumber  in  Orenon  t..  have  seen  a  huije  navvy  turn  an  inoffeii- 
»ivf  Chinaman  out  of  his  seat  iu  a  railway  car.  and  when  1  went  to  the  conductor 


niAi'.  <xiii 


EQUALITY 


821 


wunl  iHjIitciM'.sH  tliuii  in  sdiiu'  purU  of  KurojH;,  Poriugal  lor 
instuncf,  i»r  Tuscuny,  or  Sw<Mln».  There  is  a  eiTtuin  eooltiess 
or  ofT-liuiulnens  whieh  at  first  annoys  the  European  visitor, 
wlio  still  thinks  hin»s«'lf  "a  suiwrior";  i»ut  when  he  pereeives 
that  it  is  not  nieant  for  insol<>nee,  and  that  native  Americans 
<lo  not    notiee  it,   he  lean-  ''(^uiesee.     I'erhaps  the  worst 

manners  are  those  of  p<  r  ;;,  sse<|  in  some  ran  of  authority. 

The  railroad  ear-eoiidu 
have  always  l>e<>n  we' 
pleasure  one  on  a  *"'  >  ; 
«lier)  who  did  the  'i«'i 
worthy  of  thjse  I    'ii„';i 
lu'st  manners  in  E       ri 


It    ■ 
.'I  ' 

I     r' 


III-     1    •' 
r;  1 1  p. 


I- 


'•;u 


Ml 


ous,  l)ut  when  one  n.  nkl>, 
a^e  Weeame  friendly,  t.sm 
himself  in  making  your  > 
most  courtesy  anions  tin-  nv 


hut  personally  I 
d   remeinher  with 
-('onfe<lerate  sol- 
liKuilied  eourtesy 
>;i(     II     -iaid  to  have  the 
•  -k    jsed  to  Im'  supereili- 

t.  .  '  siiiM-riority,  his  patron- 
;.  I  vt  ,  rondescend  to  interest 
tin  iiy  i);creeal)le.  One  finds 
•>iilati<  '  of  New  EiiKlanil  and 
the  Middle  States,  least  arionn  tlie  recent  immigrants  in  the  cities 
and  the  unsettled  iMjpulation  of  the  We.st.  However,  the  most 
material  point  to  remark  is  the  improvemi-nt  of  recent  years. 
The  concurrent  testimony  of  Euro{)ean  travellers,  including 
lx>th  admirers  and  detractors  of  tiemocracy,  jjroves  that  man- 
ners must  have  been  disagreeahle  in  the  days  when  Dickens 
and  Lyell  travelled  through  the  country,  and  one  finds  now- 
adays an  equally  Keneral  admission  that  the  Americans  are 
as  plea.sant  to  one  another  and  to  strangers  as  are  the  French 
or  the  dennans  or  the  English.  The  least  agreeable  feature 
to  th(  visitors  of  former  years,  an  incessant  vi'-mtiuM;  of  their 
own  country  and  di.sparaKcment  of  others,  li  v  tlisap^'ared, 
and  the  tinge  of  self-assert icm  which  the  sense  c;  "  luality  used 
to  give  is  now  but  faintly  noticeable. 

an<l  trird  to  iiiduoc  him  to  iiit.rfiTi-.  h(  cmIiiiIv  nniarkcil,  "Yes,  1  know  thou* 
thiniw  ('.i>  iimkf  thr  Kii>dish  mail."  On  tin-  ..tli.r  liaml.  «m  tlir  l':i<.itio  Blope. 
rolouri'fl  !H><)|>lc  wiiuitimcs  •''t  ilu-.vii  Id  lal'l'-  witli  wliiti-'. 


CHAPTER  CXIV 


i' 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  DEMOCRACY  ON  THOUGHT 

Two  opposite  th<H)rie«  rPRarding  the  influence  of  democratic 
institutions  on  intellectual  activity  have  found  currency.  One 
theory  extol^s  theni  hecruHe  they  stimulate  the  mind  of  a  pao- 
ple,  not  only  sharpening  men's  wits  hy  cimtinual  .  truKgle  and 
unrest,  hut  givinR  to  each  citizen  a  sense  of  his  own  powers  and 
duties  in  the  world,  which  spurs  him  on  to  exertions  in  ever- 
widening  fields.  This  theory  is  commonly  applied  to  Athens 
and  other  democracies  of  the  ancient  world,  as  contrastwl 
with  Sparta  and  the  oliKarchic  cities,  whose  intellectual  pro- 
duction was  scanty  or  altogether  wantinR.  It  compares  the 
Rome  of  Cicero,  i.ucretius,  and  Catullus,  and  the  AuRU-stan 
age,  whose  great  figun's  were  Inirn  untler  the  Uepuhlic,  with 
the  vaster  hut  comparatively  sterile  Roman  world  of  Marcus 
Aurelius  or  Constant ine,  when  freedom  hml  U)ng  sin«-e  vanished. 
It  notes  the  outburst  of  literary  an<I  artistic  splendour  that 
fell  in  the  later  age  «>f  the  republics  of  mediaeval  Italy,  and  dwells 
with  especial  pleasure  on  the  achievements  of  Florence,  the 
longest-lived  and  th«'  most  glorious  of  the  free  commonwealths 

"^  'taly.  .      ,       ^., ,     . 

According  to  the  other  theory.  Democracy  is  the  chiUl  ot 
ignorance,  the  jiarent  of  dulness  and  conceit.  The  opinion  of 
the  greatest  numlu'r  being  the  universal  standard,  everything 
is  reduced  to  the  level  of  vulgar  minds.  Originality  is  stunted, 
variety  disappears,  no  man  thinks  for  himself,  or,  if  he  dots, 
fears  to  t'xpress  what  he  thinks.  A  tlrear  pall  of  monotony 
covers   the   sky. 

"Tliv  hand.  fcTcnt  Anarch,  lots  fho  curtain  fall. 
.\n<l  iinivoriMil  (JitrktU'ss  l>iiri«>s  all." 

This  (h)ctriiie  s«'ems  to  date  from  the  app<'arance  of  Tocque- 
vill"'s  b(M»k,  though  his  professed  disciples  have  pushe<l  it 
iiuuh  further  than  hi--  words  warrant.     It  is  really  an  «  priori 

S*i2 


CHAP,  cxiv      THK  INFUKNCK  OF  DEMOCRACY 


833 


doctrine,  drawn  from  imuKiniiiR  what  the  conswiucnce?  of  a 
completr  equality  of  material  conditioriH  and  political  powern 
ought  to  Im-.  But  it  elaims  to  rest  ujjon  the  olisj'rved  phenom- 
ena of  the  I'nited  States,  whieh,  in  the  middle  of  last  eentury, 
wen*  still  the  only  great  nuMlern  denmeraey ;  and  it  was  with 
reference  to  the  I'nited  Stjites  that  it  was  enunciated  by  Mr. 
Rolwrt  Ix)we  in  one  of  those  spwches  of  180(i  which  so  greatly 
impreaH<'d  his  contemporaries. 

Hoth  these  theories  will  be  found  on  examination  to  Im'  base- 
less. Both,  so  far  as  they  are  a  priori  theories,  are  fanciful; 
both,  in  so  far  as  they  pur|H)rt  to  rest  upon  the  facts  of  history, 
err  by  regarding  one  set  of  fai'ts  only,  and  ignoring  a  great 
numl)er  of  concomitant  conditions  which  have  probably  more 
to  do  with  the  result  than  the  few  conditions  which  have  l)een 
arbitrarily  taken  to  be  sufllicient  causes.  None  of  the  (Jreek 
republics  was  a  democracy  in  the  nuMlern  sense,  for  all  rested 
upon  slavery ;  nor,  inde<'d,  can  the  name  be  applied,  except  at 
passing  moments,  to  any  of  the  Italian  cities.  Many  circum- 
stances iM'sides  their  popular  government  combined  to  place 
the  imp<'rishable  crown  of  literary  and  artistic  glory  Ufwn  the 
brows  of  the  city  of  the  N'iolet  and  the  city  of  the  Lily.  So 
also  the  view  that  a  democratic  land  is  necessarily  a  land  of 
barren  monotony,  while  unsound  even  as  a  deduction  from 
general  principles,  is  still  more  unsound  in  its  assumption  of 
certain  phenonu-na  as  true  of  .\merica,  and  in  the  face  it  puts 
on  tin  phenomena  it  has  a.ssumed.  The  theorists  who  have 
propounded  it  give  us.  like  Daniel,  the  drean>  us  well  as  their 
interpretation  of  it.  But  the  dream  is  one  of  their  own  in- 
venting; and  sucli  as  if  is,  it  is  wrongly  iiiterpret<'d. 

It  is  a  coniTuon  mistake  to  exaggerate  the  influence  of  forms 
of  government.  As  there  are  historians  and  iioliticians  who, 
wlien  they  come  across  a  trait  of  national  cliaractc'r  for  which 
no  obvious  explanation  presents  itself,  set  it  down  to  ''race," 
so  there  f»re  writers  and  speakers  who,  too  indolent  to  examine 
the  whole  facts  of  the  case,  or  t<M)  ill-trained  to  feel  the  need 
of  such  examination,  pounce  upon  the  political  institutions  of  a 
country  as  the  easiest  way  to  account  for  its  social  and  intel- 
lectual, iM-rhaps  even  for  its  moral  j'ikI  religious,  peculiarities. 
Few  problems  are  in  reality  more  complex  than  the  relation 
between  the  political  .•md  the  intellectual  life  of  a  country; 
few   things  morr  (lilliriilt    to  distinguish    than   the   ii\tluenc<'s 


824 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VJ 


respectively  attributable  to  an  equality  of  political  rights  and 
p^Ter;  on'he  one  hand,  and  an  equality  of  -aterm^ -j^-^f 
conditions  on  the  other.     It  is  commonly  assumed  that  Demor- 
racv  and  Equality  go  hand  in  hand,  but  as  one  may  have  popular 
govermmM^  along  with  enormous  differenc-es  of  wealth  an< 
d^' mTlarities  in  social  usage,  so  also  one  may  have  soc.a 
e  umHtv  under  a  despot.     Doubtless,  whc.^  socml  -nd  l>oht.ca 
e«vmlitV  go  hand  in  hand  they  intensify  one  another,  but 
when  imKiualitv  of  material  conditions  becomes  marked,  sonal 
life  changes,  and  a.s  social  phenomena  become  more  complex 
their  analysis  becomes  more  difficult. 

Reverting  to  the  two  theories  from  which  we  set  out,  it  may 
iK-  said  that  th(>  United  States  furnish  little  support  to  either. 
American  democracy  has  certainly  produced  no  age  of  Pen- 
eles     Neither  has  it  dwarfe<l  liter.-.tare  and  led  a  wretched 
n«^ople,%o  dull  as  not  even  to  realize  their  dulness,  into  a  barren 
plair   i.f  featureles.s  mediocrity.     To  a.scril>e  the  dehc.encies, 
such  as  thev  are,  of  art  and  culture  in  America,  solely  or  even 
mainly  to  her  form  of  government,  is  not  less  absurd  than  to 
"scrilH-,  as  manv  .\mericans  of  what  I  may  call  the    rumpet- 
ing  sch.x.l  do,  her  marvellous  material  progress  to  the  same 
eause      It  is  not  Democracy  that  has  paid  off  a  gigantic  d'bt 
and'  raise.l  ("hicugo  out  ..f  a  swamp.      N-ith<-r   is   it  Democ- 
ra<-y  that  bus  hitherto  denied  the  United  ^  tates  philosophers 
like  Burke  and  poets  like  Wordswortii. 

Most  writers  who  have  dealt  with  th.'se  matters  have  not 
oniv  laid  mon«  upon  the  shoulders  of  democratic  government 
than  it  ought  t<.  iH-ar.  but  have  i)n:err.Hl  abstract  sp«H-ulations 
to  the  humbler  task  of  ascertaining  aud  weiglung  the  lac  s. 
Th.-V  have  spun   ingenious  TiMH)ries  about    d.'inocracy   as  \\w 
sourc  of  this  or  that,  or  whatever  it  pl<'ase<|  them  t<» assume; 
tlu-v  have  not   trie<l  t<.  determine  by  a  wid.>  in(h..-t.on  what 
speeific   results  appear   in   countries  whi.-h.   ditTenng   ...  other 
res,>ects,  a>:ree  in  being  ch-mocratically  governe<l.     ^uch  spec- 
ulations mav  have  their  use   in   sugg.'sting  to  ..s  what   i)he- 
nomenawe  ought  to  lo<.k  for  in  de.m.cratic  counti-ies;  bu     i 
unv  p<.sitive  results  are  to  be  n.ach.nl.  they  must  he  reached 
bv   .-arefuUv    verifying    the    intelU-tual    ph.-t,omena    of    more 
than  one  eou-.trv.  a.ul  establishing  an   u.un.stakable  relat.on 
lu'twe..n  them  a.ul  .he  political  ...slitutio.is  under  which  they 


:i 


CHAP.   CXIV 


THE    INFLUENCE  OF  DEMOCRACY 


823 


■Si 


If  some  one,  startinK  from  tho  current  conception  of  democ- 
racy, were  to  say  that  in  a  democratic  nation  we  should  find  a 
disposition  to  Inild  and  unhritlled  speculations,  sparing  neither 
theology  nor  morals,  a  total  absence  of  rule,  tradition,  and  prec- 
edent "each  man  thinking  and  writing  as  responsible  to  no 
criticism,  "everv  po<>t  his  own  Aristotle,"  a  tast"  for  strong 
(.ffects  and  garish  colours,  valuing  force  rather  than  fineness, 
grandeur  rather  than  beauty,  a  vigorous,  hasty,  imfjetuous 
style  of  speaking  and  writing,  a  gran(lios<'  and  perhaps  sen- 
sational art :  he  would  say  what  would  be  (piite  as  natural  and 
reasonabh'  a  i)rii>ri  as  most  of  the  pictures  given  us  of  democratic 
societies.  Yet  many  of  th.'  suggested  features  would  l)e  the 
opposit(>  of  those  which  America  presetits. 

Every  such  picture  nmst  be  fanciful.  H<^  who  starts  from  so 
simple  and  (so  to  sjieak)  bare  a  conception  as  that  of  equal 
civil  rights  and  ciiual  iM)litical  powers  vesttnl  in  every  meml)er 
of  the  conmuinitv  camtot  but  have  recourse  to  his  fancy  m 
trying  to  ImmIv  forth  the  results  of  this  priiiciple.  1^'t  any  one 
study  the  iM)rtrait  (»f  the  (h-mocratic  tnan  and  democratic 
city  "which  the  first  and  greatest  of  all  the  liostile  critics  of 
•lemocracv  has  left  us."  and  .•omi)arc  it  with  the  very  different 
descriptions  of  life  and  culture  uiuh-r  a  ix.pular  government 
in  which  Kuropeaii  siM-culation  ha.-*  dis|)orted  itself  since  Tocque- 
viUe's  time.  He  will  find  euch  theory  pl:iusii)le  in  the  abstract, 
and  each  ('(pially  uidike  the  fact>  which  contemixjrary  America 

sets  before  us. 

I^t  us,  bi.lding  fanxv  -11  t<.  fancy,  try  to  disc.ver  the  salient 
intellectual  featur(>s  of  the  mass  of  the  native  i)opulation  m  the 
United  States. 

.\s  there  is  much  difTTciic  (.f  oitinion  reganling  them,  1 
present  with  (hthdence  tin-  following  list  : 

1.  A  desire  to  be  ai)reast  of  the  best  tliought  and  work  of 
the  world  everN-Avhens  to  have  .very  form  of  literature  and  art 
ad.Kiuately  rep'resent."<l,  and  .-v.-cHcnt  of  its  kind,  .so  that  .\menca 
shall  be  felt  to  hold  her  owi\  ainoiig  th.-  nations. 

2  \  fondii.-s>  for  bol.l  and  >.  rikm;;  .'ffects.  a  preference  for  large 
generalizations  and  the.)ries  whi.-h  iiav.' an  air  of  completeness. 

.  Pl.t..  in.lr...l  ....lul^i.s  hi.-  f.nrv  ..,  f:.r  :..<  t.,  .hs-ril-  thr  ;',  ^v".,.l.-M  and 
'h..ir  .mr.l...,s  TU.  pmssI.,,,  for  u„r,..tn,i,H  ■!  l,,.,,-.  for  „.,y  .v.  ,..r  v..  •!>. 
ti.-iii  ;tr.-  til.-  f:.i.ll>  «l.i--l.  ll.<-  l-'l'  ~>  l-ui-l"  ."  '"".-  I...I  u.>  .Ap-.t 


K26 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART    VI 


3  An  absoncc  anions  the  multitudo  of  refined  taste,  with  a 
disposition  to  be  attract c<l  rather  by  brilliance  than  by  delicacy 
of  workmanship  ;  a  want  of  inellowneHs  and  inadequate  percep- 
tion of  the  difference  In'tweon  first-rate  work  in  a  quiet  style 
and  mere  flatness.  . 

4.  Little  resp<'ct  for  canons  or  traclitions,  accompanied  l)y 
the  notion  that  new  conditiona  must  of  necessity  produce  niw 

ideas. 

6.  An  undervaluing  <.f  special  knowledge  or  expenence,  ex- 
cept in  applie<l  science  and  in  commerce,  an  idea  that  an  able 
man  can  do  one  thing  pr(>tty  much  as  well  as  another,  as  Dr. 
Johnson  thought  that  if  he  had  tak.'ii  to  politics  he  would  have 
been  as  distinguished  therein  as  he  was  in  tragic  poetry. 

{).  An  admiration  for  literary  or  scientific  eminence,  an  en- 
thusiasm for  anything  that  can  be  called  genius,  with  undue 
eaf^eme»s  to  discover  it . 

7.  A  ptiH.'^ion  for  nov(>lti<'s. 

8.  An  intellectual  impatience,  and  desire  for  quick  and  patent 

results.  . 

«>.  An  over-valuing  of  the  judgments  of  the  multitude;  a 
disposition    to   judge    l>y  newspai).T  success  work  which   has 
not  been  pnKliiced  with  :i  view  to  sucl\  success. 
10.  \  tendency  to  mistake  liigness  f«»r  greatness. 
Contrariwise,  if  we  regard  not  th(>  people  generally  but  the 
most  cultivatcHl  class,  we  shall  fiiul.  together  with  a  few  of  the 
al.ov(>-inenti(Mie.|    (|ualities,   others   wliich    indicate   a   reaction 
against    the   popular   tendencies.     This  class  relishes  subtlety 
of  th..ught    and   highly   finishcMl   art.  whether  in   literature  or 
l)aiiitiiig.     Afriii.i  .>f  crudity  himI  vagueness,  it  is  prone  to  de- 
vote itself  ti>  minute  an<l  careful  study  of  subjects  unattractiv.> 
to  the  masses. 

Of  these  charm-leristics  of  the  pe(»i)le  at  large  some  may  at 
first  sight  seem  inconsisleiit  with  otliers.  as  for  instance  the 
admiration  for  intellectual  gifts  with  tlie  uiulervaluing  of  special 
knowledge;  neve.-t heless  it  coul<l  l>e  sliown  that  both  are  dis- 
coverable in  Americans  as  compared  with  Englishmen.  The 
former  admire  intelligence  mon-  than  the  latter  do;  but  they 
de'er  h'ss  to  .special  com}M'1<-iice.  However,  assuming  for  the 
tiiMment  that  tiiere  is  something  true  in  these  suggestions.  wlu<'h 
i!  would  take  t(K»  long  to  attempt  to  establish  one  by  one,  be  it 
'.iiserved  that  very  f.w  ^f  tiieiu  lan  be  .Urectly  connected  witlt 


CHAP,  rxiv     THK   FMPLUKNCK  OF   DRMO(M^A^Y 


827 


democratic  government.  Even  these  few  i night  take  a  different 
form  in  a  differently  situated  democracy.  The  s«*venth  and 
eighth  seem  due  to  the  general  inteUigence  and  e<lucation  of  the 
people,  while  the  remainder,  though  nt)t  wholly  uninfluenced  by 
the  habits  which  popular  goverunient  tends  to  bree<l,  must  l»e 
mainly  ascribwl  to  the  vast  size  of  the  country,  the  inmienBe  num- 
iM'rs  and  intellectual  lioinogeneity  of  its  native  white  population, 
the  prevalence  of  social  eciuahty,  a  l)usy  industrialism,  a  restless 
changefulness  of  occupation,  and  the  al>sence  of  a  leisured  class 
dominant  in  matters  of  taste  —■  coiuUtions  that  have  little  or 
nothing  to  do  with  political  institutions.  The  prevalence  of 
evangelical  Protestantism  has  been  (iuit<>  as  important  a  factor 
in  the  intellectual  life  of  the  nation  as  its  form  of  government. 

Some  one  may  say  —  I  wish  to  state  tlu'  view  fairly  though 
I  do  not  entirely  agree  with  it  -    that  assiuning  the  foregoing 
analysis  to  be  correct,  the  influence  of  (h-mocracy,  apart  from 
its  t(?ndency  to  secure  an  ample  ])rovision  of  eilucation,  is  dis- 
cernible in  two  points.     It   produces  self-confideiu-e  and  self- 
complacency,  national  and  jx-rsoiuil,  with  the  result  both  of 
stimulating  a  certain  amount  of  thought  an<l  of  preventing  the 
thought  that  is  so  produced  fnun  lieing  sulgected  to  proper  tests. 
.\mbition  and  self-esteem  will  cull  out  v.hat  might  have  lain 
dormant,  but  they  will  hinder  a  nation  as  well  as  a  man  from  duly 
jutlging  its  own  work,  and  in  so  far  will  retard  its  progress. 
Those  who  are  naturall>  led  to  trust  antl  ol>ey  common  sense  and 
the  numerical  majority  in  matters  of  state,  overvalue  the  judg- 
ment of  the  majority  in  other  matters.     Now  the  judgment  of  the 
mas.ses  is  a  poor  standard  ft)r  the  »       ker  <»r  the  artist  to  set  before 
him.     It  may  narrow  his  view  and  (lel)ase  his  .style.     He  fears 
to  tread  in  new  jjatlis  or  i'Xi)ress  unpoiHilar  opinions;  or  if  he 
despises  the  multiti  de  lie  may  take  refuge  in  an  acrid  cynicism. 
Where  the  mass  rules,  a  wril«t  cannot  Imt  think  of  the  mass, 
and   if  refinements  are  not    appreciated  he  will  eschew  them, 
making  himself  !it  alllia/anlsiiUeili^ihle  t..  llie  conunon  miiul, 
and  seeking  to  attract  by  lin.iul.  [)rrliap>  ((.arsely  tiroad,  effects, 
the  hasty  reader,  who  passes  \>y  Waller  Scott  or  Thackeray  to 
fasten  oil  the   latest   sketch  of  fashionable  life  or  mysterious 
crime. 

There  is  some  force  in  this  way  of  piittiiif?  tlie  case.  Though 
democracy  tends  to  pntdmc  a  >ui)erlici;illy  active  jmblic,  lUid 
perhaps   also   a  jul)ilant    and    self-cuutideut    public,   yet    tlu're 


S2S 


ROCIAL  INSTITUTION'S 


PART   VI 


may  »h>  a  (lojnocratic  iMH)i)le  neither  foiul  of  letters  nor  disi)OH«Hl 
to  trust  its  omx  taste  in  judRing  them.     Mueh  will  depend  on 
the  other  features  of  the  situation.     In  the  United  States  the 
cultivatetl  pul)lie  increases  rapidly,  and  the  very  reaetion  whicli 
K«.es  on  within  it  against  the  defects  of  the  multitude  InH-omes 
an  imiwrtant  factor.     All  things  considered.  I  doul.t  whether 
(h-nuM-racy  tends  to  (Uscourage  originality,  sul)tlety,  rehnement, 
ill    thought   and   in   expression,   whether   literary   or  artistic. 
Mom)tony  or  vulgarity  under  any  and  every  form  of  govern- 
ment have  app<'ared  and  may  apii<'ar.    The  causes  of  these 
things    lie    deeiM«r.     Art  and  literature  have  been   base   and 
vulgar  in»d.>r  absolute  monarchies  and  unih'r  oligarchies,     l-or 
two  centuries  the  society  of  Vienna  was  one  of  the  most  pol- 
isluKl  11    1  aristocratic  societies  in  Europe.     Yet  what  society 
could  1     .  c  been  intellectually  duller  or  less  productive  ?     Venice 
•*t  the  only  Italian  city  of  the  first  rank  that  contril)- 
rhmg  to  the  literature  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  the 
uce.     MoriHjver,  it  must  not   be  forgotten  that  the 
jwpular  government  which  open  a  career  to  talent  in 
u>   oiHMi  it  in  literature  also.     No  man  need  lean  on 
.  or  pr-.pitiate  a  coterie.     A  pure  clear  voice  wth  an 
mes  ige  may  at  first  fail  to  maki'  itself  heard  over 
f  COP   w'titors  for  popular  favour ;  but  once  heard,  it 
.  !  ,.<^:.  .    will  i)robal)ly  be  judge<l  on  their  own  merits. 
in       «    \     rom  this  question  as  to  the  supiK>sed  narcotic 
power  of   ,.  HHK'racy,  the  further  question  may  1k«  aske<l,  What 
is  the  ili-it      tive  note  of  (h'mocratic  thought  an<l  art  as  ihey 
actually  appear  in  the  UniKvl  States?    What  is  the  peculiar 
quality  or  flavour  which  .springs  from  this  iK)litical  element 
h,  their  condition  ?     I  cannot  tell.     I  find  no  such  note      I  have 
searched  for  it,  and,  us  the  Americans  say,  it  is  hard  work  l.>oking 
for  what  is  not  there.     Some  i:urop<>ans  and  many  Americans 
profess  to  have  found  it,  and  will  tell  you  that  this  or  that 
iH'culiaritv  of  American  literature  is  due  to  democracy.  ^<) 
doubt,  if  vou  take  individual  writers,  you  may  .l.scover  m  several 
of  them  something,  though  not  always  the  same  thing,  whicli 
savours  of  dem.)cratic  fe»-ling  and  tmges  their  way  of  regarding 
human  life.     Hut  that  is  not  enough.     What  must  be  shown  is 
a  general  ciualitv  running  through  the  majority  of  these  writers 
—  a  Mualitv  which  is  at  oiu-e  recogni/.r.l  as  ru.\  of  il..-  ;*«•>-";'• 
which  can  be  traced  i)acK  to  the  demucraUc  .-iemeni  wnich  ;;;- 


Vfn<*  a 

ut 

R. 

ha  'it> 
pu  >Uc 

;i    act 

UlWOf 

'he  di 
id  it 
Pas: 


CHAP,  cxiv      THK   INFU'ENCK  OF  DEMOC'RAIY 


820 


A. 


8oil  un(loul)t('<lly  contains.  Has  any  such  (jimlitj'  Iwen  showni  ? 
That  there  is  a  distinctive  note  in  many  —  not,  p«'rhai)s,  ia 
all  —  of  the  best  American  hooks  may  he  a(hnitte<l.  It  may 
be  caught  by  ears  not  the  most  delicate.  But  is  this  note  the 
voice  of  (h'lnocracy?  Is  it  even  the  voice  of  democracy  and 
equality  coml)ined  ?  There  is  a  difference,  slij^ht  yet  perceptible, 
in  the  part  which  l>oth  sentiment  and  humour  play  in  American 
books,  when  we  compare  them  with  Knulish  lM)oks  of  eciuivalent 
strength.  The  humour  lias  a  vein  of  (nldity,  and  the  contrast 
Ix'tween  the  soft  copiousness  of  the  sentiment  and  the  riRid  lines 
of  linReriiiK  Puritanism  which  it  suffuses,  is  rarely  met  with 
in  Kngland.  Perhaps  there  is  less  repose  in  the  .American  style; 
there  is  certainly  a  curious  unrest fuin<'ss  in  the  effort,  less  com- 
mon in  English  writers,  to  IhmhI  un-taphors  to  unwonted  uses. 
Hut  are  thes(>  differeiices,  with  others  I  might  mention  —  and, 
after  all,  they  are  slight  —  due  to  any  cause  connected  with 
I>olitics?  .\re  they  not  rather  due  to  a  mixed  and  curi(»usly 
intertwined  varietv  of  <»ther  causes  wliich  have  moulded  the 
.American  mind  during  the  last  two  centuries?  American 
imagination  has  prodiiced  nothing  more  conspicuously  original 
than  the  romances  of  Hawthoriie.  If  any  one  says  that  he  finds 
something  in  them  which  he  rememl)ers  in  no  previous  English 
writer,  we  kn«)W  what  is  meant  aiul  i)rol)ably  agree.  But  can 
it  bi'  said  that  there  is  anything  distinctively  .Vmerican  in 
Hawthorne,  that  is  to  say,  that  iiis  .specific  quality  is  of  a  kind 
Avhich  reappears  in  otlu-r  .Vmerican  writers?  The  most  pecul- 
iar, and  therefore  I  supjiose  the  most  characteristically  Ameri- 
can sch(M)l  of  thought,  has  be(>ri  wliat  use<l  to  be  called  the 
Conconl  or  Transcendental  sciiool  .if  \H'M)  to  18(50;  among 
the  writings  ])nMluced  by  which  those  of  Emerson  and  Thoreau 
are  l»est  known  in  Europe.  \\ Cre  the  .luthors  <»f  that  scIkm)! 
distinctively  deiuocratii'  either  in  the  colour  (»f  tlieir  thought 
or  in  its  direction,  or  in  the  style  wiiicli  exf)resses  it  ?  .\nd  if 
so,  can  the  same  democratic  tinge  be  discerned  in  the  authors 
of  tcMlay"'  1  'loubt  it  :  l>ut  such  matters  i|;»  not  admit  of  i)roof 
or  disproof.  One  must  leave  them  to  the  literary  fe<'ling  of 
the  reader. 

.\  very  distinguisii(  d  American  man  of  letters  once  said  to 
me  that  he  hated  itotiuim:  so  much  as  to  iiear  jM'ople  talk  alH>ut 
.American  literature,  lb'  meant,  1  think,  that  those  who  ilid 
so  were  puzzling  theni.si'lves  uiuiecessarity  lu  find  .something 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


is' 


sw 

and  were  forgetting  or  WionnK  the  jmtuml^^^^^^^ 

of  inmgination  and  thought  P^'";^^;"^hr^"rrace  in  the 
written  in  the  same  language  j^;  men  of  tnt  «u 
Old  World  Ix'fore  and  nuiee  l/7b.  generally,  there 

So  far,  then,  as  regards  Anu-r.ean  hteratu^  g^^^^^^^^^  y.     ^^^^ 

may  l>e  discovered  in  it  ^"""'^^^''^^  ^'^"^V!  ,;^\77,  7ook  at  the 
(if  anythhig)  s,x^eifi<.ally  •''^^^'^  "  "  ^^^'^^  ,7^  i'XphysicK 
Various  departnu-nts..  specula  .ye^^^^^o^^^^^^^^ 

and  theology,  or  at  those  ^^ "  f' "J^^^    Xl^'^^u 
sciences,  such  as  eeononues  «"    J"     P[^    ;^^^  propoundetl  bear 
the  character  and  ^'U  -tance  o       ;^^,  [""^vly  shouhl  we  Im- 
marked  traces  of  a  democrat  c  ".^»  j^  J        „f  „. 

«urprise<l  at  this,  se<Mng  that  tho  nm  .  J  <^^J^^  ^^^^^.^^ 
ment  is  only  one  among  many  '»«  '^  ,  ;•  ;  .^'^^^.ly  ,„,^i?  Rut 
«tamls  alone,  and  <:^^^'\!' ^^^^^Z^  o  constitute 
can  hooks  written  m  <»'^^  "»*.*•'' ?^**^'^''^„.„*"  the  literatures 
a  literature  locally  American  m  the  -^^'^^^'J^^!  ,  ,^'\o  those 
of  France  and  (Germany,  of  Itab;  ^^^J^^^^d  art  the  United 
countries?  For  the  purposes  f  ,^'"3j^7  ,^,,  „f  America. 
States  is  a  part  .,f  Kugland,  and  .^-^.^^"^  ,';,^,/'„*,Hke  deeper  to 
Many  English  V>ooks  '- '"i;-^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

the  heart  in  America  ^^an  m  Lnglam  .^^^^  ,^^^  ^^.^ 

have  a  like  fortune  m  Kngland.      ^^^^  ;„  temi>er, 

ferences  how  trivial  --jl-^^:;;'^^^^^^^^^^^^  an<l  phys- 

in  feeling,  in  susc-ptdnh  y  t..  ''"^  .■}'"; Jj  „^^,,r.  jn  the  <Usp(.si- 
ical  beauty,  in  ^^^;^:^;^  1"  n.^lJchless  uukIcIs  of 

tion  to  revere  and  be  ^^va^e«l  ny  Knirlish  race  can 

that  elder  literature  whi<-h  both  '^■•'^»^^^*^„  '  \X  aHTer  more 
.^ually  claim.  An.erican  l'^-^^^;;;  X;!  '  .^^^S  later  cigh- 
from  English  literatun-  ^^au  t     S<otri  h     rH^  ^^^^^^ 

teenth  .-entury  Hums,  S.ct  ,  7'.'^"'  ;..„„,, varies.  Then- 
Robert  son  -  differed  from  the.r  ^^''^^^ ;; .' ^"^  ;XTt ions  in  the 
was  a  fondness  for  "'f -'•^'"";;  sW  S^poets  a  bU.on. 
Scottish  prose  writers;  ;»\''"\^^;;  .  V';^^,,^;,  ''^Lve'to  their  w„rk 
and  fragrance  of  mountum  ''"'^  ^^  .^''^  . '^t,,,  which  a  faint 
a  ..harm  of  frcslm.->s  ...1  -''!^''^;^^^  '  ''f ;,  Itor.  Hut  they 
touch  of  local  accent  ..v.s  t o  ,  .c  <mg-  ^^^^^^^^^^^  ,.,  Knglisb 
were  Enghsh  as  well  .is  N-o  t  >    . nt  r   •  t,^  .^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^^^^^      ^^^ 

literature  and  nmke  pari  of  >>;;'[>  j,„^^^,,,  Longfellow. 

Franklin,  Feuuuorc  C  uupf r,  t5,iAT.u.ru-, 


^!^^-:- 


U' 

111 
rk 

nt 

si> 

So 


(HAP.  cxiv      THK   INFLL'KXCE  OF  DEMOCRACY 


831 


Lowell,  ami  those  on  whom  their  niantlc  has  fallen,  lielong  to 
England  as  well  iis  to  Atnericii;  uiid  KiiKlish  v.riters,  as  they 
more  and  more  realize  the  vastness  of  the  American  puhlie  they 
address,  will  more  and  mon*  fei  1  them. .elves  to  ite  American  as 
well  as  English,  and  will  often  find  ii'  America  not  oidv  a  larger 
hut  a  more  resjwnsive  audience. 

We  have  Imh'U  here  eoncerne<l  not  to  discu.-is  the  merits  and 
estimate  the  place  of  American  thinkers  and  writers,  but  only 
to  examine  the  relation  in  which  thej-  .stand  to  their  political 
and  social  environnu-nt.  That  relation,  however,  .sets  before 
us  one  more  (|uestion.  Tin-  Ennlish-speukiiiK  population  of  the 
United  States  is  more  than  double  that  of  the  I'nitcMl  Kingdom. 
The  white  part  of  it  is  a  more  educated  ]>opulHtion,  in  which  a 
greater  numln'r  of  persons  come  un<ler  the  influ«'nce  of  Injoks  and 
might  theri'fore  Im'  stirred  up  to  intellectual  prinluction.  Why 
then  dm's  it  not  make  more  important  contributi«ms  to  the  com- 
mon literary  wealth  of  the  race?  Is  there  a  want  of  creative 
|K>wer?  and  if  so,  to  what  is  the  want  due? 

This  is  a  question  frequently  propoundetl.  I  proi)o.su  to  con- 
sider it  in  the  chapter  which  follows. 


CHAPTER  rXV 

CRKATIVK    INTKI-I.K»TrAL   POWKR 

There  is  a  stm't  in  Florcn.-o  «.u  each  si<lo  of  whirl.  Mand 

Malavdli.  Mi.-ha..|  AnK.lo,  u.ul  otlu-rs  srarcHy  less  ,  lus tn- 
ous   all  natives  of  tho  little  city  whi.'li  in  their  .lays  had  never 
rn^pu  a     n  .f  nu>re  than  s..venty  thousa.ul  s*,uls  -     No  one  ean 
wuTk  I  KwcMMi  thes..  rows  of  worl.l-fa.mms  fiKures   nuitehed  l.y 
no  other  eity  of  the  n»o<lern  world,  without  asking  In.nself  what 
crs^^^^cVermin.Hl  so  nnu-h  of  the  highest  genius  to  tins  one  s,K,t ; 
X^in  Ita  y  h..rs.4f  ,K,pulous  Milan  and  Naples  and  \ enue  have 
To  such  it^^U,  sh,,w;  why  the  su<-,-ession  of  greatness  stopjM^ 
^th  the  iH-ginning  of  the  sixtcnrnth  century  a.ul  has  never  been 
^sumH       Vst^^^^^^  suhstantially   the   same  constantly   nse 
rXTmind  in  readhig  the  »-tory  <.f  otu-r  count ne^J^y 
<lid  England  pn^luce  no  first-rate  ixn-t  in  the  two  st.rr  ng    t  - 
tu  iriK.tWH.n(nmuc..r  an<l  Shakespc-ar...  and  ag:un  .n  th.>  cen- 
tu"    and  a  half  U^twcH-n   Milton's  l.irth  and    Nonlsworths 
Why  ha  e  epochs  of  comparative  sterility  .n.,re  than  on.-e  fallen 
uVm  ("nna'Iiy  an.l   France"^  and  why  has  nu.s.c  so.netune 
n^che.1  its  highest  pitch  of  excellence  at  moments  ^s\m^    h 
X    ar  twen>  languishing?     Why  do.,  th.-  -Pt-'  ;>";;;; 
Ttual  an.l  artisti.-  l.-a  l.-rship  pass  n.,w  t.M.n.' great  n-tum.  n.  v 
t',  an..th..r,  in.-onstant  an.l   unpnHli.tahle  as  an-  tlu-  sh.ftmg 

""'Ttle  questi..ns  t.mch  the  .l.M.p..st  an.l  nu.st  ...mplex  prob- 
lems of  i;ist.,ry;  an.l  neith.-r  hist,»rian  •«"«•  l'''-'"'"^':/ j  . 
yet  been  abl.-  to  thr.,v  any  n-al  light  up.m  h. ,.,.  •''-'  ^''^ 
conunonpla.-..  renmrk  that  tim.-s  ..f  ..ff..rt  ^""l/^^'^^';  '  .l 
.Icvelop  an  u.msually  activ  intelh^ctual  !""»^-"  V^.-Tl .  r  u  '  • 
with  to  awaken  or  n.n.rish  ran-  genmsc-s.  .s  n..t  alt..g.>th.  r  tru.  , 

by  a  mere  u.<id.iit  timt  h.-  wa«  Umi  ..way  from  hu*  owu  c.t>. 
^  832 


<iiAP.  .XV      CUKATIN  K    l\TKLLK(  Tl  AL   l'(»\Vi:|{ 


833 


f»»r  .siiiiM'  of  tlu'  nfiiiu.scs  li;iv«'  uiiscii  iit  tiioiiicnts  \\\wn  tlicro 
wuM  lu)  t'xcitcmciit  t«»  cull  tlu'iii  t'ortli,  ami  ut  ntluT  tiiin-x  scu.sons 
of  storm  uiul  stress  have  raist-d  ii|)  no  one  capaMc  of  diri'i-tiii); 
tlw  j'fTorts  or  iiitcrpn-tiiin  fhr  fi'rlinns  of  his  utiicratioii.  Ono 
thiiiK,  liowcvcr.  is  palpaldc :  iiiiiiiImts  have  iiothiiiK  to  do  with 
tlu*  mutter.  There  is  no  average  of  our  man  of  genius  l(»  so  many 
thousands  or  milhons  «)f  perMin>.  Out  of  the  sixty  thousand 
(»f  Florence  there  arise  during  Iwi)  ( mturies  more  men  ol  undying 
fame  than  out  of  hu^e  London  during  the  last  three  centuries. 
Kveu  the  stock  of  solid  sccoinl-i'la>-i  aliilily  does  not  necessarily 
increase  with  increasinj;  mimliers  ;  while  a-  to  those  rare  comhi- 
nutions  of  jtifts  which  priMluce  poetry  or  philoso|)hy  of  the  first 
order,  they  are  reveale<l  no  more  fre(|iieiitly  in  a  nf^'ut  Kuropeaa 
mition  now  than  they  were  in  a  Semitic  trilte  <(r  a  tiny  (Jn'ck  city 
twenty-five  o"  thirty  centuries  a^o. 

TIktc  is  tlicrefore  no  reason  why  the  alisence  of  hrilliant 
genius  amouK  tiie  ninety  millioiis  in  the  I'nited  States  sliouM 
excite  any  surprise;  we  mitrht  a-  v,(  II  wonder  that  there  is  no 
(loethe  or  Schiller  or  Kant  or  ilemel  in  the  ( lermany  of  to-«lay  ; 
so  much  more  |K)puIoiis  ai\d  l>etier  educated  than  the  (lermany 
of  thi'ir  l)irth-tinM'  It  is  not  to  he  made  a  reproach  against 
America  that  men  like  Tennyson  or  Darwin  have  n(»t  heen  lM)rn 
there.  "The  wind  hloweth  where  it  listeth;"  the  rarest  gift.s 
appear  no  one  can  tell  why  or  how.  In  broad  France  a  century 
ago  no  man  was  found  able  to  sjjrin;?  u|Min  the  neck  of  the  Revo- 
lution ami  turn  it  to  his  will.  Fate  Iirought  her  favourite  from 
a  wild  Italian  island,  that  had  hut  just  passed  un(h'r  the  yoke  of 
the  nation  to  which  it  gave  a  master. 

The  question  we  have  to  ask  as  regards  the  I'liited  States  is 
therefore  not  why  it  has  given  us  few  men  of  the  highest  and 
rarest  literary  distinction,  l>ut  whether  it  has  failed  to  produce 
its  fair  share  of  talents  of  the  second  rank,  that  is,  of  men  capa- 
l)l<>  of  taking  a  lead  in  all  the  gre.it  branches  of  literary  or 
arti.stic  or  scientific  activity,  men  who  instruct  and  (h'light  their 
owni  generation,  though  possibly  future  generations  may  not 
hold  all  of  them  in  remeniiirance. 

Have  fewer  men  of  this  ordir  ailonied  the  roll  of  fame  in  the 
United  States,  during  the  years  since  177(),  than  in  England,  or 
France,  or  (Jermaiiy  ihiring  the  same  period?  Obviously  this 
is  the  fact  as  regards  art  in  all  its  brain-hes ;  and  also,  though 
less  distinctly  so,  as  regarils  physical  and  mathematical  seiefice. 
:iH 


MICROCOPY  RESOLUTION   TEST   CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


1.0 


I.I 


|4.i 


130 


Ui 
U 


2.0 


4.0 


1.8 


^  APPUEa  IIVHGE     Inc 

— SS".  1653  Eost   Main   Street 

SrS  Roctiester.   N««  York        14609       USA 

^S  (716)   482  -  0300  -  Plione 

^B  (716)   288  -  5989  -  Fax 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAHT   VI 


834 

In  merature  then,  is  loss  disparity,  yet  most  candid  Amerieans 
wil    agree  with  Englishmen  that  it  is  greater  than  those  who 
know  the  education   an<l  intelligence  of  the  younger  people 
would  have  expected.     I  pass  by  oratory  ^'^  ^^atesinans  up 
because  comparison  is  in  these  fields  very  difficult     The  la. 
therefore  being  achnitted,  we  have  to  endeavour  to  account 

""n'the  matter  were  one  of  numerical  averages,  it  would  be 
pertinent  to  remark  that  of  the  total  population  of  the  Lmted 
States  about  one-tenth  are  negroes,  at  present  altoge  her  below 
the  stratum  from  which  production  can  be  expectc<l ,  that  of  the 
whites  there  mav  be  four  or  five  millions  to  whom  English  .. 
virtuallv  a  foreign  language,  and  that  many  milions  are  recent 
immigrants  from  Euroj.e  who  are  below  the  educational  stra- 
tum in  which  lit<>rary  gifts  can  be  expected  to  germinate  This 
diminishes  the  contrast  l)etween  numbers  and  intellectual  re- 
sults But  numbers  have  so  little  to  do  %vith  the  question  that 
the  point  scarcely  des(>rves  a  passing  reference. 

Those  who  have  discussed  the  conditions  of  intellectual  pro- 
ductivity have  often  remarked  that  epochs  of  stir  and  excite- 
ment  are   favourable,   because  they   stimulate   mens   minds, 
setting  new  ideas  afloat,  and  awak.-ning  new  ambitions.     It  is 
also  true  that  vigorous  unremitting  lal)our  is,  speaking  generally, 
needed  for  the  production  of  good  work,  and  that  one  is  there- 
fore less  entitled  to  expect  it  in  an  in.lolent  time  and  from 
members  of  the  luxurious  classes.     But  it  is  not  less  true,  though 
less  frequently  observed,  that  tranquillity  and  r^P"««  ^'•^"f  Jf T 
sarv  to  men  of  the  kind  we  are  considering,  and  often  helptul 
even  to  the  highest  geniusi>s,  for  the  evolving  of  new  thoughts 
and  the  creation  of  forms  of  finished  and  harmomous  beauty. 
He  who  is  to  do  such  work  must  have  time  to  meditate,  and  pause, 
and  meditate  again.     He  must  be  able  to  set  his  cn^ation  aside 
and  return  to  it  aft.-r  days  or  weeks  to  look  at  it  with  fresh  eyes. 
He  must  be  neitluT  ilistracted  from  his  mahi  purpose,  nor  mr- 
ried  in  effecting  it.     He  must  be  able  to  concentrate  the  whole 
force  of  his  reason  or  imagination  on  one  subject,  to  abstract 
himself  when  needful  from  tlie  flitting  sights  and  many-voiced 
clamour  of  the  outer  world.     Juvenal  said  this  long  ago  about 
the  poet ;  it  also  applies,  though  possibly  in  a  lower  a.-gree,  both 
to  the  artist  and  to  the  serious  tliinker,  or  delicate  workman,  in 
any  field  of  literature,  to  the  metaphysician,  the  theologian, 


CHAP,  cxv     CREATIVE   INTELLECTUAL  POWER 


83.-) 


the  philosophic  historian,  the  economist,  the  philologist,  even  the 
novelist  and  the  statesman.     I  have  heiird  men  who  had  gone 
from  a  quiet  life  into  poUtics  complain  that  they  found  their 
thinking  powers  wither,  and  that  while  they  became  far  more 
expert  in  getting  up  subjects  and  speaking  forcibly  and  plausibly, 
they  found  it  harder  and  harder  to  form  Mjund  general  views 
and  penetrate  beneath  the  superficialities  of  the  newspaper  and 
the  platform.     Interrupted  thought,  trains  of  reflection  cr  imagi- 
native  conceptions  constantly  broken  by  a  variety  cf  petty 
transient  calls  of  business,  claims  of  society,  matters  j)assing  in 
the  world  to  note  and  think  of,  not  only  tir(>  the  mind  but  destroy 
its  chances  of  attaining  just  and  deep  views  of  life  and  nature, 
as  a  wind-ruffled  pool  ceases  to  reflect  tlie  rocks  and  woods  around 
it.     Mohammed  falling  into  trances  on  the  mountain  above 
Mecca,  Dante  in  the  sylvan  solitudes  of  Fonte  Avellana,  Cer- 
vantes and  Bunyan  in  the  enforced  seclusion  of  a  prison,  Hegel 
so  wrapt  and  lost  in  his  speculations  that,  taking  his  manuscript 
to  the  publisher  in  Jena  on  the  day  of  the  great  battle,  he  was 
surprised  to  see  French  soldiers  in  the  streets ;  these  are  types 
of  the  men  and  conditions  which  give  birth  to  thoughts  that 
occupy  succeeding  generations  :  and  what  is  true  of  these  greatest 
men  is  perhaps  even  more  true  of  men  of  the  next  rank.     Doubt- 
less many  great  works  have  been  produced  among  inauspicious 
surroundings,  and  even  under  severe  pressure  of  time  ;  but  it  will, 
I  think,  be  almost  invariably  found  that  the  producer  had  formed 
his  ideas  or  conceived  his  creations  in  hours  of  comi)arative  tran- 
quillity, and  had  turned  on  them  the  full  stream  of  his  powers  to 
the  exclusion  of  whatever  could  break  or  divert  its  force. 

In  Europe  men  call  this  an  age  of  unrest.  But  the  United 
States  is  more  unrestful  than  Europe,  mon;  unrestful  than  any 
country  we  know  of  has  yet  been.  Nearly. (>very  one  is  busy; 
those  few  who  have  not  to  earn  their  living  and  do  not  feel  called 
to  serve  their  countrymen,  find  themselves  out  of  place,  and  have 
been  wont  either  to  make  amusement  into  a  business  or  to  trans- 
fer themselves  to  the  ease  of  France  or  Italy.  The  earning  of 
one's  Hving  is  not,  indeed,  incompatible  with  intellectually 
creative  work,  for  many  of  those  who  have  done  such  work  best 
have  done  it  in  addition  to  their  gainful  occupation,  or  have 
earned  their  living  by  it.  But  in  America  it  is  unusually  liard 
for  any  one  to  withdraw  his  mind  from  the  endless  variety  of 
external  impressions  and  interests  which  daily  life  presents,  and 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS^ 


PART  VV 


836 

f  1    TTnUe    States  the  ceaseless  stir  and  movement,  the  con- 

I'ant'p^i  o  newspapers,  the  eagerness  which  looks  through 

.tantprestnu  o         ^^  active  intelligence  and  sense  of 

'"^riZv   stronger  n  the  best  minds,  which  make  a  cit.zen 

opportumt  >  tr  ^  ^.^^^^j^^^,^^  ^,^^1  ,l^rkness  of  mght 

need,  as  gro^v nig  plant  j  m  ^^^^.^^^  American 

perfe  tfon     And  acconUngly  we  see  that  the  most  nch  and 

Snsed   for  the  New  Engenders  who  have  gone  West,  though 

Saerat"rcatio;,  or  to  caro  .„  ompL.y  it  ooly  ,n  teach.ng  and 

'"  uZy  bo  ol.jo,.t,.l  to  this  vi..w  that  sotno  of  th.  .roat  literary 
ai  S  L  t  u-  P.-ri,.|.-a,>  a«,.  at  Athens,  the  M.-h.-ean  ag  at 
K;™:.,  the  a«e  •".f'^f'^^^:^;:^^  S,',' pr^'- 

rf  Uti   (he  5o^  of  stimulating  ideas  and  i,npr..,s.ons  wh,rf 


CHAP.  r\v      TRICATIVK    IXTKFJvKCTUAL   POWPHl 


837 


occupations  tiiul  trausicut  iiiii)r(>ssiou.s.  In  the  ugos  I  have  re- 
ferred to,  men  had  time  ciiouj^li  for  all  iliere  was  to  do,  and  the 
very  scantiness  of  literature  and  rarity  of  news  made  that  which 
was  read  and  received  tell  more  i)o\verfully  upon  the  imagination. 
Nor  is  it  only  the  distractions  of  American  life  that  clog 
the  wings  of  invention.  The  atmosphere  is  over  full  of  all  that 
pertams  to  material  jiroj^ress.  Americans  th.emselves  say, 
when  excusing  the  (•omi)arative  i)overty  of  learning  and  .science, 
that  their  chief  occupation  is  at  present  the  subjugation  of  their 
continent,  that  it  is  an  occuj)atioii  large  enough  to  demand  most 
of  the  energy  and  ambition  of  the  nation,  but  that  presently, 
when  this  work  is  ilone,  t!ie  same  energy  and  ambition  will  win 
similar  triumphs  in  the  fields  of  al)stract  thought,  while  the  gifts 
which  now  make  them  the  first  nation  in  the  world  for  practical 
inventions,  will  then  assure  to  them  a  Iik(>  jilace  in  scientific 
di.scovery.  There  is  evi(h>ntly  nuicli  truth  in  this.  The  attrac- 
tions of  practical  life  are  so  great  to  men  conscious  of  their  own 
vigour,  the  development  of  the  West  and  the  vast  operations  of 
commerce  and  finance  which  have  accompanied  that  develop- 
ment have  absorbed  .so  many  strenuous  talents,  that  the  supply 
of  ability  availal)le  not  onlj'  for  ])ure  science  (apart  from  its 
applications)  and  for  pliilo.sophical  and  historical  studies,  but 
even  for  .statesmanship,  has  been  proportionately  reduced.  But, 
besides  this  withdrawal  of  an  unusually  large  part  of  the  nation's 
force,  the  predominance  of  material  and  practical  interests  has 
turned  men's  thoughts  and  conversation  into  a  channel  unfavour- 
able to  th?  gro^vth  of  the  higher  and  more  solid  kinds  of  literature, 
perhaps  still  more  unfavourable  to  art.  (ioethe  said,  "If a 
talent  is  to  be  speedily  and  hai)iMly  developed  the  chief  point  is 
that  a  great  deal  of  intellect  and  sound  culture  should  be  current 
in  ,1  nation."  There  is  certainly  a  great  deal  of  intellect  current 
in  the  United  States.  Hut  it  is  clii(>fly  directed  to  business, 
that  is,  to  railways,  to  financ*-,  to  commerce,  to  inventions, 
to  manufactures  (as  well  as  to  practical  professions  like  law), 
things  which  play  a  relatively  larger  part  than  in  Europe,  as 
subjects  of  universal  attention  and  discu.ssion.  There  is  abun- 
dance of  .sound  culture,  but  it  is.  so  scattered  about  in  divers 
places  and  among  small  groups  which  seldom  meet  one  another, 
that  no  large  cultured  society  has  arisen  similar  to  that  of  Euro- 
pean capitals  or  to  that  which  her  universities  have  created  for 
Germany.     In  Boston  in  18G0  a  host  could  have  brought  together 


I 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


838  

ro^id  his  tM^ne  men  as  interesting  and  cultivated  as  Paris 
round  »^»s  ^^"  furnished.     But  a  similar  party  of  eigh- 

charged  '""• ',     ,ivc  it  is  Imt  tlie  stimulus  drives  eager  youth 
rry  taftrtvc:  "f  r,.  Mu.es  h.to  the  struggling  thro,^  of 

*U  mt-t'ltougl.t  fatKitul  to  M  that  in  a  new  countryons 
whole  set  orobjects  which  appeal  to  the  hnagma  .on  are  absent 
-  no "astles  Rray  with  ,M,e ;  ,>o  solemn  -'"«■'  -"."^X*^™! 

Fnfflish  Parliament  to  the  historic  and  prehistoric  sites  ana 

^Ivrlhose  of  ac...umula,ea  wealth  and  industry  sk.lfuUy  applied 

'°sTn:tL!'m::vtvtM  if  (as  was  observed  in  last  ehap^r) 
VM  and  Vmeriean  literature  are  practically  one,  there  .s 
«Uo  oxpkdn  the  fad  (hat  one  part  ot  a  race  und|vKled 
?:  literary  purpo-s  leaves  .he  bulk  f^^lJ^^tTl^ 
h.  done  by  «l;'; ""-; ';f  ;;;™t  rt  ■  „  ™vn:  'T7argue 
tustuid  lit  p  sh  the  d^criae  of  the  unity. of  the  two 


CHAP,  cxv     CRKATIVK   INTELLECTUAL  POWER 


839 


interpretations;  and  the  (luestion  would  still  confront  us,  why 
the  transatlantic  branch,  nowise  inferior  in  mental  force,  con- 
tributes less  than  its  share  to  the  common  stock.  Still  it  is 
certainly  true  that  the  ixistence  of  a  great  l)ody  of  producers, 
in  England  of  literature,  as  in  France  of  i)ictures,  diminishes 
the  need  for  production  in  America.  .  Or  to  put  the  same  thing 
in  another  way,  if  the  Americans  did  not  read  English  they 
would  evidently  feel  called  on  to  create  more  high  literature 
for  themselves.  Many  books  whidi  America  might  produce 
are  not  produced  because  the  men  (lualified  to  write  them  know 
that  there  are  already  English  books  on  the  same  subject ;  and 
the  higher  such  men's  standard  is,  the  more  apt  are  they  to 
overrate  the  advantages  which  10i!u;lish  authors  enjoy  as  com- 
pared witii  themselves.  Many  fc'-linss  and  ideas  which  now 
find  adequate  expression  through  the  English  liooks  which 
Americans  read  would  then  have  to  be  expressed  through 
American  books,  and  their  literature  would  be  not  only  more 
individual,  but  more  copious  and  energetic,  if  it  lost  in  breadth, 
it  would  gain  in  freshness  and  indeijindence.  American  authors 
conceive  that  even  the  non-recognition  of  international  copy- 
right told  for  evil  on  their  profession.  Since  the  native  writer 
was  undersold  by  reprints  of  English  and  French  books,  which, 
paying  nothing  to  the  European  author,  could  be  published 
at  the  cost  of  the  paper  and  printing  only,  native  authorship 
was  discouraged,  native  talent  divertcnl  into  other  fields,  while 
at  the  same  time  the  intellectual  standard  of  the  public  was 
lowered  and  its  taste  vulgarized.  It  might  have  lieen  thought 
that  the  profusion  of  cheap  reprints  would  quicken  thought  and 
diffuse  the  higher  kinds  of  knowledge  among  the  masses.  But 
by  far  the  largest  part  of  these  rejirints,  and  the  part  most  ex- 
tensively read,  were  novels,  and  among  them  many  flimsy  novels, 
which  drove  l)etter  books,  including  some  of  the  best  American 
fiction,  out  of  the  market,  and  tended  to  Europeanize  the  Ameri- 
can mind  in  the  worst  way.  One  may  smile  at  the  suggestion 
I  have  met  with  that  the  allegiance  of  the  working  classes  to 
their  democratic  institutions  will  l)e  seduced  by  descriptions 
of  English  duchesses ;  yet  it  is  probably  true  —  eminent  ob- 
servers assure  one  of  it  —  that  th(>  profusion  of  new  frothy  or 
highly  spiced  fiction  offere<{  ;;t  ten  or  twenty-five  cents  a  volume 
did  much  to  spoil  the  popular  palate  for  the  enjoyment  of  more 
wholesome  and   nutritious   food.     And   whatever   injures  the 


I 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT   VI 


840 

^^"h:tt^r.hf '„™i;:;?»"-t  n..wwr,  would 

of  oplnio.1  has  Iktu  alrra.ly  disrasscl.     fhi-  ^ '»>"'»"''  ™e 

They  hacl  at  aLl  no'hi«h  level  of  literary  oxeelleuce  when 

ela^^ve?;  W ;  ami  now  the  journals  of  the  eluef  c.tie.  have 
become  such  vast  commercial  concerns  that  they  «till  thmk 
ttof  the  mass  an.l  are  controlled  by  its  tastej  wh^^^^  ^h.y 
have  themselves  done  so  nmch  to  create.     There  are  ciues 
where  thfinore  refined  readers  who  dislike  flippant  person- 
Tlities  are  counted  by  tens  of  thousands,  but  m  such  ct.es 
«tSon       now  too  severe  to  hold  out  much  P-speet  of 
Tce^I  to  a  paper  which  does  not  expect  t;-uppor^^o    hun- 
dreds of  thousands.     It  is  not,  however,  with  the  .esthetic  or 
mo  al  v^ew  of  the  newspaper  that  we  are  here  concerned,  but 
wiUi  the  effect  on  the  national  mind  of  the  enormous  ratio 
;; -d^  the  readin.  of  newspapers  be.irs  to  all  o^he.J-eaain.   a 
ratio  hi-her  than  even  in  Fruice  or  Lnslam  .     A  famous  ll.ng 
[Xai^  h  mself   a   powerful    and   fertile   thinker,    contrasted 
S^Zno7hc  h\Ly  of  Thucydides  wi^h  that  of  a  single 
numbe    of    he  Time,  newspaper,  greatly  to  the^  advantage  o 
the  latter      Others  may  conceive  that  a  thoughtful   study  of 
Thu  ydSes,  or,  not  to  go  beyond  our  own  tongue,  of  Bacon. 


niAP.  cxv     CREATIVE   INTELLECTUAL  POWER 


841 


Milton,  Locke,  or  Burko,  perhaps  ovon  of  (iibl»on,  Grote,  or 
Macaulay,  will  do  more  to  pivc  keenness  to  the  eye  and  strength 
to  the  wings  of  the  mind  than  a  whole  year's  reading  of  the 
heat  daily  newspaper.  It  is  not  merely  that  the  matter  is  of 
more  permanent  and  intrinsie  worth,  nor  that  the  manner 
and  style  form  the  student's  taste;  it  is  not  merely  thut  in  the 
newspaper  we  are  in  eontaet  with  [mm'soiis  like  ourselves,  in  the 
other  case  with  rare  and  splendid  intellects.  The  whole  atti- 
tude of  the  reader  is  difTerent.  His  attention  is  loose,  his 
mind  unbraced,  so  that  he  does  not  stop  to  scrutinize  an  argu- 
ment, and  forgets  even  valuable  facts  as  quickly  as  he  has  learnt 
them.  If  he  read  Burke  as  he  reads  th(>  newspaper,  Burke 
would  do  him  little  good.  And  therefore  the  habit  of  mind 
produced  by  a  diet  largely  composed  of  newsinipers  is  adverse 
to  solid  thinking  and  dulling  to  the  sense  of  beauty.  Scorched 
and  stony  is  the  soil  which  newspaper  reading  has  prepared  to 
receive  the  seeds  of  genius. 

Does  the  modern  world  really  gain,  so  far  as  creative  thought 
is  concerned,  by  the  profusion  of  cheap  literature  ?  It  is  a 
question  one  often  asks  in  watching  the  passengers  on  an 
American  railway.  A  boy  walks  up  and  down  the  car  scatter- 
ing newspapers  and  books  in  paper  covers  right  and  left  as  he 
goes. .  The  newspapers  are  glanced  at,  though  probably  most 
people  have  read  several  of  the  day's  papers  already.  The 
books  are  nearly  all  novels.  They  are  not  bad  in  tone,  and 
sometimes  they  give  incidentally  a  superficial  knowledge  of 
things  outside  the  personal  experience  of  the  reader,  while 
from  their  newspapers  the  passengers  draw  a  stock  of  informa- 
tion far  beyond  that  of  a  European  peasant,  or  even  of  an 
average  European  artisan.  Yet  one  feels  that  this  constant 
succession  of  transient  ideas,  none  of  thcni  impressively  though 
many  of  them  startlingly  stated,  all  of  them  flitting  swiftly 
past  the  mental  sight  as  the  trees  flit  past  the  eyes  when  one 
looks  out  of  the  car  window,  is  no  more  favourable  to  the 
V  velopment  of  serious  intellectual  interests  and  creative  intel- 
lectual power  than  is  the  limited  knowledge  of  the  European 
artisan  or  peasant. 

Most  of  the  reasons  I  have  hazarded  to  account  for  a  phe- 
nomenon surprising  to  one  who  recognizes  tiic  quantity  of 
intellect  current  in  America,  and  tli(>  diffusion,  far  more  gen- 
eral than  in  any  other  country,  of  intelUctua'  curit)sity,  ore 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


842 

Im'to  h.  vo  thought  tl,a.  tW  um.„tion  ot  wr,t,n«  ,n  L^pl 
S  weakone,!  the  ri*otiv..  ,h.w.t»  ot   "'»"• ,  ," '  ,,'';',"„','^" 

£',^1:  o    LoJ^Tna,  Ihr.eRro..  umlor  f-ery   with  A^r»„ 

SS"m Surviving  in  their  memories,  *  « J^'^'^'-^^'^J''* 
back»ood,men  „t  early  ln,har,a  the  ,H,^^^^ 

land  the  mountain  folk  ot  lenm^^sn  ,  uu  "uiii  p,.- \v««t 

the  last  or  present  iseneration,  »■■<'";'"'  '^'''(^^^^^       However, 
j£^T,S^;"u„T,rS^otLr=.^r.  .a.,  to  work 

Siraily   thorough   and   painstaking   work   is   prod,  mi^    I 

ot  Knowieugf  >'»>>'^.'  1  ^i„i„      Tn  thp  sciences  of  nature, 

of  neglecting  merits  of  form  and  style.     In  tne  scitni,eh 


iBAP.  rxv     CltEATIVE    INTKI.LKCTrAL  POWER 


843 


cspcfiully  in  those  of  observation,  rcinari\al)U'  advances  have  l)een 
nmde.  Dr.  Asa  (5ray  was  one  of  the  two  or  three  greatest 
botanists  of  his  age,  and  Simon  Newcoinh  one  of  the  greatest 
mathematical  astronomers.  Much  excellent  work  has  been 
(lone  in  geology  and  puheontology,  particularly  in  exploring 
the  Rocky  Mountain  re>;ions.  Both  for  the  excellence  of 
their  instruments  and  the  accuracy  of  their  work,  the  astro- 
nomical observatoii.s  stand  in  tiic  front  rank;  nor  has  America 
fallen  behind  LurofX'  in  th(>  theoretical  part  of  this  science. 
In  some  branches  ol  physics  and  chemistry,  such  as  spectrum 
analysis,  American  investigators  have  won  like  fame.  (Com- 
petent authorities  award  the  iiighest  praise  to  their  contri- 
butions to  l)ioloj:y  and  ,><  medical  science  and  are  perhaps 
still  more  impressed  by  tiie  achievements  of  their  surgeons. 
In  economics  they  hold  their  place  with  KuKland  and  France, 
both  as  regards  the  exlent  to  which  the  subject  is  studied  in 
universities  and  as  regards  the  mmiber  of  eminent  persons 
whom  it  occupies.  In  jurisprudence  and  law,  American  text- 
books are  of  high  excellence ; '  and  one  author,  Mr.  Justice 
Story,  deserves,  looking  to  the  {(uantity  as  well  as  to  the  qual- 
ity of  his  work,  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  all  who  handled 
these  topics  in  the  English  tongue  during  the  nineteenth  century. 
Political  science  has  begun  to  be  studied  more  energetically  than 
in  England,  where,  to  be  sirre,  it  is  scarcely  studied  at  all  ; 
and  every  year  sees  treatises  and  articles  of  permanent  value 
added  to  the  scanty  modern  literature  which  our  language 
possesses  on  this  subject.  Similarly  there  is  great  activity 
in  the  field  of  both  secular  and  ecclesiastical  history,  though 
as  the  work  done  has  largely  taken  the  direction  of  inquiries 
into  local  American  history,  and  has  altogether  been  more 
in  the  nature  of  research  than  of  treatises  attractive  to  the 
general  public,  its  quantity  and  its  merits  have  not  yet  !)een 
duly  appreciated  even  at  home,  much  less  in  Europe.  Indeed, 
it  is  remarkable  how  far  from  show\'  and  sensational  is  the 
bulk  of  the  work  now  done  in  America.  It  is  mostly  work 
of  a  solid,  careful,  exact,  and  often  rather  dry  type,  not  at 
all  the  sort  of  work  which  th(>orists  about  democracy  would 

•  The  number  of  legal  journals  and  maa;izinos  in  the  United  States  is  very 
much  larcor  than  in  England,  and  tho  av  'ni2!'  of  workmanship  in  them  equally 
high.  Two  journals  arc  dcdicati'd  to  politi<al  science,  a  subject  only  just  b©- 
ginninii  tu  Ix;  represented  in  the  Uritii^h  press. 


I 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


I     L....>  f..r  s.nci-  it  upiM-iils  rathtT  to  the  Icarnwl  few  than 
hav."  lookfil  fur,  s.iui  It  ap  h  rm'ivfs  the  imprt-swion 

fhere  be  few  persons  of  exceptional  gifts,  it  >«/'8»'fi/^^"^    hat 
the  nu  nberoUhose  who  are  engaged  in  scientific  work  whethe 
a  the  invesUgation  of  nature  or  in  the  moral,  poht.cal.  and 
Ws  orical      lincos,  is  larger,   relatively  to  the  VO^f^^^ 
To  country   than  it  was  fifty  years  ago,  the  methods  better, 
the  work  fbne  more  solid,  the  spirit  more  earnest  and  eager. 
N^tWng  norstrike.  a  stranger  who  visits  the  Amencan  um- 
vcS  than  the  ardour  with  which  the  younger  ge^eratK^n 
ho^  thrown  itself  into  study,  even  kmds  of  study  whicn  wu 
ifver  v°n  the  applause  of  the  multitude.     There  is  more  zeu 
3  heartiness  an  ona  these  men,  more  freshness  of  mind  mor( 
We  of  learning  for"  ts  o^n  sake,  more  willingness  to  forego 
the  Chan  elof  fame  and  wealth  for  the  sake  o    adding  to  tlie 

tock  of     v^^^        knowledge,  than  is  to  bo  ^o- ^'tlnd "  On^ 

ford  or  raml)ridge,  or  in  the  universities  of  Scotland.     Ont 

r    ni  nui  of  the  scholars  of  the  Renaissance  Amg-g  them 

elve  nto  tlie  study  of  re(Hscovercd  ph,lolog>',  or  of  the  Ger- 
man uversities  after  the  War  of  Liberation.     And  under  the 

npro"sbn  formed  in  mingling  with  such  me^n,  one  learns  to 
r'with  the  conviction  of  the  Americans  that  or  a  nation 
so  abounding  in  fervid  force  there  is  reserved  a  frntful  career 
in  science  and  letters,  no  less  than  in  whatever  makes  material 
prosperity. 


CHAPTER   CXVI 


THE    RELATION    OK    THE  UNITED    STATES    TO    E17R0PE 

One  cannot  discuss  American  iitcrutiirc  and  thouKht  with- 
out asking,  What  is  the  intrllcctuul  relation  of  the  United 
States  to  Europe?  Is  it  that  of  an  equal  member  of  the  great 
republic  of  letters?  Or  is  it  that  of  a  colony  towards  the 
mother  country,  or  of  a  province  towards  a  capital?  Is  it,  to 
take  instances  from  history,  such  a  relation  as  was  that  of 
Rome  to  (Jreece  in  the  second  and  first  centuries  before  Christ? 
or  of  Northern  and  Western  Europe  to  Italy  in  the  fifteenth? 
or  of  Germany  to  France  in  the  eighteenth?  in  all  of  whici) 
cases  there  was  a  measure  of  intellectual  d(>pendence  on  the 
part  of  a  nation  which  felt  itself  in  other  r(>spects  as  strong 
as  or  stronger  than  that  whose  models  it  foUov.ed,  and  from 
whose  hearth  it  lighted  its  own  flame. 

To  answer  this  question  we  nnist  first  answer  another  — 
How  do  the  Americans  themselves  conceive  their  position 
towards  Europe?  and  this,  again,  suggests  a  third  —  What 
does  the  American  people  tliink  of  itself? 

The  conceit  of  the  people  was  at  one  time  a  byword.  It  was 
not  only  .self-conscious  but  obtrusive  and  aggressive.  Every 
visitor  satirized  it,  Dickens  most  keenly  of  all.  in  forgiving 
whom  the  Americans  gave  the  strong(>st  proof  of  their  good 
nature.  Doubtless  all  nations  are  either  vain  or  proud,  or 
boch ;  and  those  not  least  who  receiv(>  scant  recognition  from 
their  neighbours.  A  nation  could  hardly  stand  without  this 
element  to  support  its  self-reliance;  tiiough  when  pu.shed 
to  an  extreme  it  may,  as  happens  with  the  Turks,  make  national 
decline  the  more  irretrievable.  But  American  conceit  has 
been  steadily  lessening  as  the  country  has  grown  older,  more 
aware  of  its  true  strength,  more  respected  by  other  countries.' 
There  wa«  less  conceit  after  the  Civil  War  than  before,  though 

'  Tooqupvillo  complains  that  the  Amorlrans  would  not  pormit  a  stranger  to 
pass  pvon  the  smallest  unfa vourii hie  rriticism  on  any  of  thuir  iustitutions. 
however  warmly  he  might  express  liis  admiration  of  the  re«t. 

845 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


-    * 


846 

restlessly  pretentious  than  [^"^ J^ "  '^y^^         ^^  botter-edueated 
satisfied  than  the  English,  /"^""l^f  ^^l^^^^'^f  ,„,,rse  in  Fourth 

material  resources  of   the  country,       int    p  :> 

to  them  the  f  f-' "r/;:  ^  ^^^7.^^^^^^^^  -ong 

in  American  history     n  a  ^  fj^'  ™^^  .^cial  e^iuaUty, 

tt-  recent  inmnsrants,  in  ^h^  compuu  Europe"  who 

and  a  corresponding  contempt^  for  the     -^^^^  ^^^j.^j 

or  indifference. 

.  I,  .u.t.  howev..r.  ..o  adn.itto..  that  th«  whi^sicaUJ..  i^^ 

the  n,a,.es.     I  find    for  i -;-;";•  •"/■,;  ?;  ^ h,?/'  ss      tL  foUowins  pa..sa«o  : 
to  a  dUtingubhod  literary  f^'^t'T  .  ty  n    <><  t^  >    ■  i„d..p.,.nd.noo')  have 

•■They  (.-.c.  'the  im.nortal  P<'".'>'1^  of  ^^j';  \'^Xvind  uatio.mUty  to  Germany 
given  political  fre-nlon,  to  Vmer.ea  ='»'\» Z;^;  ;;  ,  "^^,,i,,  ,,n,l  HunRary  from  feu- 
Ld  Italy.  emaneipato<l  the  R/'^^^  "-'i  J^^  ;  //J ;7.,a«<i  «/»o  .- 
dal  tenures,  ami  w,ll  in  t,,m- free  ^™'' ^,7'"  '  .'":,„j^id„r  their  freedom  s-upenor 
I  have  often  aske,l  An.encans  ^^^  ^  "  /"^^.^  "Xle  to  in.licate  a  single  point 
to  that  of  the  Endish   hut  hav..  r^^er  f^^  ^  ^^^^^^^  ^      ,,    te 

in  which  the  iiulivi  !aa!  .n  ■!>  1-^  ^^r  ^  ^„.„,.|-il  lii.ertv  of  doinii  aud  thinUiti^  as 
civil  right.,  or  h.s  .">'>''-  "«^  -  L*  i.e  s  io"  t„  soeial  equality,  the  existenec 
5i:'Z:^re^ir::rhl!:^.S;  tittr'and  .>  forth -natter,  which  are  of 
cours^Zte  llfffcrent  from  freedom  in  its  proper  scnae. 


CHAP,  cxvi        RELATION  OF  AMERICA  TO  EUROPE  847 

Accordingly  the  attitude  of  thou>i;htful  Americans  to  Europe 
nas  no  longer  either  the  old  open  antagonism  or  the  old  latent 
self-distrust.  It  is  that  of  a  people  which  conceives  itself  to  b<i 
intellectually  the  equal  of  any  other  people,  but  to  have  taken 
upon  itself  for  the  time  a  special  task  which  impedes  it  in  the 
race  of  literary  and  artistic  development.  Its  mission  is  to 
reclaim  the  waste  lands  of  a  continent,  to  furnish  homes  for 
instreaming  millions  of  strangers,  to  work  out  i  system  of 
harmonious  and  orderly  democratic  institutions.  That  it  may 
fulfil  these  tasks  it  has  for  the  moment  postponed  certain  other 
tasks  which  it  will  in  due  time  resum(>.i  Meanwhile  it  may, 
without  loss  of  dignity  or  of  faith  in  itself,  use  and  enjoy  the 
fruits  of  European  intellect  which  it  imports  until  it  sees  itself 
free  to  rival  them  by  native  growths.  If  I  may  resort  to  a 
homely  comparison,  the  Americans  are  like  a  man  whose  next  door 
neighbour  is  in  the  habit  of  giving  musical  parties  in  the  sum- 
mer evenings.  When  one  of  these  parties  comes  off,  he  sits 
with  his  family  in  the  balcony  to  enjoy  the  quartettes  and 
solos  which  float  across  to  him  through  the  open  windows.  He 
feels  no  inferiority,  knowing  that  when  he  pleases  he  can  have 
performers  equally  good  to  delight  his  own  friends,  though  for 
this  year  he  prefers  to  spend  his  surplus  income  in  refurnish- 
ing his  house  or  starting  his  son  in  business. 

There  is  of  course  a  difference  in  the  view  of  the  value  of 
European  work  as  compared  with  their  own,  taken  by  the 
more  eciucated  and  by  the  less  educated  classes.  Of  the  latter 
some  fail  to  appreciate  the  worth  of  culture  and  of  science,  even 
for  practical  purposes,  as  comi)ared  with  industrial  success,  though 
in  this  respect  they  are  no  more  obtuse  than  the  bulk  of  English- 
men ;  and  they  accordingly  underrate  their  obligations  to  Europe. 
Others,  knowing  that  they  ought  to  admire  works  of  imagination 
and  research,  but  possessed  of  more  patriotism  than  discernment, 
cry  up  second  or  third  rate  fiction,  poetry,  and  theology  because 
it  is  American,  and  try  to  believe  that  their  country  gives  to 
Europe  as  much  as  sh(>  receives.  Taste  for  literature  is  so  much 
more  diffused  thati  taste  in  literature  that  a  certain  kind  of 
fame  is  easily  won.     There  are  dozens  of  poets  and  scores  of 

'  A  Chicaeo  niiin  is  reported  to  have  expressed  this  belief  with  oharant eristic 
dirw-tness  in  the  «>nten-'o  "rhie:tt:o  lia-  !iad  lu;  time  far  culture  yet,  but  whuu 
she  docs  take  hold  .she  will  make  it  hum.  "  The  time  eanie;  and  Chicago  has  now 
8Pt  an  example  to  many  an  nhler  eity  in  what  it  is  doing  for  the  adornment  of  iU 
lake  front  and  the  eatabliahment  of  art  collections. 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   V» 


H48 

literary  work  on  »ouml  cw.oiis,  not  '■"""e  ,        ^„„„,. 

produce.!  in  America  or  m  ^"'"I^-',X,r„"ich  America 
fn  the  Ea.t  or  in  the  We;t,  .«  one  of  *he^  ^g^^^^^ 

irof,'  h1^  ,;t  Jale.1  mtthisUrUnt  appreciation  o, 
iTve^induiy  used  to  produce  a  disgust  -P-T'^  '  J  ,Xm 

themselves  after  her.     {/^^^  J^  j^i/j,^,,,  from  Europe  more 

^.veral  »"  J-;^  "'^^^  ■;»  'l    To  lie  M  or  rul«l  by  Europe, 
SL  tlfyapply^heir  own  standards  and  Judgment  to  .hat- 

"Ther^pTcTalrelation,  to  the  leading  European  countries  are 


rnAP.  rxvi        RELATIOX  OF  AMKRICA  TO   KIROPE  849 

I..'.'..  1m'u1...1  Hft.r  t7S3,  l.«l  Ensland  acUnl  with  num.  courtesy 
uml  tact,  hut  wluch  was  embittered  l,y  hvv  scornful  attitude. 
Woim.ls  whidi  were  just  I.ejrinninfr  to  scar  over  W(>re  reopened 
by  the  war  of    812;  and  the  hostiUty  co.itinued  as  long  a^he 
generation  live.l  whose  manhood  saw  that  war.     The  generation 
which  remembennl  1812  was  disappearing  when  the  sympathy 
for  the  Southern  (  <.nfe,h"racy  not  indee.l  of  the  Enghsh  people 
l.ut  of  a  section  of  the  English  uppe'r  classes,  lit  up'the  almo  t 
extmgmshe,l  Han.es.     Thes.>  w.-r,.  (.u.-nched,  s(.  fa.  L  the  nativ-e 
Americans  are  concerned,  by  th,.  settlement  of  the  Alabama 
claims,  which  impresse,!  the  lJnit(.d  States  not  merely  as  a  con- 
cessioM  to  th,>mselves,  l,ut  as  an  evidence  of  the  magnanimity  of 
a  proud  country.     There  remained  a  certain  amount  of  rivalry 
with  England,  and  for  a  time  a  certain  sensitivc-ness  to  the  criti- 
cisms even  of  ignorant  Englishmen.     But  these  lingering  touches 
of  jealousy  have  all  but  vanished  with  the  growing  sympathy  felt 
for    tlu.  old  couKtry,"  as  it  is  still  called.     It  is  the  only  Euro- 
pean country  m  which  the  American  people  can  be  said  to  feel 
any  personal  interest,  or  towards  an  alliance  with  which  they 
are  drawn  by  any  sentiment.     For  a  time,  how(>ver,  the  sense  of 
gratitude  to  France  for  her  aid  in  the  Wa^  of  Inclependence  wa 
very  strong.     It  brought  French  literature  as  well  assomeP'rench 
usages  into  vogue,  and  increas(.l  the  political  influence  which 
France  exercised  during  the  earlier  years  of  her  o^^■^x  Revolutioxi. 
Still  that  influence  did  not  go  far  beyond  the  sphere  of  politics  • 

i?8o 'o'lssa '  ^^^    '  "  '*"  "'""'"'''  "^  '•"'  ''"'^  ^•™*"^^  ''"^^ 

so^e!."r/  ^fr'T  "^  ^T  ^'''^P"l''«"'  ^voalthy  Americans  re- 
sorted largely  to  Pans,  and  then-,  living  often  for  years  together 
in  a  congenial  atmosphen"  of  display  and  amus(>m,>nt,  imbibed 
undemocratic  tastes  and  i.leas,  which  through  them  found  their 
way  t)ack  across  the  oc(.an,  and  coloured  certain  sections  of  Ameri- 
ean  society,  particularly  in  \ew  V,;rk,  Although  there  is  still 
an  American  colony  i.i  Paris,  Parisian  influence  seems  no  longer 
o  cross  the  Atlantic.     French    books,   novels    excepted,  and 

exute  httle  interest :  Franco  is  practically  not  a  factor  at  ail 
in  the  moral  or  intellectual  life  of  the  countrv.  Over  art  how- 
ever,  csjx-cially  painting  and  decoration,  she  has  still  great  power 
Many  American  artists  study  in  Paris,  indeed  all  resort  thither 
who  do  not  go  to  Rome  or  Florence ;  French  pictures  enjoy  such 
3i 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAHl    VV 


tm^' 


v^i 


850 

designs  and  methods.  ,     ^  j^gQ  ^iH  1900 

The  enormous  German  j^"^-  -'  J^^^^^^^    way  of  Ck-r- 

might  have  been  expected  to  ^l«    ""^^J*;";^^,,,  j^^  metaphysics 

„.anizing  the  ^^-^I^^Z^^vl^-^^^^^^^^^^ 
on  the  one  hand,  and  ^^"^  "^^"'f;\\^  ^  ,v  ^^^...^  nor  indeed  any 
It  had  neither  the  one  resu  o  t  h^  ^t  enormously  stimu- 
result  whatever  m  ^^^^^  .f^J'^,^S,i.e  progress  of  Prohil>i- 
lated  the  brewmg mdustry .  it  '^f  ^\^;*  '"j '  formerly  existed : 
tionism:  it  introduced  more  outc^^^^^^^^^^  J^^^^  ,f 

increased  the  taste  f«7^^'^,X^^  i  some  cities  produced 
Sabbath  observance,  ^'  ^  ?^^^  ""(^^^;\i  ,,,^  Sunday."  But 
what   •-    ^ommonly   cal  ed      a  ^-^^^  ,,,1      ed  to 

the  va.^  majority  of  <^'^'""^"  ^ShAnf^uenced  by  their 
the  humbler  classes,  and  ^  '^J^^^   ,,,,,   extremely 

own  hterature  ^en'^uul  to  become  savants,  nor  have 
few   savants,   or    men    iji^^'^  /  .     ,j      universities  or  m 

these  played  any  conspicuous  part  m  the  u 

literature.  r„rm-inv  has  been  of  late  yeai's 

Nevertheless  the  mfluence  of  ^",^'^^yffXv  after  learning, 

powerfully  stimulative  upon  the  cla.e.a^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^ 

Z  not  only  are  German    -f^-^.t?^Ji;:;tec.d  to  Germany 
™ostpromismggn.c^aU.of  11.      -  ,^^^^^  ,,  ,^, 

for  a  year  or  t^vo  to  com  ^^|^^^i.     The  English  umver- 

imbued  with  German  lu  m(  m^    advanced  instruction  in 

sities  have,  by  their  omissu.a  to  dvlo    ad  a  ^f 

special  branches  of  kn^jl^'^^S  \  "^t  '^  f^vm  that  academic 
eSming  into  relation  f^V^'"\'',^.,re  of  American  science 
youth  of  America  in^osehan^^^^ 

and  learning  lies.  J.'^'f  ^'*""'''\  ^t  r-mM-'ation  of  metaphysical 
however,  not  tended    -^^'^^^\\^^^"^  '  peneratiou  been 

schools,  met.phys.cs  ^^-"^  ^'^^^'Vl^e'departments  of 
on  the  ebb  m  Germany.     It  appcar.^i  ^^  ^^^^^  ^  ^^  ^^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^^ 

SiK^od  the  a..t  fj^,  fun..^.-  ^.H«  Act  of  1909 

K;^X^Sio;  wXXt  .ore  thaa  twenty  yea.  old. 


CHAP,  txvi        RELATION  OF  AMERICA  TO  EUROPE  851 


theology,  and  is  also  visible  in  historical  and  philological  studies, 
in  economics,  and  in  the  sciences  of  nature. 

On  the  more  popular  kinds  of  literature,  as  well  as  upon  man- 
ners, social  usages,  current  sentiment  generally,  England  and  her 
influences  are  of  course  nearer  and  more  potent  than  those  of 
any  other  European   country,  seeing   that   English  books  go 
everywhere  among  all  classes,  and  tliat  they  work  upon  those 
who  are   substantially  English  already   in  their  fundamental 
ideas  and  habits.     Americans  of  the  cultivated  order,  and  es- 
pecially women,  are  more  alive  to  the  movements  and  changes 
in  the  lighter  literature  of  England,  and  more  curious  about  those 
who  figure  m  it,  especially  the  rising  poets  and  essayists,  than 
equally  cultivated  English  men  and  women.     I  have  been  repeat- 
edly surprised  to  find  books  and  men  that  had  made  no  noise  in 
Eondon  well  known,  esi)ecially  in  the  Atlantic-  States,  and  their 
merits  canvassed  with  more  zest  and  probably  more  acuteness 
than  a  London  drawing-room  would  have  shown.    The  verdicts 
of  the  best  circles  were  not  always  tlie  same  as  those  of  similar 
circles  in  England,  but  they  nere  nowise  biassed  by  national 
feeling,  and  often  seemed  to  proceed  from  a  more  delicate  and 
sympathetic  insight.     I  recollect,  though  I  had  better  not  men- 
tion, instances  in  which  they  welcomed  EngUsh  books  which 
England  had  failed  to  appreciate,  and  refused  to  approve  Ameri- 
can books  over  which  English  reviewers  had  become  ecstatic. 

Passing  English  fashions  in  social  customs  and  in  such  things 
as  games  sometimes  spread  to  America,  —  possibly  more  often 
than  similar  American  fashions  do  to  England,  —  but  sometimes 
encounter  ridicule  there.  The  Anglomaniac  is  a  familiar  object 
of  good-humoured  satire.  As  for  tho.se  large  movements  of 
opinion  or  taste  or  practical  i)hilanthropy  in  which  a  parallel- 
ism or  correspondence  between  the  two  countries  may  often  be 
discerned,  this  co-respondence  is  more  frequently  due  to  the 
simultaneous  action  of  the  same  causes  than  to  any  direct  influ- 
ence of  the  older  country.  In  theology,  for  instance,  the  same 
relaxation  of  the  rigid  tests  of  orthodoxy  has  been  making  way  in 
thechurchesof  both  nations.  In  the  Protestant  Episcopal  church 
there  has  lieen  a  similar,  though  far  less  pronouncetl,  tendency 
to  the  development  of  an  ornati  ritual.  The  movement  for 
dealing  with  city  pauperism  by  vohmtary  oiganizations  began 
later  than  the  ("liarity  Organization  societies  ot  England,  but 
would  probably  have  begun  without  their  example.    The  Univer- 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTKVr^S 


PART   VI 


852  

'■  ^ont  and  the  ostablishment  of  "university 

sity  Extension  movemont,  ami  tlu(svH  ^^^^^^^ 

Jtlements"  in  the  P*^^  P^    ^^  Lt-^^^  referred 

instances.    The  f  "^^'^^^'j^t'' Jl^e   dor^  and  the  younger 
to  as  now  noticeable  among  the  yoimRircrw  ^j^^^ 

teachers  in  some  of  t»-  --^^p;^^!  '  X^^   traceable  to 
which  may  be  (hsc-erned  m  t-ngl^"^/'  ^;^;  '  .,j.  .  ■,,,^  taste  for 

direct  English  influences,    bo  ^  >«  ^h     <  P'^  Jj^f^,.,,,,,,*:  j,  a  birtli 

^::^::^.  Sn-I^i^^^  have  been  more  widely 
road  in  Anu'rioa  than  m  Enghm^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^  ,^^.^, 

In  P"lit'^*V"»^^^''-%^''^;  !■;,!,  i,/t,„:  matters  just  de- 
countries  is  of  ^'TTJ;:;;^;,^.:,  institutions  and  condi- 
scribed,  becausi:  the  *l'"; '*"'';".'„,.,.. .„,s  ,vhich  call  for  a 
tions  involv's  a  diversity  m  liie  P"  ^^  ^J^  j  ^^^..^  Ameri- 
practical  solution      PoM.cal  cha.     >   u  ^^ ^^^  ^,,^,,, 

can  opnuon  less  than  sun  J^"-^"^  i  j.^n.  more 

opinion,  although  the  -^""-^  ;j;     \^     "  Uuan  the  French 
and  judge  more  soundy  abou    '^;'\'^  ^    ^^^^^^^  ^he  marke^l 

do  about  English  or  the  Lughsl    alH.u    bruun  ^^.^^ 

diminution  of  bitterness  »«f '^'^'"  ;';*;;  ^f^i  no  political 
has  made  a  diffen.u.e  m  Ajn^ean  P  '^  ^  .  ;,  ^  .,t,blishment 
event  in  E.ylaml  l-;;-"--;^^^^,  .  ^^.^  tell  on  American 
of  a  powerful  Socialist  party,  ^\oul  i  s  j     .^^i.i,itic,  except 

art  is  .-ultivutcl  with  '^--'^,:;;";^«\hn^'Ko  Exhibition  of  IHOiJ  w.  re  Rr.-at  jr 
who  saw  th,-  l.uiUUnKS  ';':'"■»•"' f'"^,*|'Vste    hov  ciispluy.'.!:    nor  ran  a  trav-  Irr 

;i:!lS  ;;;rbia^ra^"the'lil.a.  which  surround  the  n.h.r  «t.s. 


CHAP,  rxvi        RELATION  OF  AMKRKW   TO   KIROPK 


S.Vt 


ill  till"  position  of  tlic  consuiiitT,  lMm»|)i',  uiid  cspcfiully  EiiKhiiul, 
ill  that  of  tiu'  i)ro<iu('ci  jiltliouuli  Aiiicric^a  is  more  inHuctu'od  by 
Englisli  and  (icrniaii  l)<K)ks  ;uid  hy  French  art  llum  thcso  coun- 
tries are  inHuenccMl  \}y  her,  still  she  does  not  look  for  initiative 
to  them,  or  hold  herself  in  uny  Av:;y  their  disciple.  She  is  in 
many  points  indej)endciil  ;  .tad  in  .;1I  t'lilly  persuaded  of  her 
independence. 

Will  .she  then  in  lime  develop  :i  lU'W  literature,  l)earin>!;  the 
stamp  of  her  own  mint  '.'  Slie  c.ills  herself  :i  new  country  :  will 
.sIh!  nive  the  world  a  new  philosophy,  new  views  of  religion,  a 
new  tyi)e  of  life  in  which  i)lain  living;  und  hiji;li  thinking  may  be 
more  happily  blenih-d  than  W(>  now  see  them  in  the  Old  World, 
a  life  in  which  the  franker  recofjnition  of  ('(juality  will  ^ive  a 
freshness  to  ideas  and  to  manners  a  charm  of  simplicity  which 
the  aristocratic  societies  of  Europe  have  failed  to  attain? 

As  re}i;ards  manners  und  life,  she  has  already  apjiroached  nearer 
this  hapi)y  comltlnation  than  any  society  of  the  Old  World.  As 
re-^ards  ideas,  I  have  found  anions  the  most  cultivated  Americans 
a  certain  cosmoi)olitanism  of  view,  and  detachment  from  national 
or  local  prejudice,  .superior  to  that  of  the  same  classes  in  France, 
England,  or  (lermany.  In  the  ideas  themselves  there  is  little 
one  can  call  novel  or  distinctively  American,  though  there  is  a 
kind  of  thoroughness  in  emhraciug  or  working  out  certain  politi- 
cal and  social  concej)tions  which  is  less  common  in  England. 
As  regards  literature,  nothing  at  ])rcsent  indicates  the  emergence 
of  a  new  type.  The  influ(>nce  of  the  great  nations  on  one  another 
grows  always  closer,  and  makes  new  national  types  less  likely  to 
appear.  Science,  which  has  no  nationality,  exerts  an  increasing 
.sway  over  men's  minds,  and  exerts  it  contemporaneously  and 
similarly  in  all  civilizetl  countries.  F'or  the  jMirposes  of  thought, 
at  least,  if  not  of  literary  exjiression,  the  world  draws  closer 
together,  anil  becomes  more  of  a  hom<jgeneous  community. 

A  visitor  doubts  whether  the  Tnited  States  are,  so  far  as  the 
things  of  the  mind  are  concerned,  "a  new  country.''  The  people 
have  the  hopefulness  of  yt)uth.  But  their  institutions  are  old, 
though  many  have  been  remodelled  or  new  faced  ;  their  religion  is 
old  ;  their  viewsof  morality  and  conduct  are  old  ;  theirs(>ntiinents 
in  matters  of  art  .'ind  t.as.te  have  not  greatly  diverged  from  those 
of  the  parent  stock.  Is  the  mere  fact  that  they  inhabit  new 
territories,  and  that  the  conditions  of  life  there  have  trained  to 
higher  efficiency  certain  gifts,  and  have  left  others  in  comparative 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


— ,. PART  VI 

854  

ciwenre  U  this  factT^.fficient  ao  to  transform  the  national 
STt^  mal^c  the  „ro<luct»  of  their  crcatlvi,  power  essentially 
r""fr^m  those  of  the  sa,ne  race  abidinR  in  its  ancient  seata? 
A  t  ^pbnted  tree  may  bear  fruit  of  a  slightly  cUfferent  flavour, 

%reritTsr'',ivtte''^r;x:Mi.  ^ 

tng  and  more  »-ith  Ug.  there  will  arise  among  ^^i;''-'*2':n 

riet^rr^forts^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

of  hundreds  of  millions  of  men. 


CHAPTER  C:XVII 


THK   ABSENCK   OF  A   CAPITAL 


The  United  States  Ts  the  only  great  country  in  the  world 
which  has  no  capital.  ( Jerinauy  and  Italy  were  lonR  without 
one,  because  the  existence  of  tlie  mediaeval  Empire  prevented 
the  growth  in  either  country  of  a  national  monarchy.  But  the 
wonderfully  reconstructive  u^e  we  live  in  has  now  supplied  the 
want ;  and  althougli  Rome  and  Berlin  are  by  no  means  to  their 
respective  states  what  Paris  and  London  are  to  Fran-i-e  and  Eng- 
land, what  \'ieniia  and  Pesth  are  to  the  Dual  Monarchy,  they 
may  in  time  attain  a  similar  rank'  in  their  respective  nations. 
By  a  Capital  I  mean  a  city  which  is  not  only  the  seat  of  political 
government,  but  is  also  by  the  size,  wealth,  and  character  of  its 
population  the  head  and  centre  of  the  country,  a  leading  seat  of 
commerce  and  industry  a  reservoir  of  financial  resources,  the 
favoured  residence  of  the  great  and  powerful,  the  spot  in  which 
the  chiefs  of  tlie  learned  professions  are  to  be  found,  where  the 
most  potent  and  widely  read  journals  are  published,  whither 
men  of  literary  and  scieutitie-  capacity  are  dra^\•n.  The  heaping 
together  in  such  a  iihice  of  these  various  elements  of  power,  the 
conjunction  of  the  force-  of  rank,  wealth,  knowledge,  intellect, 
naturally  makes  such  a  city  a  sort  of  foundry  in  which  opinion 
is  melted  and  cast,  where  it  receives  that  dehnite  shape  in  which 
it  can  be  easily  and  swiftly  propagated  and  diffused  through  the 
whole  country,  deriving  not  only  an  authority  from  the  position 
of  those  who  form  it  but  a  momentum  from  the  weight  of  numbers 
in  the  commmiity  whence  it  comes.  The  opinion  of  such  a  city 
becomes  powerful  politically  because  it  is  that  of  the  persons 

'  Athene,  Li,sl)on,  ropoiihafton,  ."^Itockholin.  Brussi'ls,  Rucharrst.  arrp<|ually  good 
instances  arnouii  tlio  smaller  eountries.  In  Switzerland.  Bern  haf  not  reached 
the  same  position,  because  SwitziMlnml  is  a  federation,  and.  so  to  speak,  an  arti- 
ficial country  made  by  history.  Zurich,  Lausanne,  and  tJeneva  are  intellec- 
tually 'luite  ti,s  iiifliieiitiiil.  So  Hdll.iMfl  retains  traces  of  her  federal  condition  in 
the  relatively  less  important  position  of  Amsterdam.  Madrid  heinc  a  modem 
city  placed  in  a  country  lcs.s  perfectly  consolidated  than  most  of  the  other  states 
of  Kurope,  is  less  of  a  <-apital  to  Sp.iiu  than  Lisbon  is  to  PortuKal  or  Paris  to 
''"ranee. 

s5r» 


HCKMAL  INSTITUTIONS 


FAKT    VI 


who  live  at  hoacLiuurfrs,  wIm>  lu,Ul  the  strinRs  of  Kovornnu-nt 
^  their  ha  uls,  who  either  the,ns..lves  rule  the  state  or  are  .n 
dose  eon  uet  ^ith  those  who  .1...     It  is  true  that  un.U>r  a  repro- 
Jmta  ie  Kov..nuneut  power  rests  with  those  w  houi  the  peop  e 
have  sent  up  froni  all  parts  of  the  eou.Ury.     St.ll  these  members 
f  t le   e,is  ature  r.-sLU-  in  the  capital,  and  eannot  l.u    feel  tl^ 
stea^lv  pr<>ssure  of  its  pn-vailing  s.M,tinu>ut  wh.eh  touches  them 
s  K-iaUy  at  every  ,K>int .     It  son».ti..u.s  happens  that  the  populace 
o  th CM  ital,  by  their  ,..wer  of  overawit»K  the  rulers  or  perhaps 
effe    inc  a  ro  •oluti.,n,  are  able  to  turn  the  fortunes  of  the  state 
But  e^n  where  no  su<h  peril  is  to  l>o  apprehended  any  nation 
w  th  tlH^  kind  of  a  capital  I  am  describing,  acquires  the  hub  t  of 
UK!kin«  to  it  for  hgh't  and  lea,ling,  and  is  apt  to  yield  to  it  an 
initiative  in  political  movements.  ^        •*  i 

n  he  fieU  of  art  and  literature  the  influence  of  a  great  capita 
is  no  le  s  markcl.  It  gathers  to  a  centre  the  creative  power  of 
he  countrrHnd  subjects  it  to  the  criticism  of  the  best  instructed 
ami  m  "st  polished  society.  The  constant  action  and  reaction 
Spon^ne  another  of  gr(,ups  of  capable  men  in  an  utmosphere 
at  once  stimulative  to  invention  and  corrective  o  l^f  ^v^K^"  « 
may  give  birth  to  works  whi.-h  isolatcl  genius  could  hardly  have 
prSluml.  rioethe  made  this  observation  as  regards  Pans 
coTast  ng  the  centralized  society  of  France  with  the  dispersion 
oUhe  clients  of  culture  over  the  wide  area  of  his  cmna  Germany. 
"Now  conceive  a  .-itv  like  Paris,  where  the  hlRhest  talents  of  a  Rreat 

Sr'Sn>  ;v::^  3    :-ss  a  hna^e  or  across  a  L.mre  recalls  some 

Sh  V    V  ■<     an  I  whero  s.,„..  histuri-al  ev.-nt  is  ..onnecte.l  NN.th  every 

«  m  r  of  a  ;tm.  .      In  a.l.lition  to  all  this,  .-oneeix.-  not  the  Pans  of  a 

duU  soiritles     ime.  l.ut  the  Paris  of  the  nineteenth  century    m  which 

urini^  U   ee  K-nerUions.  su<-h  nu-n  as  Moliere.  Voltaire.  Dulerot      nd 

rin;;;;  oft;;;;      ^^ZX:^^  ^as  .;own  u,>  annd  such  abundance, 
can  easRy  be  something  in  his  four-aml-twent.eth  year.    ' 

The  sa.n<-  idea  of  tl-.o  power  which  a  highly  polishe.1  and  stren- 
uouslv  activ^  society  has  to  educe  and  develop  brilliant  gifts 
underlios  the   m<>m..rable  .lescription  which   Pericles  gives  of 

1  (•oitnr.-iiitions  with  Eckcrmann. 


CHAP.   CXVII 


THE  ABSKNCK  OK  A  CAPITAL 


«.-.7 


Athens.'  And  if  it  l)r  suggpstod  that  the  growth  of  such  a 
centre  may  impoverish  thr  rt'st  of  a  coimtry  Ik'cuu.s*'  th«'  con- 
centration of  intellectual  life  tends  to  diminish  the  chances  of 
variability,  and  establish  too  uniform  a  type,  some  compensa- 
tion for  any  such  loss  may  Iw  found  in  the  higher  efficiency 
which  such  a  scx-iety  gives  to  the  men  of  capacity  whom  it 
draws  into  its  own  orbit. 

In  the  case  lK)th  of  politics  and  of  literature,  the  existence 
of  a  (^apital  tends  to  strengthen  the  influence  of  what  is  called 
Society,  that  is  to  suy,  of  the  men  of  wealth  and  leisure  who  have 
time  to  think  of  other  matters  tiian  the  needs  of  daily  life,  and 
whose  company  and  approval  are  apt  to  be  sought  by  the  men 
of  talent.  Thus  where  th('  rich  and  great  are  gathered  in  one 
spot  to  which  the  nation  looks,  they  effect  more  in  the  way  of 
guiding  its  political  thought  an«l  training  its  literary  taste  than 
is  possible  where  they  are  dispersed  over  the  face  of  a  large  coun- 
try. In  lK)th  points,  therefore,  it  will  evidently  make  a  ('•*'  "nee 
to  a  democratic  country  whether  it  has  a  capital,  ai.  .'hat 
degree  of  deference  that  capital  receives.  Paris  is  the  e..  reme 
ca.se  of  a  city  which  has  been  everything  to  the  national  literature 
and  art,  and  has  sought  to  be  everything  in  national  politics  also. 
London,  since  the  decline  of  Dublin  and  of  Edinburgh,  has  stotxl 
without  a  British  rival  in  the  donuiin  of  art  and  letters,  and  al- 
though one  can  hardly  say  that  a  literary  society  exists  in  London, 
most  of  the  people  who  employ  themselves  in  writing  books 
and  nearly  all  those  who  paint  pictures  live  in  or  near  it.  Over 
politics  London  has  far  less  authority  than  Paris  has  exerted 
in  France,  doubtless  because  parts  of  the  north  aiid  west  of 
Britain  are  more  highly  vitalized  than  the  i)rovinces  of  Frar.ce, 
while  the  English  city  is  almost  too  i>oi>ulous  to  have  a  common 
feeling.     Its  very  hugeness  makes  it  amorphous. 

What  are  the  cities  of  the  United  States  which  can  claim  to 
approach  nearest  to  the  sort  of  capital  we  have  been  con.sidering  ? 
Not  Washington,  though  it  is  the  meeting-place  of  Congress 
and  the  seat  of  Federal  administration.  It  has  a  relatively 
small  population  (in  1910.  331,009,  of  whom  one-third  were 
negroes).  Society  consists  of  congressmen  (for  about  half  the 
year),  officials  (including  many  scientific  men  in  the  publi(^ 
service),  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  and  some  rich  and 
leisuretl  people  who  come  lo  spend  the  winter.     The  leaders  of 

»  Thucyd.  II.  37-11. 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


FAKT   VI 


B. 


-r 


868  

fi;.:cr^u..ry,  ~";'TT;,Tl  t,r„n:rt"r":  z  :S 

inglon,  wb«-l.,  I..ni«  .mull,  H'"'  ™- » V,,,,  i„,|  „„t  u..'  l.'M 
„r.*abl..  lK,-au.o  it    .■>^<  "  '"•''''"V.™       "I  a.  torn."  to  talk 

politic..'     It.  '"''f "'"'';;?,,  "iral.  •■  a.ul  „tlic.-«t.k.T», 
largely  '-'"'I-o^hI  "'  "I"""  ":  „     k  .^S  ot  tU..  uatio,.  at  lame 

c«.tinK  a  lame  vot.'  ;>  Im  hi.  a     ™  „    .  ,,^, ;,  n,  ,„ai,i 

thirty-nine pr«u.n>uaj™t,^^^^^^^^^  ^^^  ,.^,,^^,        „„ 

rw"';H;\.:;;'roX?;tiKnarec^^^ 

riLnal™ark.U.Ut^^^^^^ 

ri;i,rt:-^^^^^^ 

^rhap.  the  "....t  'VP''^""y,^'";""",/'nhe  Union.    Neither 

•Ctrt':t':VirSeeho».nho,neot|..er»— ^^^ 

„m  contain.,  in  proportion  ^'«,P°^"Xi«Ko^l  ""■■'' than 
„,  men  and  "omen  eapa^^^^^^^^^^  i.^«k,ll«  -  ^nd^.  [• «  ^^^^  ^,^^,^^^^ 
anv  other  eity.    Hut  .he  tan  no  lon-ir  ^  ^ 

thought,  mueh  le..  eurrj^t  "P-  -  .^"^  .^  ,"  .„n,„lding 
»"y.  »'•'"■* ':!'?,;;"^^iu';oW,ly  Xtalier  ,,re..,ninenec  in 

Mississippi  \  alley.- 

part  of  any  Stat...  a.ul  th.-r,.f..n-  "Xr  of  C-mKr.-a.  nor  f-r  presidt-ntitU  dec- 
Its  inhabitants  vot;  no  t her  ^^^ ;iXtlldll.^^y  »  V.d.n.\  Commission 
tors;  and  the  eity  i«  raknl.  ^^^'^         '^^  J  :•   n-^Vrapital  that  wo  know  of  does   he 

^Si^z:^^szi^-^^^  --^  -'- '-- '-"  '""■ 


CHAP.  .XVII         THK  ABHFA'CK  OP  A  CAPITAL 


860 


It  (l('>M»rv«'«  to  \h>  remarkiHl  that  what  is  true  of  the  whole 
country  in  alw)  truf  of  th«^  K"'at  .•n'ctioiift  of  the  country.  ()f 
thi'  cities  I  have  luuiu'd,  none,  except  p<^^*(*lllly  lio«ton  and  Chi- 
cago, can  Im"  said  to  Ih»  even  a  local  capital,  either  for  purposes 
of  j)oHtical  oi)inion  or  of  intellectual  movement  and  tendency. 
Boston  retains  her  i)ositi(m  a.s  tin-  literary  centre  of  New  Eng- 
land :  San  Francisco  is  the  most  i)opulnus  rommunity  on  the 
Pacific  coast.  But  no  Kreat  city  is  regarded  l)y  the  inhabit- 
ants of  her  o\VTi  and  the  adjoining  States  as  their  natural  head, 
to  which  they  l<H)k  for  political  guidance,  or  from  which  they 
expect  any  intellectual  stimulance.  Kven  New  Orleans,  though 
by  far  the  largest  place  in  the  South,  is  in  no  sense  the  metropo- 
lis of  the  South  ;  and  (hx's  little  more  f(»r  the  South  than  set  to 
her  neighbours  a  co--  •'  oous  example  of  nmnicipal  misgovern- 
ment.  Though  no  Pi  s  no  Berlin,  stands  above  them,  these 
great  American  cities  are  not  more  important  in  the  country, 
or  even  ii\  their  own  sections  of  the  country,  than  Lyons  and 
Bonleaux  are  in  France,  Hamburg  aud  Cologne  in  Germany. 
Even  as  between  municipal  communities,  even  in  the  sphere 
of  thought  and  literary  effort ,  equality  and  local  independence 
have  in  America  their  perfect  work. 

The  geographical  as  well  as  j)olitical  causes  that  have  pro- 
duced this  equality  are  (»bvious  enough,  and  only  one  needs 
special  mention.  The  .seat  of  Ftnleral  government  was  in  171K) 
fixed  at  a  place  which  was  not  even  a  village,  but  a  pit'ce  of 
swampy  woo<lland,'  not  merely  for  the  sake  of  preventing  the 
national  legislature  from  being  threatened  by  the  mob  of  a  great 
city,  but  because  the  jealousies  «)f  the  States  made  it  necessary 
to  place  the  legislature  in  a  spot  exempt  from  all  State  influence 
or  jurisdiction.  So  too  in  each  State  the  seat  of  government  is 
rarely  to  be  found  in  the  largest  city.     Albany,  not  New  York, 

lortunl  intorost  or  activity  of  any  .l.scriptioii.     Tiiis  iiit.Tf^t  has  its  plnop  hore. 

hut  it  leads  a  sirklv  existence  us  yet  uii<ler  the  shadow  of  (treat   wealth  which 

earns  not  for  it."     this  remark  is.  I  think,  less  true  to-day  of  New  York  or  Chi- 

cuKO  or  .St.  Louis  than  it  would  have  !>een  in  IS'.M). 

'  CoiiKress,  howeviT,  did  not  remove  from  I'hiladelphia  to  the  hanks  of  the 

Potomue  until  1H(K).     Thomas  Moore's  lines  on  WashiiiRton  as  he  saw  it  in  1804 

deserve  to  be  quotctl :  — 

"An  omhryo  capital  where  Fancy  sees 
Squares  in  morasses,  ol)eiisk8  in  tri-os  : 
Where  second-siRhte*!  soers  the  plain  adorn 
With  fanes  unhuilt  and  heroes  yet  unborn. 
Though  noucht  hut  woods  ami  .lefferson  they  see. 
Where  stieets  should  run,  and  sages  ought  to  be." 


V 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART    VI 


860 

is  the  riipitalof  New  York  State;  SprinRtielcl  not  C'hi.'^go,  of 
1  uois  Sacramento,  not  San  Francisco,  of  Californ.a ;  Harr^- 
burK  not  Philadelphia,  of  Pennsylvania.  This  seems  to  have 
been  so  ordered  not  from  fear  of  the  turbulence  of  a  vast  pop- 
Sion,  but  partly  to  secure  a  central  spot,  partly  from  he 
jealous;  which  the  rural  districts  and  smaller  cues  eel  of  he 
pC  ^dnch  casts  the  heaviest  vote,  and  may  seek  to  use  the 
State  resources  for  its  own  benefit. 

It  is  a  natural  result  of  the  phenomena  described  that  n 
the  United  States  pul)lic  opinion  crystallizes  both  less  rapidly 
n„,l  in  less  sharp  and  welUlefined  forms  than  happens  in  those 
European  countries  which  are  led  by  the  capital.  J^l'^"^^^; 
ture  of  the  fluid  in  which  opinion  takes  shape  (if  I  may  venture 

0  pursue  the  metaphor),  is  not  so  high  all  ov.r  a  large  country 
as  hi  the  society  of  a  city,  where  the  mimls  that  make  opmion 
are  in  daily  contact ;  and  the  process  by  which  opinion  is  made 
is  therefore  slower,  giving  a  somewhat  more  ««"«'Th«"«  P'"^}';^*;,*; 

1  do  not  mean  that  a  European  capital  generates  opinion  of  one 
tvne  only  ;  but  that  each  doctrine,  each  programme,  each  type 
(,>  views,  whether  politico'  or  economic  or  religious,  is  likely  to 
assume  in  a  capital  its  sharpest  and  most  pronouncea  form,  that 
form  being  taken  up  -nd  propagate<l  from  the  capital  through 
the  country.  And  this  is  one  reason  why  Americans  were  the 
first  to  adopt  the  system  of  Conventions,  mass  meetings  of  per- 
sons belonging  to  a  particular  party  or  advocating  a  particular 
else  gathered  fron^  every  corner  of  the  country  to  exchange 
their  ideas  and  deliberate  on  their  common  policy 

It  mav  be  thought  that  in  this  respect  the  United  Staes  suffer 
from  the  absence  of  a  centre  of  light  and  heat.     Admittmg  that 
there  is  some  loss,  there  ar(>  also  some  conspicuous  gams      it 
is  a  gain  that  the  multitude  of  no  one  city  should  be  able  to 
overawe  the  executive  and  the  legislature,  perhaps  even  to  change 
the  form  of  g(,vernment,  as  Paris  has  so  often  done  in  France 
is  a  gain,  for  a  .lemocratic  country,  that  the  feeling  of  what 
is  eulled  Society  -  that  is  to  say,  of  those  who  toil  not,  neither 
do  thev  spin,  who  are  satisfied  with  the  world,  and  are  apt  to 
n.gur.rit  as  a  pla.-e  for  enjoyment  -  should  not  become  too 
,narked  an.l  palpable  in  its  influence  on  the  members  of  the 
legislature  and  the  administration,  that  it  should  rather  be  dif- 
fus(Hl  over   the  nation  and  act  insensibly  upon  other  classes 
through  th,>  ordinary  relations  of  private  life  than  take  visible 


CHAP,  cxvii         THE  ABSENCE  OF  A  CAPITAL 


861 


shape  as  the  voice  of  a  number  of  wealthy  famiUes  gathered  in 
one  spot,  whose  luxury  may  render  them  the  objects  of  envy 
and  the  target  for  invective.  And  although  types  of  political 
view  may  form  themselves  less  swiftly,  though  doctrines  may  be 
less  systematic,  programmes  less  fully  reasoned  out,  than  when 
the  brisk  intelligence  of  groups  gathered  in  a  civi)ital  labours  to 
produce  them,  they  may,  when  they  do  finally  emerge  from  the 
mind  of  the  whole  people,  have  a  breadth  and  soli(Uty  pro- 
portioned to  the  slowness  of  their  growth,  and  be  more  truly 
representative  of  all  the  classes,  interests,  and  tendencies  that 
exist  within  the  nation. 

How  far  the  loss  exceeds  the  gain  as  respects  th(>  speculative 
and  artistic  sides  of  intellectual  eftort,  it  is  too  soon  to  determine, 
for  American  cities  are  all  the  creatures  of  the  last  two  centuries. 
That  which  Goethe  admired  in  Paris  is  (>vidently  impossible  to 
the  dispersed  geniuses  of  America.  On  the  other  hand,  that 
indraught  of  talent  from  the  provinces  to  Paris  which  many 
thoughtful  Frenchmen  deplore,  and  which  has  become  more 
unfortunate  since  Paris  has  grown  to  be  the  centre  of  amusement 
for  the  pleasure  seekers  of  Europe,  is  an  experience  which  no 
other  country  need  wish  to  undergo.  (Jermany  has  not  begun 
to  produce  more  work  or  better  work  since  she  has  given  herself 
a  capital ;  indeed,  he  who  looks  back  over  her  annals  since  the 
middle  of  last  century  will  think  that  so  far  as  scholarship,  phi- 
losophy, and  possibly  even  poetry  are  concjTned,  she  gained  from 
that  very  want  of  centralization  which  (loethe  regretted.  Great 
critics  realize  so  vividly  the  defects  of  the  system  they  see  around 
them  that  they  sometimes  underrate  the  merits  that  go  with  those 
defects.  It  may  be  that  in  the  next  age  .\merican  cities  will 
profit  by  their  local  independence  to  develop  varieti<'s  greater 
than  they  now  exhibit,  and  will  evolves  diverse  tyjM's  of  literary 
and  artistic  production.  Europe  will  watch  with  curiosity 
the  progress  of  an  experiment  which  it  is  now  *jjo  late  for  any 
of  her  great  countries  to  try. 


CHAPTER  CXVIII 


AMERICAN   ORATORY 

Oratory  is  an  accomplishment  in  which  Europeans  believe 
thatXJcans  excel ;  and  th.t  this  is  the  opinion  of  the  Amen- 
cans  themselves,  although  ti.ey  are  too  modest  t^  express  rt 
may  be  gathered  from  the  surprise  they  betray  when  they  find 
r  Englfshman  fluent  before  an  audience.  They  had  at  one 
tL  the  advantage  (if  it  is  an  advantage)  of  nmch  more  practice 
h^r^yEuropeL  nation  ;  but  now,  ^nthdenu>cracy  triumph 

axitirEngland  and  Fra.ice,  the  proportion  of  speeches  and 
^  aSng  to  population  is  probably  much  the  s-.  ni  a^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
countries.  Some  observations  on  a  form  of  effort  A%hicli  has 
abs^n  a  good  deal  of  the  talent  of  the  nation  seem  properly 
to  belone  to  an  account  of  its  intellectual  hte. 

Oratorical  excellence  may  be  said  to  consist  in  the  combmation 

"^t'e:Sth:t"Ts  to  say,  the  power  of  finding  good  ideas  and 
weaving  effective  arguments. 
Skill  and  taste  in  the  choice  of  appropriate  words. 
Readiness  in  producing  appropriate  ideas  and  words  at  short 

QuicknesTin  catching  the  temper  and  tendencies  of  the  par- 
ticular audience  addressed. 

Weight,  animation,  and  grace  in  delivery. 

Such  excellence  as  the  Americans  possess,  such  superiority 
as  they  may  claim  over  Englishmen,  consists  rather  m  the  three 
latter  of  these  than  in  the  two  former. 

The  ubstance  of  their  speeches  is  not  better  than  one  finds 
m  o  her  countries,  l,ecau-,e  sub.stance  depc-nds  on  the  intellectual 
resources  of  the  peaker  and  on  the  .-apaeity  of  the  audience 
Tr  anpn^(^ating  worthy  matter.  Neith(>r  is  the  literary  form 
betterO^t  is  to  sav.  the  ideas  are  not  clothed  in  any  choicer 
lancuage      But  thm>  is  more  fluency,  more  ^•adlue^s,  more 

elf  pos  ession.     Being  usually  nimbler  in  mind  than  an  Lng- 
Sman,  and  feeling  less  embarrassed  on  his  legs,  an  American 

862 


CHAP,  cxvm 


AMERICAN  ORATORY 


863 


is  apt  to  see  his  point  moro  dearly  and  to  get  at  it  by  a  more 
direct  path.  I  do  not  deny  that  American  rfjjeakers  sometimes 
weary  the  listener,  but  when  th(>y  do  «o  it  is  rather  because  the 
notions  are  commonplace  and  the  a'-guments  unsound  than 
because,  as  might  happen  in  England,  ideas  of  some  value  are 
tediously  and  iwintlessly  put.  It  is  true  that  with  the  progress 
of  democracy,  and  the  growing  volume  of  speeches  made,  the 
level  of  pul)lic  speaking  has  in  Britain  risen  within  the  last 
geuv-'rations  while  the  number  of  great  orators  has  declined. 
Still,  if  one  is  to  compare  the  two  countries,  the  English  race 
seems  to  have  in  America  acquired  a  keener  sensitiveness  of 
sympathy.  That  habit  of  deference  to  others,  and  that  de.sire 
to  he  in  accord  with  the  sentiments  of  others,  which  equality 
and  democratic  institutions  foster,  make  the  American  feel  him- 
self more  completely  one  of  the  audience  and  a  partaker  of  its 
sentiments  than  an  average  English  speaker  ('  's.  This  may 
have  the  consequence,  if  the  audience  be  igiiori.  .  r  prejudiced, 
of  dragging  him  down  to  its  level.  But  it  makes  him  more  effec- 
tive. Needless  to  add  that  humour,  which  is  a  commoner  gift 
in  America  than  elsewhere,  often  redeems  an  otherwise  uninter- 
esting address,  and  is  the  best  means  of  keeping  speaker  and  audi- 
ence in  touch  with  one  another. 

A  deliberate  and  even  slow  delivery  is  the  rule  in  American 
public  speaking,  as  it  is  in  private  c<mversation.  This  has  the 
advantage  of  making  a  story  or  a  jest  tell  vnth  more  effect. 
There  is  also,  I  think,  less  stiffness  and  hesitation  among  Ameri- 
can than  among  English  speakers,  greater  skill  in  managing  the 
voice,  because  m.ore  practice  in  open-air  meetings,  greater  clear- 
ness of  enunciation.  But  as  regards  grace,  either  in  action  or  in 
manner,  the  Teutonic  race  shows  no  more  capacity  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Atlantic  than  it  has  generally  done  in  England  for 
rivalling  the  orators  of  Italy,  Spain,  and  France. 

The  commonest  American  defect  used  to  be  a  turgid  and  in- 
flated style.  The  rhetoric  was  Rhodian  rather  than  Attic,  over- 
loaded with  tropes  and  figures,  apt  to  aim  at  concealing  poverty 
or  triteness  in  thought  by  exaggeration  of  statement,  by  a  profu- 
sion of  ornament,  l)y  appeals  to  sentiments  loftier  than  the  sub- 
ject or  the  occasion  re(iuired.  Too  frequentl."  the  florid  diction  of 
the  debating  club  or  tlio  solemn  pomp  of  the-  funeral  oration  was 
invoked  when  nothing  but  clearness  of  ex])osition  or  cogency  of 
argument  was  needed.    Tliese  faults  sprang  from  the  practice 


4 
\     I 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAUT    VI 


3  ;# 


li 


lM  ' 


804 
f  -^,nn  oratory  in  which  the  temptation  to  rou.e  a  multitude 

""""^  Jaf  bv  S  e  m^on  occasions  when  there  is  nothing  to  be 
T,  t'Sr&ron.  kinds  „t  oratory,  that  of  the  pulpit 

:^TcSCr"Th1  man\^^^^^^^^^^^  conventional,  because 

the  ImeHcan  pastor  is  less  apt  than  his  European  brother  to 
feel  himself  a  member  of  a  distmct  caste. 


CHAP.    fXVUI 


AMKIIICAX   OUATOUY 


«» 


Forensic  oratory  ha.s  not  of  late  years  been  cultivatwl  with  the 
ardour  of  former  years :  in  the  United  States,  as  in  England, 
there  are  many  powerful  advocates,  but  no  consunmiate  artist. 
Whether  this  is  ;Ii  (!  to  the  failure  of  nature  to  produce  persons 
specially  gifted,  or  to  the  absence  of  trials  whose  issues  and  cir- 
cumstances are  calculated  to  call  forth  exceptional  efforts,  or  to 
a  change  in  public  taste,  and  a  disposition  to  prefer  the  practical 
to  the  showy,  is  a  question  which  is  often  askeil  in  England,  and 
is  no  easier  to  answer  in  America. 

Congress,  for  reasons  explained  in  the  chapter  t/eating  of  it, 
is  a  less  favourable  theatre  for  oratory  than  the  great  represent- 
ative assemblies  of  Europe.  The  House  of  Hepres<-ntativcs 
has  at  no  period  of  its  history  shone  with  lights  of  eloquence, 
though  a  few  of  Clay's  great  speeches  were  delivered  in  it. 
There  is  some  good  short  brisk  ilebating  in  Committee  of  the 
Whole,  but  the  set  speeches  are  mostly  pompous  and  heavy. 
The  Senate  long  maintained  a  higher  level,  partly  frojn  the  .smaller 
size  of  its  chamber,  i)artly  from  its  greater  leisure,  partly  from 
the  superior  abiUty  of  its  members.  Webster's  and  Calhoun's 
greatest  efforts  were  made  on  its  floor,  and  iiroduced  an  enormous 
effect  on  the  nation.  At  present,  however,  the  "fulUlrcss 
debates"  in  the  Senate  want  life,  the  long  set  speeches  being 
fired  off  rather  with  a  view  to  their  circulation  in  the  country 
than  to  any  immediate  effect  on  the  assembly.  But  the  ordinary 
discussions  of  bills,  or  questions  of  policy,  reveal  j)lenty  of  prac- 
tical speaking  power.  If  there  be  little  j)assion  and  no  brilliancy, 
there  is  strong  common-sense  put  in  a  plain  and  telling  form. 

Of  the  State  legislatures  not  much  need  be  said.  In  them,  as 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  the  bulk  of  the  work  is  done  in 
committees,  and  the  opportunities  for  displays  of  eloquence  are 
limited.  They  are  good  schools  to  form  a  practical  business 
speaker,  and  they  do  form  many  such.  But  the  characteristic 
merits  and  defects  of  transatlantic  oratory  are  more  fully  dis- 
played on  the  stump  and  in  those  national  and  State  nominating 
conventions  whereof  I  have  aln  ;uly  spoken.  So  far  as  the  hand- 
ling great  assemblies  is  an  art  attainable  by  a  man  who  does 
not  possess  the  highest  gifts  oi"  thought  and  imagination,  it  has 
been  brought  to  perfection  by  the  heroes  of  these  mass  meetings. 
They  have  learned  huw  to  deck  out  roniinonplaccs  with  the 
gaudier  flowers  of  elixjuence;  ht)W  to  appeal  to  the  dominant 
sentiment  of  the  moment :  above  all,  how  to  make  a  strong  and 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART    VI 


866 

flexible  voice  the  means  of  rousiuK  eiitlmsiasin.     They  scathe 
Lopposite  party  by  vigorous  iuvectiv.. ;  they  ^-^^;^l^';^ 
and  jokes  with  their  declamatory  passage's  so  as  to  keep  the 
audience  constantly  amused.     They  deliver  contemptible  clap- 
?ran  with  an  air  of  iiearty  conviction.     The  party  men  who  1  sten. 
Sa^e  there  are  few  pn.s,.nt  at  a  mass  meeting  and  still  fewer 
at  a Inv  ntion,  except  "u.nbers  of  the  party  which  ha.s  convoked 
fhe  «a"herinK    are  better  pleased  with  themselves  than  ever, 
and  t  aw  rousecl  to  e^Tort  in  the  party  cause      But  there 
h^  been  little  argument  all  through,  little  attempt  to  get  hold 
of  the  reason  and  judgnuMit  of  the  people.     Stimulation,  md 
not  ns^uctionor  conviction,  is  the  aim  which  the  stump  orator 
sets  before  himself;  and  the  conseciuence  is  that  elcc  ion  cam- 
paignThave  generally  been  less  educationally  valuable  than  those 
of  England      It  is  worth  nMuarking  that   the  custom  which 
'n  England  requires  a  representative  to  deliver  at  least  once  a 
year  an  address  to  his  constituents,  setting  forth  his  view  of  the 
political  situation  .nd  explaining  his  own  speeches  and  v.,te. 
during  the  preceding  session,  does  not  seem  to  be  general  m  th. 
Sd  StaL.     In  the  campaign  of  1890,  however,  the  currency 
que  tfon  was  argued  befo.e  the  electors  with  a  f-- ^^f  P^^^^ 
which  were  both  stimulative  and  mstructive :  ami  the  habit  of 
Ippealing  to  the  inteUigence  as  well  as  the  feelings  or  prejudices 
Ke  voters  has  been  since  maintained.     When  an  address 
meant  to  l)e  specifically  instructive  has  to  be  given,  it  takes 
The  ?orm  of  a  le.ture.  and  is  usually  delivered  by  some  well- 
known  public  man,  who  receives  a  tee  for  it. 

Xre  are  three  kinds  of  speech  which,  though  they  exist  m 
most  European  countries,  have  been  so  much  more  fully  devel- 
oped beyond  the  Atlantic  as  to  deserve  some  notice. 

The  first  of  these  is  the  Oration  of  the  Occasion,  \\hen  an 
anniversary  comes  round  -  and  celebrations  -^-^]f-^^l 
are  very  common  in  America  -  or  when  a  sort  of  f^^t.val  is 
held  in  honour  of  some  publi.-  event  such  for  instance  as  he 
unveiling  of  a  statue,  or  the  erection  of  a  monument  on  a  battle- 
field oHhe  oponiag  of  a  city  hall  or  State  capitol,  or  the  driving 
the  las  spike  of  a  great  railroad,  a  large  part  of  the  programme 
s  deveV^d  to  speaking.  The  chief  speech  is  entrusted  t.>  one 
eminint  person  who  is  calle.l  the  Orator  of  the  Day,  an,  from 
w"  mis  Scpect^d  a  long  and  highly  finished  harangue,  the  length 
Td  finish  of  which  are  sometimes  wearisome  to  an  outsider. 


CHAP.    C'XVIII 


AMERICAN  ORATORY 


867 


though  the  people  of  the  loculity  are  flattennl.  Sometimes 
these  speeches  contain  Rood  matter  —  as  for  instance  when 
they  embody  personal  recollections  of  a  distinguished  man  in 
whose  honour  the  celebration  was  Ix'ing  held  —  but  the  arti- 
ficial elevation  at  whit^h  the  speaker  usually  feels  l>ound  to 
maintain  himself  is  apt  t(»  make  1  im  poniixms  and  affected. 

Speeches  of  a  complimentary  and  purely  "cMideictic"  nature 
of  the  English  public  ban.iuet  type  are  very  common.  There 
is  scarcely  an  occasion  in  life  which  brings  forty  or  fifty  people 
together  on  which  a  prominent  citizen  or  even  a  stranger  xa 
not  called  uj)on  "to  offer  a  few  renuuks."  No  sul)ject  is  pre- 
scribed for  him  :  often  no  toast  lias  to  be  ))roi)osed  or  responded 
to :  he  is  simply  put  on  his  legs  t<»  talk  upon  anything  hi  heaven 
or  earth  which  may  rise  to  liis  mind.  The  Kurojx'an,  who  is 
at  first  embarrassed  by  tliis  unchartered  freedom,  presently 
discovers  its  advantag.'s,  for  it  gives  liim  a  wider  range  for  what- 
ever he  may  have  to  say.  In  nothing  does  the  good  nature  of 
the  people  stand  revealed  more  than  in  the  courteous  ])aticnce 
with  which  they  will  listen  to  a  long-winded  after-dinner  speaker, 
even  when  he  reads  a  tyi)ewritten  address  at  1  a..m. 

The  third  form  of  (liscours(>  siu'ciully  characteristic  of  the 
United  States  is  the  Lecture.  It  was  for  a  time  less  frecpient 
and  less  fa-shional)le,  partly  from  the  rise  of  monthly  magazines 
full  of  excellent  matter,  partly  l)ecause  other  kinds  of  evening 
entertainment  had  l)ecome  more  accessil)h'  to  pe()j)le  outside  the 
great  cities,  but  it  began  to  revive  tow-rds  the  close  of  last 
century.  With  the  disappearance  of  Puritan  .sentiment  the 
theatre  is  now  e.\tr(>mely  popular,  jx'rhaps  more  popular  than 
in  any  part  of  Europe*.  There  is  hardly  a  new  settlement  in 
the  West  which  strolling  companies  do  not  visit.  But  the 
Lecture,  even  if  dwarfed  l)y  the  superior  attractions  of  the 
drama,  is  still  a  valuable  means  of  interesting  people  in  lit- 
erary, scientilic,  and  political  (luestioiis.  And  the  art  of  lec- 
turing has  been  develope<l  in  a  corresponding  niv-asure.  A 
(hscours^  of  this  kind,  wliatever  the  merits  of  its  substance, 
is  usually  well  arranged,  well  comijoseil  to  meet  the  taste  of 
the  audience,  and,  above  all,  W(>11  delivered.  It  is  listened  to 
with  an  absence  of  laughter  (when*  it  is  intended  to  amuse) 
and  of  applause  which  suri)rises  Euroi)eau  observers,  but  no 
audiences  can  be  imagined  more  attentive  or  appreciative  of 
any  real  effort  to  provide  good  matter. 


Ik 


868 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


This  Krave  resc-rve  in  American  listeners  surprises  Europeans,' 
especially  those  who  have  observed  the  excitability  shown  on 
presidential  campaigns.     It  seems  to  arise  from  the  practical 
turn  of  their  minds  as  well  as  from  their  intelliRence.     In  an 
election  campaign  it  is  necessary  and  expe<Uent  to  give  vent  to 
one's  feelings:  in  listening  to  a  lecture  it  is  not.     <  ne  «s 
t,)  be  instructed  or  entertained,  and  comes  with  a  cntical  habit 
formed  bv  hearing  many  lectures  as  well  as  reading  many  »xx)ks. 
Something  may  also  be  due  to  the  large  proportion  of  women  m 
an  American  aiidience  at  lectures  or  other  non-political  occasions. 
Manv  Europeans  think  that  the  kind  of  oratory  in  which  the 
Americans  show  to  most  advantage  is  neither  the  political  kind, 
abundant  as  it  is,  nor  the  commemorative  oration,  assiduously 
Hs  it  is  cultivated,  but  what  may  be  called  the  lighterornamental 
style  such  as  the  after-<linner  speech.     The  fomlness.(sometimes 
push(Hl  to  excess)  of  the  people  for  anecdotes,  the  general  dif- 
fusion of  humour,  the  reacUress  in  catching  the  spirit  of  an  ocra- 
sion  all  contribute  to  make  their  efforts  easy  and  happy,  whil(^ 
furnishing   less  temptaticm  for  the  characteristic   fault  ot   a 
straining  after  effect.     I  have  already  observed  that  they  shme 
in  stump  speaking,  properly  so  calle<l  -  that  is,  ^  speabng 
wlich  rouses  an  audience  but  ought  not  to  be  reported.     The 
reasons  why  their  more  serious  platform  and  parliamentary 
oratory  has  been,  of  course  with  briUiant  exceptions,  less  excel- 
l(>nt  are,  over  and  above  the  absence  of  momentous  issues,  prolv 
ably  the  same  as  those  which  have  affected  the  average  quality  of 
n.>wspaper  writing.     In  Europe  the  leading  speakers  and  writers 
have  nearly  all  l)elonged  to  the  cultivated  classes,  and   feeling 
themselves  raised  alx)ve  their  audiences,  have  been  in  iho  habit 
of  ol»evitig  tlieir  owii  taste  and  that  of  their  class  rather  than 
the  :ii)petit(>  of  those  whom  they  addressed.     In  England,  for 
instance,  tl><>  standard  of  speaking  by  iMiblic  men  used  to  be  .et 
bv  parliamentary  debate,  because  till  within  the  last  few  decuaes 
the  leading  politicians  of  the  country  had  all  won  their  reputation 
in  Parliament.     They  carried  their   parliamentary  style  with 
them  into  popular  meetings,  and  aspirants  of  all  classes  imitated 
this  style.     It  sometimes  erred  in  being  too  formal  and  too  pro- 

.  A  storv  is  t.,l.l  of  Kchnund  Kean  .ictinK  Ix-foro  an  audience  in  New  Kn^land 
whi-h  hofnun.!  s.,  .hillinK  th.at  at  la«t  he  refu.sed  to  come  on  for  the  next  «eene 
m^'stm-e  npplau...  w,-re  given,  observing  that  such  a  house  was  enough  to 
put  out  Vesuvius. 


CHAP.   CXVIII 


AMKIIICAX  OltATOUY 


m\) 


lix ;  but  its  tustr  was  g(j4Ml,  and  its  very  i>laiiiin'ss  olili^rinl  tho 
speaker  to  have  solid  matter.  In  America,  on  the  other  Imml, 
stump  oratory  is  older  or  ut  least  <|uite  as  old  as  congressional 
oratory,  and  the  latter  has  never  gained  that  hold  on  the  ideas 
and  habits  of  the  people  which  parliamentary  del)ate  held  in 
England.  Hence  speaking  has  generally  moved  on  a  somewhat 
lower  level,  not  but  what  there  were  brilliant  popular  orators  in 
the  first  days  of  the  Republic,  like  Patrick  Henry,  and  nuijcstic 
l)arliainentary  orators  like  Daniel  Webster  in  the  next  generation, 
but  that  the  volume  of  stump  si)eaking  was  .so  nmch  greater  than 
in  England  that  the  fashion  could  not  be  set  by  a  few  of  the  great- 
est men,  but  was  determined  by  the  capacities  of  the  average 
man.  The  taste  of  the  average  man,  instead  of  being  raised  by 
the  cultivated  few  to  their  own  .standard  tended  to  lower  the 
practice,  and  to  some  extent  even  the  taste,  of  the  cultivated  few. 
To  seem  wiser  or  more  refined  than  the  multitude,  to  incur  the 
suspicion  of  talking  down  to  the  nmltitude,  and  treating  them 
as  inferiors,  would  have  offended  tlie  sentiment  of  the  country, 
and  injured  the  prospects  of  a  statesman.  It  is  perhaps  a 
coniirmation  of  this  view  that,  while  pompousness  u.sed  to 
flourish  in  the  West,  and  floridity  still  marks  the  South,  the  most 
polished  speakers  of  last  century  belonged  to  Ne\\  England, 
where  the  level  of  average  taste  and  knowledge  was  exceptionally 
high.  One  of  these  speakers,  the  late  Mr.  Wendell  Phillips, 
was,  in  the  opinion  of  competent  critics,  an  o})inion  whidi  those 
who  remember  his  conversation  will  be  inclined  to  agree  with, 
one  of  the  first  orators  of  that  time,  and  not  more  remark- 
able for  the  finish  than  for  the  trans])arent  simplicity  of  his 
style,  which  attaineil  its  highest  effects  l)y  the  most  direct  and 
natural  methods. 


CHAPTER  CXIX 


m. 


THE    PLEASANTNESS    OF    AMERICAN    LIFE 

1  HAVE  nover  met  a  European  of  the  middle  or  upper  classes 
who  did  not  express  astonishment  when  told  that  America 
was  a  more  agreeable  place  than  Europe  to  live  m  "tor 
workinK  men,"  he  would  answer,  "yes;  hut  for  men  of  educa- 
tion  or  property,  how  can  a  new  rough  country  where  nothmg 
but  business  is  talked  and  the  refinements  of  life  are  only  just 
beginning  to  appear,  how  can  such  a  countr>'  be  compared  wit  I. 
England,  or  France,  or  Italy?"  ,    •     ,.     ir    „f 

It  is  nevertheless  true  that  there  are  elements  in  the  life  of 
the  United  States  which  may  well  make  a  Euro{)oan  of  any 
class  prefer  to  dwell  there  rather  than  in  the  land  of  his  birtli. 
Let  us  see  what  they  are.  ,       *    •  i 

In  the  first  place  there  is  the  general  prosperity  anil  material 
well-being  of  the  mass  of  the  inhabitants.     In  Europt>,  if  an 
observer  takes  his  eye  off  his  own  class  and  considers  the 
whole  population  of  any  one  of  the  greater  countri.>s,  he  will 
perceive  that  bv  far  the  greater  number  lead  very  laborious 
lives   and  are,  if  not  actually  in  want  of  the  necessities  of  ex- 
istence, yet  liable  to  fall  into  want,  the  agriculturists  when 
nature  is  harsh,  the  wage-earners  when  work  is  scarce      In 
England  the  lot  of  the  labourer  has  been  hitherto  a  hard  one, 
incessant  field  t,)il,  with  rheumatism  at  fifty  and  the  work- 
house at  the  enil  of  the  vista;  while  the  misery  in  such  cities 
as  London,  Liverpool,  and  (^.lasgow  is  only  too   well  known. 
In  Fnmce  there  is  less  pauperism,  but  nothing  can  be  more 
pinched  and  sordid  than  the  life  of  the  bulk  of  the  peasantry 
In  the  great  towns  of  (lermany  there  is  constant  distress  and 
increasing  discontent.     The  riots  of  188()  in  Belgium  told  an 
even  more  painful  tale  of  the  wretchedness  of  the  miners  and 
artisans  there.     In  Italv  the  condition  of  the  rural  pt)pulation 
of  Venetia  as  well  as  of  the  southern  provinces  still  gives  cause 
for  grave  concern.     Of    Russia,   with   her   ninety   millions    of 
peasants  living  in  half-barbarism,  there  is  no  need  to  speak. 

870 


•  HAP.  (xix    PLKAHANTNKSS  OK  AMKRirAN   LIFK 


871 


Contrast  any  one  of  tlu'sc  countries  with  the  rnited  States, 
where  the  working  chiases  arc  us  well  fcti,  clothed,  and  lodK^d 
as  the  lower  middle  daws  in  Europe,  and  the  fanners  who  till 
their  own  land  (hm  nearly  all  do)  much  hcttcr,  wher»'  a  good  ed- 
ucation is  within  the  reach  of  the  poorest,  where  the  oppor- 
tunities for  nettinK  on  in  one  way  or  another  are  so  abundant 
that  no  one  m-ed  fear  any  physical  ill  hut  disease  or  the  results 
of  his  own  intemjH'rance.     Pauperism  alreaily  exists  in  some 
of  th.  larger  cities,  where  drink  breeds  misery,  and  where  recent 
immigrants,  with  the  shifth'ssness  of  Euro|X'  still  dinging  round 
them,  are  huddled  together  in  scpinlor.     Hut  outside  theso  few 
cities  one  sees  nothing  hut  comfort.    ln(  ■onnecticutand  Ohio  the 
native  American  operatives  in  many  a  maimfacturing  town  lead 
a  life  easier,  and  more  brightened  by  intellectual  culture  and  by 
amusements,  than  that  of  the  clerks  and  shopkee|H'rs  of  England 
or  France.     In  places  like  Kansas  ( 'ity  or  (  iiicago  one  finds  miles 
on  miles  of  suburb  filled  with  neat  wooden  houses,  each   with 
its  tiny  garden  plot,  owned  by  the  shoj)  assistants  and  handi- 
craftsmen who  return  on  the  electric-cars  in  the  evening  from 
their  work.     All  over  the  wide  West,  from  Lake  Ontario  to  the 
I'pper  Misisouri,  one  travels  i)ast  farms  of  one  to  two  hundred 
acres,  in  every  one  of  which  there  is  a  spacious  farmhouse  among 
orchards  and  meadows,  where  the  farmer's  children  grow  up 
strong  and  hearty  on  abimilant  food,  the  lK)ys  full  of  intelli- 
gence and  enterprise,  ready  to  push  their  way  on  farms  of  their 
own  or  enter  business  in  the  nean'st  town,  the  girls   familiar 
with  the  current  literature  of  England  as  well  as  of  America. 
The  life  of  the  agricultural  settl(>r  in  the  further  West  has  its 
privations,  but  it  is  brightened  by  hope,  and  has  a  singular 
charm  of  freedom  !ind  simplicity.     The  impression  which  this 
comfort  and  plenty  makes  is  heightened  by  the  brilliance  and 
keenness  of  the  air,  by  the  look  of  freshness  and  cleanness 
which  even  the  cities  wear,  all  of  them  except  the  pui;r''st  parts 
of  those  few  I  have  referred  to  above.     The  fog  and  soot-flakes 
of  an  English  town,  as  w(>ll  as  its  squalor,  arc  wanting;  you 
are  in  a  new  world,  and  a  world  which  knows  the  sun.     It  is 
impossible  not  to  feci  warmed,   che(>red,  invigorated  by  the 
sfnse  of  such  muteri.-il  well-being  all  around  one.   impossible 
not  to  be  infected  by  the  buoyancy  and  hoj)efulness  of  the  people. 
The  wretchedness  of  Europe  lies  far  behind ;  the  weight  of  its 
problems  seems  lifted  from  the  mind.     As  a  man  suff(>ring  from 


IsbI 


872 


WK'IAL  INSTITUTIONS 


FART   VI 


ilpprpssion  feels  the  clouds  roll  away  from  hi8  spint  when  he 
ineetH  a  friend  whow  rihmI  humour  and  energy  present  the  »)etter 
side  of  things  and  iM>int  the  way  through  difficulties,  so  the 
su.Kuine  temp<«r  of  the  Americans,  and  the  sight  of  the  ardour 
with  which  thcv  pursue  their  aims,  stimulates  a  Euroiwan  and 
makes  him  think  the  world  a  l«'tter  place  than       had  seemed 
amid  the  entanglements  ami  sufferings  of  his  ou..  hemisphere. 
To  some  Europeans  this  may  st-em  fanciful.     I  doubt  it  any 
KuroiMum  can  realize  till  he  ha.s  l)een  in  America  how  much 
(litTerence  it  makes  to  the  happiness  of  any  one  not  wholly 
devoid  of  sympathy  with   his  fellow-lnMngs,  to    feel  *hat  all 
round  him,  in  all  cla.sses  of  society  and  all  parts  of  the  country, 
there  exist  in  such  ample  measure  so  many  of  the  external 
conditi(ms  of  happiness :  abundance  of  the  neces-saries  of  life, 
ea\v  command  of  education  and  Ixjoks,  amusements  and  leisure 
lo  enjoy  them,  comparatively  few  temptations  to  intemper- 
ance and  vice. 

The   second    chann    of    Amerii-an  life    is  one  which   some 
Europeans  will    smile   at.     It    is   social   equality.     To  many 
Europ(>ans   the    word    has  an   odious   s'om.k!      l*    sugf^osts   a 
dirty  fellow  in  a  blouse  elbowing  his  betters  in  a  crowd,  or 
an  ill-comlitioned  villager  shaking  his  fist  at  the  parson  anc 
the   s(,uire;   or,   at   any   rate,   it   suggests  obtrusiveness   and 
bad  manners.     The   exact   contrary   is   the   truth.     Equality 
improves  manners,  for  it  strengthens  the  basis  of  all    goo<l 
manners,  respect  for  other  men  and   women   simply  as  men 
and  women,   irresj^ective  of   their  station  in  life.     Probably 
the  assertion  of  social  equality  wsvs  one  of  the  causes  which 
injured  American  manners  fifty  years  ago,  for  that  they  were 
then  bad  among  townsfolk  can  hardly  be  doubted  in  face  of 
the  testimony,  not  merely  of  sharp  tongues  like  Mrs.  Trollope's, 
l)ut  of  calm  observers  like  Sir  ("harles  Lyell  and  sympathetic 
obs(Tvers  like  Richard  Cobden.>     In  those  days  there  was  an 
obtrusive    self-assertiveness    among    the    less    refined    classes, 
especially  t.jwards  those  who,   coming  from   tlu'  Old  World, 
were  assumed  to  come  in  a  patronizing  spirit.     Now,  however, 
social  equality  has  grown  so  naturally  out  of  tlie  circumstances 
of  the  country,  ha.>  been  so  long  <>tablirho<l,  and  is  so  ungnidg- 

1  Voliii-v  who  ;if  thr  nml  of  l.'ist  (-.■ntiirv  c.mni.'iit.'il  <>n  thr  -  iiicivilit«<  n.i- 
tii.n.il-."  ':.s.ril..s  it  -nioins  a  uri  ^vst^lll.•  .liiifcntiotis  m'i'h  I'liKl^IM'ndaiice 
luutiu'lli-,  :\  risuk-iiiciit,  :iu  tlt'-fiiut  di-s  U'soina  rcHipnMiues." 


CHAP,  cxix    PLEA8ANTNKS8  OF  AMKIIK'AN   LIPK 


H7a 


ingly  admittnl,  that  nil  rxciisc  for  (iWtru.iivriicsM  lias  <lisa|)p<>ut.>(t. 
Foople  nuH't  on  a  si:iipl<>  aii<l  natural  fuotiuK,  wit  It  tiinrc  frunk- 
npiw  and  ease  than  is  |Missililc  in  (•(niiitrii's  wlirrr  fvcry  one  is 
•'ither  looking  up  or  ItMtkiiiKtIown.'     'riitn-  i>  no  xrvility  on  the 
part  of  thr  huniMcr,  and  if  now  ami  tlicn  ;>  liltlf  of  the  "I  am 
an  k(kmI  as  you"  rudt  lu-s-*  Ik-  pcrcrptililc,  it  is  likely  to  pnxu'cd 
from  a  rrrcnt  iinininrant,  to  wlioni  the  altitiidf  of  siiuplr  ('(luality 
has  not  yet  Im-couic  familiar  as  the  cviiltiitly  inoprr  attitud*'  of 
ono  man  to  another.     There  is  no  condescensioii  t<n  the  part 
of  the  more  highly  placed,  nor  is  there  <'veii  iliat  sort  of  scrupu- 
lously ix)lit(*  coldness  which  one  minht  think  they  would  adopt 
in  order  to  protect  their  dignity,     'i'hey  have  no  cause  to  fear 
for  their  dignity,  so  long  as  they  do  not  themselves  forget  it. 
And  the  fact  that    your  sluwinaker  or  your  factory  hand  ad- 
dresses his  employer  as  ar.  e(|ual  does  not  prevjtit  him  from 
showing  all  the  res|)ect    to  which  any  one  may  he  entitled  on 
the  score  of  birth  or  e<lucation  or  eminence  in  any  walk  of  life. 
This  naturalness  is  a  distinct   addition   to  the  pleasure  of 
social  intercourse.     It   enlarges   the  circle  of  possiMe  friend- 
ship, by  removing  the  (fair  which  in   most    parts  of  Europe 
persons  of  different    ranks  feel  in   exchanging   their   thoughts 
on  any  matters  save  those  of  !;;.;iness.     It  raises   the  humbler 
classes  without   lowering  the  upf>er ;  indeed,  it    improves  the 
upper  no  less  than  the  lower  by  expunging  that  latent  insolence 
which  deforms  the  manners  of  so  many  of  the  European  rich. 
It  relieves  women  in  particular,  who  in  Ijuope  arc  specially 
apt  to  think  of  class  distinctions,  from  that  se?is(>  of  constraint 
and  unea.siness  nhich  is  ])ro(luce(l  liy  the  knowledge  that  other 
women  with  whom  they  come  in  contact   are  either  looking 
down  or  them,  or  at  any  rate  trying  to  gauge  and  detennint> 
their  social  position.      It  exi)ands  the  range  of  a  man's  sym- 


'  .\  triflinK  anordotc  may  iliu.«friitc'  what  I  iiicati.     Long  ag"  i"  Spokano,  tlioii 
n  fltnall  Fur  Wostcrn  town,  tlu'  >tatiiiiiiiia.-it(T  lent  iiic  a  l(i((inii>tivc  to  run  ii  fiw 

miles  out  nloiiK  thi"  railway  to  we  a  nniarkalili'  liii of  scenery.     The  engine 

t<x)k  me  uiul  dropped  me  there,  as  I  wished  to  walk  Un, '. .  :;:,ieli  '.(<  ■'.  :•  .surprise  of 
the  driver  and  stoker,  for  in  .Viiierica  no  one  walks  if  he  <  an  liel  !  The  same 
oveninK,  ii.s  I  Wius  sittiim  in  the  liall  of  the  hotel.  I  was  touehed  .1  ,iie  arm,  and 
turniriK  round  founii  myself  aeeosted  1>.\  a  well-inannereil  iu-au.  who  turned  out 
to  ho  the  i>ninne-<lriver.  Me  expressed  his  reirret  that  the  Iniiiiiiotive  hail  not 
l)Oon  elcaiier  and  iM'tfer  "fixed  up,"  as  he  would  havi'  liked  In  iii.ike  my  trip  jh 
.•iBrpeable  as  possilile,  hut  thi'  noti.  e  swu  liini  had  KeiMi  sln.ri.  Me  talKeil  with 
intelliKonee,  .and  we  had  sdinc  ple,i~.iiit  chat  lojjctlier.  It  w  1-  f'lrlnnate  that  I 
had  resisted  in  the  forenoon  the  British  iMipiiUe  to  liotow  a  t-'ratuil.\ . 


874 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  V. 


'P^J 


pathies,  and  makes  it  easier  for  him  to  enter  into  the  sentiments 
of  other  classes  than  his  own.  It  gives  a  sense  of  sohdanty 
to  the  whole  nation,  cuttinji  away  the  Kfouml  for  the  jealousies 
and  grudges  which  distract  people  so  long  as  the  social  preten- 
sions of  past  centuries  linger  on  to  be  resented  by  the  levelling 
spirit  of  a  revolutiona  y  age.  And  I  have  never  heard  native 
Americans  speak  of  any  tlrawbacks  corresponding  to  and 
qualifying  these  benefits.  ,        ■  i 

There  ar^,  moreover,  other  rancours  besides  those  ot   social 
inequality  whose  absence  from  America  brightens  it  to  a  Euro- 
pean ey(\     There  are  no  cpiarrels  of  churches  and  secth\     Judah 
does  not  vex  Ephraim,  nor  Ephraim  envy  Judah.     No  Estal)- 
lished  C'hurch  looks  down  scornfully  upon  Dissenters  from  the 
height  of  its  titles  and  endowments,  and  talks  of  them  as  hin- 
drances in  the  way  of  its  work.    No  Dissent(>rs  pursue  an  Estab- 
lished Church  in  a  spirit  of  watchful  jealousy,  nor  agitate  for 
its  overthrow.     One  is  not  offended  by  th(>  contrast  betwren 
the  theory  and  the  practic(>  of  a  religion  of  peace,  between  pro- 
fessions of  universal  affection  in  pulpit  addresses  and  forms  of 
prayer,   and  the  acrimony  of  clerical  controversialists.     Still 
less,  of  course,  is  there  that  sharp  opposition  and  antagonism 
of  rhristi'  as  and  anti-CMiristians  whi(!h  lacerates  the  private 
as  well  as  public  lif«^  of  France.     Rivalry  between  sects  appears 
only  in  the  iitnoc(>nt  form  of  the  planting  of  new  churches  and 
raising  of  funds  for  missionary  objects,  whili>  most  of  the  Protes- 
tant  denominations,  inciuiling  the  four  most  numerous,   con- 
stantly fraternize  in  charitabh-  work.    Between  lioman  C^ithohcs 
and   the  more  educated   Protestants  then;   is  little  hostility, 
and  sometimes  even  co-operation  for  a  philanthropic  purpose. 
The  sceptic  is  no  longer  under  u  social  ban,  and  discussions  on 
the  essentials  of  Christianity  and  of  theism  are  conducted  with 
good   temper.     Ther  >  is  not    a   country   in   the   world   where 
Frederick  the  C.reat's  principle,  that  every  one  should  be  al- 
lowed to  go  to  heaven  his  own  way,  is  so  fully  applied.     This 
sense  of  religious  peace  as  well  as  religious  f re    lorn  all  around 
one  is  s(K)thing  to  the  weary  European,  and  c      ''ibutes  not  a 
little  to  sweeten  the  lives  of  ordinary  people. 

J  ponie  last  to  the  chara('t<>r  and  ways  of  the  m-  ns  them- 
selves in  which  there  is  a  certain  charm,  hard  t..  convey  l)y 
description,  but  felt  almost  as  soon  as  oih^  sets  foot  on  their 
fchore.  and  felt  constantly  thereafter.     In  purely  business   re- 


CHAP,  cxix    PLKASANTNESS  OF  AMERICAN   LIFE 


875 


I 


lations  there  i    hurilncs!-,  as  there  is  nil  the  world  over.     Ineffi- 
ciency hi     .i  viry  siKirt  shrift.     Hut  apart  from  those  relations 
they  are      kindly  pcijph       Ouod  nature,  heartiness,  a  readiness 
to  rendei    <i  ail  service.-!  to  one  another,  an  a.ssuinption  that 
neighbour,  ii.  tiie  'ouairv,  or  pei.s;>ns  thrown  tojj;ether  in  travel, 
or  even  in  a  crowd,  were  meant  to  l»e  frieiully  rather  than  hos- 
tile to  one  another,  seem  to  he  everywhere  in  the  air,  and  in 
those   who   breath    it.     lSocial)ility   is   the   rule,    i.solation   and 
moroseness  the  rare  exception.     It  is  not  that  people  are  more 
vivacious  or   talkative   tiiaii    an    Knj;lislimaM    expects   to  find 
tliem,  for  the  Western  man  is  often  taciturn  and  seldom  wreathes 
his  long  face  into  a  smile.     It  is  rather  that  you  feel  that  the 
man  next  you,  whether  silent  or  talkative,  does  not  mean  to 
repel  intercourse,  or  convey  by  his  maimer  his  low  opinion  of 
his  fellow-   '•eatures.     Iv.  erybody  seems  disposed  to  think  well 
of  the  world  and  its  inhabitants,  well  enough  at  least  to  wish 
to  be  on  easy  terms  with  them  and  serv(>  them  in  tho.se  little 
things  whose  trouble  to  the  doer  is  small  in  proportion  to  the 
pleasure  they  give  to  the  receiver.     To  help  others  is  better 
recognized  as  a  iluty  than  in  Europe.     Nowhere  is  money  so 
readily  given  for  any  public  purpose ;  nowhere,  I  suspect,  are 
there  so  many  acts  of  private  kindness  done,  such,  for  instance, 
as  paying  the  college  expenses  of  a  promising  boy,  or  aiding  a 
widow  to  carry  ■  n  her  husband's  farm  ;  and  these  are  not  don-? 
with   ostentation.     People   seem   to   take   their  own   troubles 
more  lightly  than  th(\v  do  in  Europe,  and  to  b(>  more  indulgent 
to  the  faults  by  which  troubles  are  caused.     It  is  a  land  of  hope, 
and  a  land  of  hope  is  a  land  of  good  humour.     And  they  have 
also,  though  this  is  a  ((uality  more  i)erc(>i)tible  in  women  than 
in  men,  a  remarkable  faculty  for  enjoyment,  a  power  of  draw- 
ing more  happiness  from  obvious  pleasures,  simple  and  innocent 
pleasures,  than  one  oft(>n  finds  in  overburdened  Europe. 

As  generalizations  like  this  are  necessarily  comparative,  I 
may  be  asked  with  whom  I  am  comparing  the  Americans. 
With  the  English,  or  with  some  attempted  average  of  European 
nations?  Primarily  I  am  comiiaring  them  with  the  English, 
because  they  are  the  nearest  relatives  of  the  English.  But 
there  are  other  European  countries,  sucli  as  F'rance,  Belgium, 
Spain,  in  which  the  sort  of  cheerful  friendliness  I  have  .sought 
to  describe  is  less  conunon  than  it  is  in  America.  Even  in  Cer- 
uiany  and  German  Austria,  simple  and  kindly  as  are  the  masses 


876 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


I'AKT   VI 


Ife 


of  the  iHH)i)lc,  tlu'  upiMT  classrs  litivc  that  roideur  wliicli  IwlonRs 
to  countries  doiiiinatj'd  l»y  an  old  aristocracy,  or  by  a  plutoc- 
racy tryins  to  imitat(>  aristocratic  ways.  The  upper  class  in 
Anierica  (if  one  may  us(>  such  an  expression)  has  not  in  this 
respect  differentiated  itself  from  the  character  of  the  nation  at 

large. 

If  the  view  here  presented  he  a  true  one,  to  what  causes  are 
we  t(»  ascribe  this  a)j;reeal)le  development  of  the  original  English 
type,  a  deveK)|)ment  in  whose  course  the  .satlness  of  Puritanism 
seems  to  have  been  shed  off? 

Perhaps  one  of  them  is  the  humorous  turn  of  the  American 
character.     Humour  is  a  sweetener  of  temper,  a  copious  spring 
of  charitv,  for  it  makes  the  good  side  of  bad  things  even  more 
visible  tlian  the  bad  side  of  good  things  ;  but  humour  in  Ameri- 
cans mav  l)e  as  mur-h  a  result  of  an  easy  and  kindly  turn  as 
their  kindliness  is  of  their  humour.     Another  is  the  perpetuation 
t)f  a  habit  of  nuitual  help  formed  in  colonial  days.     Colonists 
need  one  another's  aid  more  constantly  than  the  ilwellers  in  an 
old  country,  are  thrown  more  upon  one  another,  even  when 
they  live  scattered  in  woods  or  prairies,  are  more  interested  in 
one  another's  welfare.     When  you  have  only  three  neighbours 
within  five  miles,  each  of  them  covers  a  large  part  of  your  hori- 
zon.    You  want  to  borrow  a  plough  from  one ;  you  get  another 
to  help  you  to  roll  your  logs ;  your  children's  delight  is  to  go 
over  for  an  evening's  merrymaking  to  the  lads  and  lasses  of 
the  third.     It   is  much  pleasanter  to  be  on  good  terms  with 
these  few  neighbours,  and  when  others  come  one  by  on°,  they 
fall  into  the  sam(>  habits  of    intimacy.      Any    one   who   has 
read  those  stories  of  rustic  New  England  or  New  York  life 
which  delighted  tlu)S(>  who  were  English  children  in  1850  —  1  do 
not  know  whether  they  delight  children  still,  or  have  been  thrown 
aside  for  more  highly  spiced  food  —  will  remember  the  warm- 
hearted simplicity  and  atmosphere  of  genial  good-will  which 
-oftened  the  roughness  of  jjcasant  manners  and  tempered  the 
sternness  of  a  Calvinistic  creed.     It  is  natural  that  the  freedom 
t)f    intercourse    and    sense   of    interdependence   which    existed 
among  the  early  settlers,  and  which  have  existed  ever  since 
among  the  pioneers  of  colonization  in  the  West  a.s  they  moved 
from  the  Connecticut  to  the  Mohawk,  from  the  Mohawk  to  the 
Ohio,  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Missis.sippi,  should  have  left  on 
the  national  character  traces  not  effaced  even  in  the  more  arti- 


CUM'.  (XIX    PLEASANTNKSS  (T  A.MEKKAX    LIFE 


877 


ficial  civilization  of  our  own  tinu".  Somclliins  tnay  l)c  set  down 
to  the  foelinK  of  social  ('(luality,  crfatiiifj;  that  respect  f(»r  a  man 
as  a  man,  whether  he  be  ricli  or  poor,  which  was  (lescri})e(l  a  few 
pages  hack;  and  soniethinji  to  a  repaid  for  the  sentiment  of  the 
multitude,  a  sentiment  which  forhids  any  tuun  to  stand  aloof 
in  the  conceit  of  self-itnportance,  and  holds  up  geniality  and 
g(M)d  fellowship  as  almost  the  first  of  social  virluo.  I  do  not 
mean  that  a  man  cons(  iously  su|)i)re>ses  iii-;  impulses  to  selfish- 
ness or  gruffness  because-  he  knows  tha*  hi^  faults  will  be  ill 
regarded;  but  that,  havinji  <jrown  uj)  in  a  society  which  is  in- 
finitely powerful  :us  compared  with  the  most  powerful  person 
in  it,  he  has  learnt  to  realize  his  iMdi\iduai  insifinificance,  as 
members  of  the  upper  cla.^s  in  Europe  never  do,  and  ha.  be- 
come permeated  by  the  feeliufi  \' liich  tliis  society  entertains  — 
that  each  one's  duty  is  not  only  to  acce|)t  e(iuality,  Init  also  to 
relish  equality,  and  tf)  make  himself  jihasant  t(»  his  e(iuals. 
Thus  the  habit  is  formed  even  in  nature-  of  no  -pecial  sweet- 
ness, and  men  become  kindly  I  y  iUnn<i  kindly  acts. 

Wh'-ther,  however,  these  sujifjestioiis  be  ritilit  o  onji,  thire 
is  no  doubt  as  to  the  fact  whicli  they  attemjjt  to  exj)lain.  I 
do  not,  of  course,  give  it  merely  as  the  casual  imjtression  of 
European  visitors,  whom  a  sin-rularlx-  fraik  a:i  !  ready  hosj)!- 
tality  welcomes  and  makes  niuci!  of.  1  liase  it  (,i  thi'  reports  of 
European  friends  who  have  lived  .or  years  in  the  I'nited  States, 
and  whose  criticism  of  the  way>  and  notion.-  of  the  jx-ople  is  keen 
enough  to  snow  that  they  arc  no  i^artial  witnesses. 


ifis-i 

I  J 

a 

it 

H 


•*. 


iw 


CHAPTER  CXX 


THE   UNIFORMITY   OF   AMERICAN   LIFE 

To  the  pleasantness  of  American  life  there  is  t>ne,  and  perhaps 
only  one,  serious  drawhaek  —  its  uniformity.  Those  who  have 
been  struck  Dy  the  size  of  America,  and  by  what  they  have  heard 
of  its  restless  excitem(>nt,  may  be  suri)rise(l  at  the  word.  They 
would  have  guessed  that  an  uncjuiet  chansefuln(\ss  and  turmoil 
were  the  disagreeables  to  be  feared.  But  uniformity,  which  the 
European  visitor  begins  to  note  when  he  has  travelled  for  a 
month  or  two,  is  the  feature  of  the  country  which  Englishmen 
who  have  lived  long  there,  and  Americans  who  are  familiar 
with  Europe,  most  freciuently  revert  to  when  asked  to  say  what 
is  the  "crook  in  their  lot." 

It  is  felt  in  many  ways.     I  will  nam-  a  few. 
It  is  felt  in  the  asix'cts  of  nature.     Ml  the  natural  features 
of  the  United  States  are  on  a  larger  scale  than  those  of  Europe. 
The  four  chief  mt)untain  chains  are  each  of  them  longer  than  the 
Alps.^     Of  the  gigantic  rivers  and  of  those  inland  seas  we  call 
the  Great  Lakes  one  need  not  speak.    The  centre  of  thecontinent 
is  occupie<l  by  a  plain  larger  than  the  western  half  of  Europe. 
In  the  Mississippi  Valley,  from  the  (Julf  of  Mexico  to  Lake 
Superior,  there  is  nothing  deserving  to  be  called  a  hill,  though, 
as  one  moves  westward  from  the  great  river,  long  soft  undulations 
in  the  boundless  i)rairie  lu'gin  to  ajipear.     Through  vast  stretches 
of  country  one  finds  tlie  sam(>  physical  character  maintained  with 
little  change  —  the  same  stnita.  the  same  vegetatittn,  a  generally 
similar  climate.     From  tlie  point  wher(>  you  leave  the  Allegha- 
nies  at  Pittsburg.  <mtil  long  after  crossing  the  Missouri,  you  ap- 
proach what  is  left  of  the  untilknl  prairi(>  of  the  West,  a  railway 

•  Thp  Allochanics,  rontimiod  in  tlio  Gm-n  and  Whit(<  Mountains,  tho  Rocky 
Mountains,  flu-  Sicini  Nrvad;!.  continued  in  the  C'liscado  Range,  and  tho  Coa.-t 
Kaugi's,  which  border  the  Pacific. 

878 


CHAP.  (XX        UNIFORMITY  OP  AMKIilCAM   LIPR 


879 


run  of  some  twelve  huiulred  miles,  there  is  a  uniformity  of  land- 
scape greater  than  could  l)e  found  along  any  one  hundred  miles 
of  railway  run  in  Western  Euroi)c.  Everywiiere  the  same  nearly 
flat  country,  over  which  you  cannot  see  far,  hecause  you  are 
little  raised  above  it,  the  same  held  and  crops,  the  same  rough 
wooden  fences,  the  same  tiiickets  of  the  same  hushes  along 
the  stream  edges,  with  here  and  there  a  hit  of  old  forest ;  the 
same  solitary  farmliouses  and  straggling  w<»od-l)uilt  villages. 
And  when  one  has  jiassed  heyond  tlie  fields  and  farmhouses,  there 
is  an  even  more  unvaried  stretcii  of  sliglitly  rolling  prairie, 
smooth  and  bare,  till  after  three  hundred  miles  the  blue  line  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains  rises  ujxmi  the  western  horizon. 

There  are  some  extraordinary  luiturul  i)hen(tmena,  such  as  Ni- 
agara, the  Yellowstone  ( Jeyser..,  and  al)ove  all  the  indescribablj' 
grand  and  solemn  canon  of  the  Colorado  River,  which  the  Old 
World  cannot  ('([ual.  Hut  taking  the  country  as  a  whole,  and 
remembering  that  it  is  a  continent,  it  is  not  more  rich  in  pic- 
turesque beauty  than  the  much  smaller  western  half  of  F]urope. 
The  long  Alleghany  range  contains  a  good  deal  of  pretty  scenery 
and  a  few  really  romantic  spots,  but  iianlly  anytliing  so  charming 
as  the  best  bits  of  Scotland  or  Southern  Ireland,  or  the  English 
Lake  country.  The  Rocky  Mountains  are  ])ierce<l  by  some 
splendid  gorges,  such  as  that  famous  one  through  which  the 
Arkansas  River  descends  to  South  Pueblo,  and  show  .some  very 
grand  prospects,  such  as  that  over  the  (Ireat  Salt  I/ake  from 
the  Mormon  cajjital.  Rut  neither  tlie  Rocky  Mountains,  with 
their  dependent  ranges,  nor  the  Sierra  X(\  ada,  can  be  compared 
for  variety  of  grandeur  and  beauty  with  the  Alps;  for  although 
each  chain  nearly  equals  the  .Vijis  in  heiglit,  and  covers  a  greater 
area,  they  have  little  snow,  no  glaciers,'  and  a  singidar  uniformity 
of  character.  One  finds,  I  think,  less  variety  in  tiie  whole  chain 
of  the  Rockies  than  in  the  (•omj)aratively  short  Pyrenees. 
There  are,  indeeil,  in  the  whole  Tnited  States  very  few  quite 
first-rate  pieces  of  mountain  scenery  rivalling  the  best  of  the 
Old  World.  Thi^  most  iinpres:^iv(>  are  two  or  three  of  the  deep 
vallej's  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  (of  which  the  Yosemite  is  the  best 
known),  and  the  su})erb  line  of  extinct  volcanoes,  bearing  snow- 
fields  and  glaciers,  which  one  sees,  rising  out  of  vast  and  sombre 
forests,  from  the  banks  of  the  Columbia  River  and  the  shores  of 

'  There  are  a  few  inponsifU'riihli'  irliii'i'Ts  in  th<'  northernmost  part  of  the 
Rocky  Mouutaia»,  and  u  small  one  on  Mount  Shasta. 


SOCIAL   INSTITl'TIOXS 


PAUT    VI 


MS-' 
'1 


sso 

PuKtt  S^miul.'  So  tl.r  Athmtir  roast,  thougl.  thm'ure  c-harming 
Ltfbet  U-.U  Nowport  and  th.  NVw  Brunnwic-k  frontier,  cannot 
vie  S  tlu.  coasts  of  Scotland,  Ireland,  or  Norway;  while 
southwanl  fron,  New  Y<.rk  to  Florida  it  is  c-verywhere  flat  and 
of  en  Irearv.  In  the  United  States  people  take  journeys  pro- 
tio  ate  o  the  size  of  the  .-.xuitry.  A  family  thinks  nothing 
g^^^^^^^^^^^^  huiulred  miles,  from  St.  Louis  to  Cape  May 

nea    Philadelphia),  for  a  seaside  holiday.     But  oven  journeys 
twelve  hundred  miles  do  not  give  an  American  so  much  change 
s^^em.  ami  varietv  of  surroundings  as  a  Parisian  lias  when  he 
'  k"  to  Lm-un,  or  a  Berliner  to  Berchtesgaden.     Tlie  man  who 
h">s       d  e  sect  on  of  Anu.-ica  which  se..ms  destined  to  contain 
hc'la  ge  t  population.  I  mean  the  States  on  the  Upper  Missis- 
sinp    lives  in  the  midst  of  a  plain  wi.ler  than  the  plains  of  Russia, 
and  n us   travel  hundreds  of  miles  to  escape  from  its  monotony. 
When  we  turn  from  tlu-  aspects  of  nature  to  the  cities  of  men, 
the  un  fcrnnitv  is  even  mor.>  remarkable.     With  eight  or  n.ne 
exceZ    s  to   l>.>  mentioned  presc-ntly.  American  cities  differ 
fron    one  another  only  herein,   that  some  of   them  are  built 
^^e   with    brick    than    with    wood,  and  others   more    jvi  h 
wood   than   with    bri.k.      In    all   else   they   are   alike,    l^th 
IZl  and  small.     In  all  the  same  wide   streets    crossing  at 
right  angles,  ill-paved,  but  plante.l  ahmg  the  ^'ff ^alk^  with 
r^a  ie  trees  whose  autumnal  scariet  surpasses   the  bnlhance 
^f  'any  European  foliage.'^     In  all  the  same   «hops    arranged 
on  the  same  plan,  the  same  Chinese  laundries,  with  Li  Kow 

1  VV^nt  of  sD^ire  cniP-ls  the  on.is.sion  of  t.io  chaptrrs  which  wore  intj-ndod 
to  !ieS '  Uu.'^l'n.Vs'f  th..  rnit..,l  S.at..  and  coni.-cturc  U.  probable  future 

'"''^^^'■an':;' wl^r'fniL:  th"' ';::;i  s..,po  ..f  the  Uoeky  Mountains  to  the 
thel.'ss  its  n..mht;iins  ;ir.'  less  l.ciiutiful  tlKii.  tlu    .  ip  •  J '' ^  i,o,iutiful   and 

;tra....  weird  beauty  of  their  ov...u,..ikeanvth,u«m.u^^^^^ 

a  lntheneweriltie:<oii.r.,t  wt  p.ir.ilicihtrttlr^i.  nam         "    •     m„„  Vork    ealhtl 

by  n:;n!':^rs.  throther  by  the  letters  of  the  alphabet,  a  eonvement  but  unpleaa- 
iiiK  system. 


«i!AP.  rxx        UNIFORMITY   OF  AMKHICAN   LIPK 


881 


visil)U'  through  the  wiiulow,  the  siunc  ic-c-cri-uiii  stores,  tht- 
suiiie  large  hotels  with  seedy  men  hovering  about  in  the  cheer- 
less entranee-hall,  the  same  street  cars  passing  to  and  fro  with 
passengers  clinging  to  the  door-.step,  the  same  locomotives  ring- 
ing iheir  great  l)ells  as  they  clank  slowly  down  the  middle  of  the 
street.  I  admit  that  in  external  aspect  there  is  a  sad  monotony 
in  the  larger  towns  of  England  also.  Compare  English  cities 
with  Italian  cities,  and  most  of  the  former  seem  like  one  another, 
incai)ableof  being,  so  to  speak,  individualized  as  you  individu- 
alize a  man  with  a  definite  character  and  aspect  unlike  that  of 
other  men.  Take  the  Lancashire  towns,  for  instance,  large  and 
prosperous  places.  You  cannot  individualize  Bolton  or  VVigan, 
Oldham  or  Bury,  except  by  trying  to  remember  that  Bury 
is  slightly  less  rough  than  Oldham,  and  Wigan  a  thought  more 
grimy  than  Bolton.  But  in  Italy  every  city  has  its  character, 
its  memories,  its  life  and  achievements,  wrought  into  the  pillars 
of  its  churches  and  the  towers  that  stand  along  its  ramparts. 
Siena  is  not  like  Perugia,  nor  Perugia  like  Orvieto ;  Ravenna, 
Rimini,  Pesaro,  Fano,  Ancona,  Osimo,  standing  along  the  same 
coast  within  seventy  miles  of  one  another,  have  each  of  them  a 
character,  a  sentiment,  what  one  may  call  an  idit)s.vncrasy,  which 
comes  vividly  back  to  us  at  the  mention  of  its  name.  Now, 
what  English  towns  are  to  Italian,  that  American  towTis  are  to 
EngUsh.  They  are  in  some  ways  pleasanter  ;  they  are  cleaner, 
there  is  less  poverty,  less  ;  lualor,  less  darkness.  But  their 
monotony  haunts  one  like  a  nightmare.  Even  the  irksomeness 
of  finding  the  streets  named  by  numbers  becomes  insufferable. 
It  is  doubtless  convenient  to  know  by  the  number  how  far  up  the 
city  the  particular  street  is.  But  you  cannot  give  any  sort 
of  character  to  Fifty-third  Street,  for  the  name  refuses  to  lend 
itself  to  any  association.  There  is  something  wearisomely  hard 
and  bare  in  such  a  system. 

I  return  joyfully  to  the  exceptions.  Boston  has  a  character 
of  her  own,  with  her  beautiful  C'onunon,  her  snuK)th  environ- 
ing waters,  her  Beacon  Hill  crowned  by  the  gilded  dome  of  the 
State  House,  and  Bunker  Hill,  bearing  the  monument  of  the 
famous  fight.  New  V^)rk,  besides  a  magtiificent  position,  has  in 
the  gigantic  towor-likc  buildings  which  have  since  1890  soared 
into  her  sky,  as  well  as  in  the  tremendous  rush  of  men  and 
vehicles  along  the  streets,  as  much  the  air  of  a  great  capital 
as  London  or  Paris  or  Berlin.  Chicago,  with  her  enormous  size 
3l 


882 


SOCIAL  INSTITI'TIONS 


PART   VI 


m 


and  the  huge  warehouses  tiiat  line  her  endless  thoroughfares^ 
now   covered  by   a  dense  smoke  pall,   leaves   an   impression 
which  might  be  gloomy  were  it  not  for  the  statohness  of  her 
lake  front  with  the  stretch  of  blue  beyond.     Richn.ond  has  a 
quaint  old-world  look  which  dwells  in  the  memory ;  few  cities 
have  a  prospect  over  shining  waters  finer  than  that  which  the 
heights  of  Cleveland  command.     Kansas  City  has  shown  how 
to  use  a  noble  situation,  for  she  has  laid  out  parks  along  the  val- 
leys and  preserved  the  steep  wooded  slope  of  the  bluff  that  rises 
above  the  broad  flood  of  the  Missouri.     Washington,  with  its 
wide  and  beautifully  graded  avenues,  and  the  glitti-ring  white 
of  the  Capitol,  has  become  since  1880  a  singularly  handsome 
citv     In  April  and  May  it  has  a  woodland  charm  unequalled 
by  any  other  great  city  in  the  world.     Charleston  has  the  air 
of  an  English  towi  of  last  century,  though  lapped  in  a  far 
richer  vegetation,  and  with  the  shining  softness  of  summer 
seas  spread  out  before  it.     And  New  Orleans -or  rather  the 
Creole  quarter  of  New  Orleans,  for  the  rest   of   the   city  is 
commonplace  -  is  delicious,  suggesting  old  France  and  Spain, 
yet  a  France  and  Spain  strangely  transmuted  in  this  new  clime. 
I   have  seen  nothing  in  America  more  picturesque  than  the 
Rue  Royale,  with  its  houses  of  all  heights,  often  built  round 
a  courtyard,  where  a  magnolia  or  an  orange-tree  stands  in 
the    middle,    and    wooden    external    staircases    lead    up   to 
wooden  galleries,  the  house  fronts  painted  of  all  colours,  and 
carrying  double  rows  of  balconies  decorated  with  pretty  iron- 
work, the  whole  stamhng  languid  and  still  in  the  warm  soft  air, 
and  touched  with  the  subtle  fragrance  of  decay.     Here  in  New 
Orleans  the  streets  and  public  buildings,  and  specially  the  old 
Citv  Hall,  with  the  arms  of  Spain  still  upon  it,  speak  of  history. 
One  feels,  in  stepping  across  Canal  Street  from  the  Creole  quarter 
to  the  business  parts  of  the  town,  that  one  steps  from  an  old 
nationality  to  a  new  one,  that  this  city  must  have  had  vicissitudes, 
that  it  represents  something,  and  that  something  one  of  the 
great  events  of  history,  the  surrender  of  the  northern  half  of  the 
New  World  by  the  Romano-Celtic  races  to  the  Teutonic     Que- 
bec   and    (in  some  slight  degree)    Montreal,  fifteen   hundred 
miles  away,  tell  the  same  tale ;  Santa  F6  in  New  Mexico  repeats 

'  'it  is  the  absence  in  nearly  all  the  American  cities  of  anything 
that  speaks  of  the  past  that  makes  their  external  aspect  aoun- 


CHAP,  rxx        UXIFORMITY  OF  AMERICAN   LIFE 


883 


HUgRPHtivo.  In  pacinR  their  busy  streets  and  admiring  their 
handsome  city  halls  and  churches,  one's  heart  sinks  at  the  feel- 
ing that  nothing  historically  intcrestingever  has  happened  here, 
perhaps  ever  will  happen.  In  many  an  English  town,  however 
ugly  with  its  smoke  and  its  new  suburbs,  one  sees  at  least  an 
ancient  church,  one  can  discover  some  fragments  of  a  castle 
or  a  city  wall.  Even  Wigan  and  Northampton  have  ancient 
churches,  though  Northamjjton  lately  allowed  the  North-west- 
ern Railway  to  destroy  the  lust  traces  of  tiie  castle  where  Henry 
II.  issued  his  Assize.  15ul  in  America  hardly  any  public  build- 
ing is  associated  with  anything  more  interesting  than  a  big 
party  convention ;  and,  nowadays,  even  the  big  conventions 
are  held  in  temporary  .structures,  whose  materials  are  sold  when 
the  politicians  have  ilispcrsed.  Nowliere,  perhaps,  does  this 
.sense  of  the  al)s«)lute  novelty  of  all  things  strike  one  so  strongly 
as  in  San  Fraiici.sco.  Few  cities  in  tlic  world  can  vie  with  her 
(Mther  in  the  beauty  or  in  the  natural  advantages  of  her  situation  ; 
indeed,  there  are  only  three  places  in  Europe  —  C'on.stantinople, 
('orinth,  and  (jil)i altar  —  that  combine  an  etjually  perfect 
landscape  with  what  may  be  called  an  equally  imperial  position. 
Before  you  there  is  the  magnificent  bay,  with  its  far-stretching 
arms  and  rocky  isles,  and  l)eyond  it  the  faint  line  of  the  Sierra 
Nevada,  cutting  the  clear  air  like  mother-of-pearl ;  behind  there 
is  th.  1)11  of  the  ocean  ;  to  the  left,  the  majestic  gateway  between 
mountains  through  which  ships  bear  in  commerce  from  the  farthest 
shores  of  the  Pacific;  to  the  right,  valleys  rich  with  corn  and 
wine,  sweeping  away  to  the  southern  horizon.  The  city  itself 
is  full  of  l)old  hills,  rising  steeply  from  the  deep  water.  The  air 
is  keen,  dry,  and  bright,  like  the  air  of  Greece,  and  the  waters 
not  less  blue.  Perhaps  it  is  this  air  and  light,  recalling  the 
cities  of  the  Mediterranean,  that  make  one  involuntarily  look 
up  to  the  top  of  these  hills  for  the  feudal  castle,  or  the  ruins  of 
the  Acropolis,  Avhich  one  thinks  must  crowii  them.  I  found 
myself  so  looking  all  the  time  I  remained  in  the  city.  But  on 
none  of  these  heights  is  there  anything  more  interesting,  any- 
thing more  vocal  to  the  student  of  the  past,  than  huge  hotels, 
or  the  sumptuous  villas  of  railway  magnates,  who  have  chosen 
a  hill-top  to  display  their  wealth  to  the  city,  but  have  erected 
houses  like  all  other  houses,  only  larger.  San  Francisco  has  had 
a  good  deal  of  history  since  1846  ;  but  this  history  does  not,  like 
that  of  Greece  or  Italy,  write  itself  in  stone. 


f 

1  , 


Hi, 

•  (■ 


I  ; 


-11 

m 

...  1 1 

■  3: 


'A- 


w- 


884 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAHT   VI 


Of  the  uniformity  of  political  institutions  ovt-r  the  whole 
UnitiHl  States  I  have  spoken  already.     Everywhere  tlie   same 
system  of  State  governments,  everywhere  the  same  numieipal 
governments,  and  almost  unif«   nily  bad  or  good  in  proportion 
to  the  greater  or  sma'ler  population  of  the  eity  ;  the  san.e  party 
nmehinery  organized  for  the  same  purpose,  "run"  by  the  same 
wirepullers  and  "workers."     In  rural  loeal  government  there 
are  some  diversities  in  the  names,  areas,  and  functions  of  the 
different  iMxlies,  yet  differences  sUght  in  comparison  with  the 
points  of  likeness.     The  schools  are  jjractically   identical   in 
organization,  in  the  subjects  taught,  in  the  methods  of  teachmg, 
though  the  administration  of  them  is  as  completely  decentralized 
as  can  t)e  imagine<l,  even  the  State  conunissioner  having  no 
right  to  do  more  than  suggest  or  report.     So  it  is  with  the  chari- 
table institutions,  with  the  libraries,  the  lecture-courses,  the 
pul)lic  jimusements.     All  these  are  more  ainmdant  and  better 
of  theii   Ivmil  in  the  richer  and  more  cultivated  parts  of  the 
country,  generally  better  in  the  North  Atlantic  than  in  the  inland 
States,  and  in  tlie  West  than  in  the  South.     liut  they  are  the 
same  in  type  everywhere.     It  is  the  same  with  social  habits  and 
usages.     There  are  still  differences  between  the  South  ami  the 
North ;  antl  in  the  Eastern  cities  the  upper  class  is  more  Euro- 
peanized  in  its  code  of  etiquette  and  its  ways  of  daily  life.     But 
even  these  variations  tend  to  (Usappear.     Eastern  customs  begin 
to  permeate  the  West,  beginning  with  the  richer  families;  the 
South  is  more  like  the  North  than  it  was  b(>fore  the  war.     Travel 
where  you  will,  vou  feel  that  what  you  have  foimd  in  one  phwc 
that  you  will  fiml  in  another.    The  thing  which  hath  been,  will 
be :  you  can  no  more  escape  from  it  than  you  can  (luit  the  land 
to  live  in  the  sea. 

Last  of  all  we  come  to  man  hims(>lf  —  to  man  and  to  woman, 
not  less  important  than  man.  The  itleas  of  m(>n  and  women, 
their  funilamental  beliefs  and  their  superficial  tastes,  their 
methods  of  thinking  anil  their  fashions  of  talking,  are  what  most 
concern  their  fellow-men ;  and  if  there  be  variety  and  freshness 
in  these,  the  uniformity  of  nature  and  the  monotony  of  cities 
signify  but  little.  If  i  observe  that  in  these  respects  also  the 
similarity  of  type  over  the  country  is  surprising,  I  shall  be  asked 
whether  I  am  not  making  the  old  mistake  of  the  man  who  fancied 
all  Chinese  were  hke  one  another,  because,  noticing  the  iiress  and 
the  pigtail,  he  did  not  notice  muior  differences  of  feature.    A 


riiAP.  «  \\        rXIFORMITY   OF  AMKFtfCAN    LIFK 


sHr> 


scholar  is  apt  to  tliink  that  ail  iit'siufss  iii<>ti  write  the  same  huiui, 
aiui  a  l)usiiu'ss  inaji  tliiiiivs  tlic  saiiir  of  all  scliolars.  IVriiaps 
Ariu'ricans  tiiink  all  EnKlishiiicii  alike.  And  I  may  also  he 
asked  with  whom  I  am  comparing  the  Amerieaus.  With 
Europe  as  a  whole?  If  so,  is  it  not  ahsunl  to  exiwct  that  the 
(lifferenees  between  different  sections  in  one  peoj)le  should  he 
as  marked  as  those  hetween  different  peoples?  The  Tnited 
States  are  larger  than  Hiintpe,  hut  Kinope  has  many  races  ami 
many  laiiKuanes,  among  whom  contrasts  far  hroader  must  he 
expected  than  hetween  one  people,  even  if  it  stretches  over  a 
continent. 

It  is  most  clearly  not  with  Huro])e,  hut  with  each  of  the  leading 
Eurojx'an  i)eo{)les  that  we  nuist  com])are  the])eopleof  America. 
So  comparing  them  with  the  i>eoples  of  Hritain,  France,  (Jer- 
many,  Italy,  Spain,  one  discovers  more  varieties  hetween  indi- 
viduals in  these  European  jjcoples  than  one  finds  in  America. 
Scot<'hmen  and  Irishmen  are  more  uidike  Englishmen,  the  native 
of  Normandy  more  unlike  the  native  of  Pr  )ve!U'e,  the  Pomer- 
anian more  unlike  the  Wurtemherger,  the  Piedmont ese  more  un- 
like the  Neai)olitan,  the  Basfjue  more  unlike  the  Andalusian,  than 
the  American  from  any  part  of  the  country  is  to  the  American 
from  any  other.  Differences  of  course  there  are  hetween  the 
human  type  as  developed  in  different  regions  of  the  country, — 
differences  moral  and  int(>llectual  as  well  as  jjhysical.  You  can 
generally  tell  a  Southerner  hy  his  look  as  well  as  hy  his  sfieeeb, 
and  the  South,  as  a  whole,  has  a  character  of  its  own,  propagated 
from  the  older  Atlantic  to  the  newer  Western  States.  A  native 
of  Maine  will  probably  differ  from  a  native  of  Kentucky,  a  (Jeor- 
gian  from  an  Oregonian.  Hut  these  differences  strike  even  an 
American  observer  much  as  the  difference  between  a  Yorkshire- 
man  and  a  Warwickshire  man  strikes  the  English,  and  is  slighter 
than  the  contrast  between  a  middle-class  southern  Englishman 
and  a  mi<ldle-class  Scotchman,  slighter  than  the  differences  l)e- 
tween  a  peasant  from  Northumberland  and  a  peasant  from 
Dorsetshire.  Or,  to  take  another  way  of  putting  it:  If  at 
some  great  gathering  of  a  ix>litical  party  from  all  jiarts  of  the 
l'nite(l  Kingilom  you  were  to  go  round  and  talk  to,  say,  one 
hundred,  taken  at  random,  of  the  persons  present,  you  would  be 
struck  by  more  diversity  between  the  notions  and  ta.stos  and 
mental  habits  of  the  individuals  comprising  that  one  hundreti 
than  if  you  trietl  the  same  experimeut  with  a  hundred  Americans 


i 


MM 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART    VI 


of  similar  education  ami  poHition,  similarly  natlifrttl  in  a  con- 
vention from  every  State  in  the  Union. 

I  do  not  in  the  least  mean  tiiat  people  are  more  commonplace 
in  America  than  in  England,  or  that  the  Americans  are  lesH  iileal 
than  the  English.     Neither  of  these  statements  would  l>e  true. 
On  the  contrary,  the  average  American  is  n»ore  alive  to  new  ideas, 
more  easily  touclunl  through  his  imagination  or  his  emotions, 
than  the  average  Englishman  or  Frenchman.     He  has  a  keen 
sense  of  humour,  and  an  unquenchable  faith  in  the  future.     I 
mean  only  that  the  nutive-lwrn  Americans  ai)p<!ar  t«)  vary  les.s, 
in  fundamentals,  from  what  may  l)e  •■ullcd  the  dominant  Ameri- 
can tyi)e  than  Englishmen,  (Jermans,  Frenchmen,  Spaniards,  or 
Italians  do  from  any  tyi>e  which  could  be  taken  as  the  dominant 
type  in  any  of  those  nations.     Or,  to  put  the  .same  thing  dif- 
ferently, it  is  rather  more  difficult  to  take  any  assemblag*'  of 
attributes  in  any  of  these  European  countries  and  call  it  the 
national  tj-pe  than  it  is  to  do  the  like  in  the  IJniteil  States. 
These  are  not  given  as  thf  impressions  of  a  traveller.     Sucli 
impressions,  Iwing  neces.sarily  hasty,  and  founded  on  a  compara- 
tively  narrow   observation,   would   deserve   little   confideiu*-. 
They  sum  up  the  conclusicms  of  Euroiwans  long  resident  in 
America,   and   fatniliar  with   different  parts  of  th(^  country. 
They  are,  I  think,  admitted  by  the  most  acute  Americans  them- 
selves.    I  have  often  heard  the  latter  dilate  <m  what  stvms  to 
them  the  one  crowning  merit  of  life  in  Europe  —  the  vari.-ty 
it  affords,  the  opi^rtunities  it  gives  of  easy  and  complete  changes 
of  scene  and  environment.     The  pleasure  which  an  .Vni.ricaii 
finds  in  crossing  the  Atlantic,  a  pleasure  more  intense  than  any 
which  the  European  enjoys,  is  that  of  passing  from  a  lurid  of 
happy  monotony  into  regions  where  everything  is  redolent  with 
memories  of  the  past,  and  derives  from  the  past  no  h's?.  Miua 
from  the  present  a  wealth  and  a  subtle  complexity  of  iritf-res-- 
which  no  new  country  can  pos.sess. 

Life  in  America  is  in  most  ways  pleasanter,  simpler,  less  mm- 
bered  by  conventions  than  in  Europe ;  it  floats  in  a  sen«e  (ft 
happiness  like  that  of  a  radiant  summer  momins;.  But  i  te  an 
any  of  the  great  European  centres  is  capable  of  an  inten^sry,  a 
richness  blended  of  many  elements,  which  has  not  yet  «« 
reached  in  America.  There  are  more  problems  in  Euroin  -air- 
ing for  solution  ;  there  is  more  passion  in  the  struggles  tha.  raKr 
round  them ;  the  past  more  frequently  kindles  the  presesi  wits 


CHAP.  e:xx        UNIFOHMITY   Oh'  AMKItlCAN    I.IKK 


887 


a  glow  of  iinuKiiuitivc  linlit.  in  wliiclicvcr  (•<mutr\  of  li^urope 
oiip  dwolls,  oiii  feels  thut  i\w  other  count ri«'rt  lire  near,  that 
the  fortunes  of  their  ix'oples  urc  iMiund  up  with  the  fortunes  of 
one's  own,  timt  ideas  iire  shoot injj  to  and  fro  hetween  thom. 
The  'veh  of  iiistcy  woven  (hiy  l»y  <lay  all  over  lOurope  is  vast 
and  of  nuiny  colours:  it  is  futefid  to  every  European.  Hut  in 
America  it  is  only  the  philosoi)lier  who  can  feel  that  it  will 
ultimately  l>e  fateful  to  Annricaiis  also;  to  the  ordinary  man 
the  Old  World  seeiiis  far  otf,  severed  l)y  a  dissociating  ocean  its 
nuKhty  hurden  with  little  nieaniiiu  for  him. 

Those  who  have  observed  the  uniformity  I  have  heen  attempt- 
inn  t"  describe  have  commonly  -^-t  it  down,  as  Europeans  do 
most    American    phenomena,   to  what    lliey    call    Democracy. 
Democratic  Kovernment  has  in  reality  not  much  to  do  with  it, 
except  in  .so  far  as  such  a  government  helps  to  iiuluce  that  defer- 
i  lice  of  individuals  to  the  mass  wiiich  strengthens  a  dominant 
tAiM',  whether  of  ifleas,  of  institutions,  or  of  manners.     More 
must   he  ascribed  to  the  ('(juality  of  material  conditions,  still 
more  general  than  in  Europe,  to  the  fact  that  nearly  every  one 
is  enganed  either  in  agriculture,  or  in  commerce,  or  in  some  hand- 
icraft, to  the  extraordinary  mol)ility  of  the  population,  which, 
in  migrating  from  one  part  of  tlie  country  to  aiujther,  l)rings  the 
characteristics  of  (>ach  part   into  the  others,  to  the  diffusion 
of  education,  to  the  cheaiHiess  of  literatun  and  universal  habit 
of  reading,  which  enable  every  one  to  know  what  every  one  else 
is  thinking,  but  above  all,  to  the  newness  of  the  country,  and  the 
tact  that  four-fifths  of  it  have  been  made  all  at  a  stroke,  and 
therefore  all  of  a  piece,  as  compared  with  the  slow  gntwth  i)y 
which    European  countries  have  dev(>loped.     Newness  is   the 
cau.se  of  imiformity,  not  merely  in  the  external  aspect  of  cities, 
villages,  farmhouses,  but  in  other  things  also,  for  the  institutions 
aau  social  habits  which  b  'longed  a  century  ago  to  a  group  of 
small  comnmnities  on  tlie  Atlantic  coast,  have  been  rapidly 
extended  over  an  umnense  area,  each  band  of  settlers  naturally 
seeking  to  retain  its  cu.stoms,  and  to  plant  in  the  new  soil  shoots 
1mm  which  trees  lik(;  those  of  the  old  home  might  .spring  up. 
The  variety  of  European  countries  is  due,  not  only  to  the  fact 
chat  t'iieir  race-ciemeiil.-s  have  not  yet  r.ecome  thoroughly  eom- 
mingled.   but   also  that  many  old  institutions  have  survived 
among  the  new  ones :  as  in  a  city  that  grows  but  slowly,  old 
•uiidings  are  not  cleared  away  to  make  room  for  others  more 


IP 

I:  Iff 


888 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


suited  to  m<Jdem  commerce,  but  are  allowed  to  stand,  sometimes 
empty  and  unused,  sometimes  half  adapted  to  new  purposes. 
This  scarcely  happens  in  America.  Doubtless  many  American 
institutions  are  old,  and  were  old  before  they  were  earned  across 
the  Atlantic.  But  they  have  generally  received  a  new  dress, 
which,  in  adapting  them  to  the  needs  of  to-day  conceals  their 
ancient  character;  and  the  form  in  which  they  have  been 
diffused  or  reproduced  in  the  different  States  of  the  Union  is 
in  all  those  States  practically  identical.  .        ,     • 

In  each  of  the  great  European  countries  the  diversity  of  prim- 
eval and  medieval  times,  when  endless  varieties  of  race,  speech, 
and  faith  existed  within  the  space  of  a  few  hundrwl  miles,  has 
been  more  or  less  preserved  by  segregative  influences.  In 
\merica  a  small  race,  of  the  same  speech  and  faith,  has  spread 
itself  out  over  a  vast  area,  and  has  hitherto  been  strong  enough 
to  impose  its  own  type,  not  only  on  the  Dutch  and  other  early 
settlers  of  the  Middle  States,  but  on  the  huge  immigrant  masses 
who  have  been  arriving  since  the  middle  of  last  century. 

There  are  now  in  America  more  Irish  people,  and  children 
of  Irish  people,  than  there  are  in  Ireland;  while  large  tracts  m 
the  country  and  some  of  the  cities  are  in  speech  rather  Gennan 
than  American,  so  much  so  that  public  documents  are  issued  in 
both  tongues.'  Yet  neither  the  Celtic  nor  the  Teutonic  incomers, 
much  less  the  more  recent  Slavs  and  Italians,  have  as  yet 
substantially  affected  the  national  character  and  habits. 

May  one,  then,  expect  that  when  novelty  has  worn  off,  aiul 
America  counts  her  life  by  centuries  instead  of  by  ilecades, 
variety  will  develop  itself,  and  such  complexities,  or  diversi - 
ties,  or  incongruities  (whichever  one  is  to  call  them)  as  European 
countries  present,  be  deeper  and  more  numerous? 

As  regards  the  outside  of  things,  this  seems  unlikely.  Many 
of  the  small  towns  of  tonlay  will  grow  into  large  towis,  a  few 
of  the  large  towns  into  great  cities,  but  as  they  grow  they 
will  not  become  less  like  one  another.  There  may  be  larger 
theatres  and  hotels,  more  churches  (in  spite  of  secularist  lec- 
turers) and  handsomer  ones;  but  what  is  to  make  the  theatres 
and  churches  of  one  city  differ  from  those  of  another  ?     Fashion 

•  Evon  so  far  h-M-k  an  tho  prosid.-ntial  contest  of  1S92  -ran.paiKn  docu- 
ments" were  published  by  the  D-n.oeratie  National  (^""^"^^Y'-'\  '"  <^"'™; 
Fre"  eh  Italian.  Swedish,  N<.rse.  Polish.  Dutch.  W.lsh.  and  Hebrew  ;  and 
newspapers  were  distributed  printed  in  Czech,  lluagunun,  and  fepunisli. 


CHAP, 


cxx        UNIFORMITY  OF  AMR'IICAN   LIFE 


and  the  immense  facilities  of  intercourse  tend  to  wear  down  even 
such  diversities  in  the  style  of  huiiuing  or  furnishing,  or  in  modes 
of  locomotion,  or  in  amusements  and  forms  of  social  intercourse, 
as  now  exiot. 

As  regards  ideas  and  the  inner  life  of  men,  the  question  is  a 
more  difficult  one.     At  present  there  are  only  two  parts  of  the 
country  where  one  looks  to  meet  with  the  well-marked  individu- 
alities I  refer  to.     ( )ne  of  these  is  New  England,  where  the  spirit 
of  English  Puritanism,  expressed  in  quite  other  forms  by  Emerson 
and  his  associates,  did  produce  a  pecuhar  type  of  thinking  and 
discoursing,  which  has  now,  however,  died  out ;  and  where  one 
.still  meets,  especially  among  the  cultivated  classes,  a  number 
])ossibly  larger  than  elsewhere  of  persons  who  have  thought  and 
studied  for  themselves,  and  are  unlike  their  fellows.'     The  other 
jiart  of  the  country  is  the  Far  West,  where  the  wild  life  led  by 
l)ioneers  in  exploration,  or  ranching,  or  gold-mining  producetl  a 
number  of  striking  figures,  men  of  extraordinary  self-reliance, 
with  a  curious  mixture  of  geniality  and  reckless  hardihood,  no 
less  indifferent  to  their  (nvn  lives  than  to  the  lives  of  others. 
Of  preserving  this  latter  type  there  was  never  much  hope ;  the 
swift  march  of  civilization  has  now  almost  expunged  it.     Before 
the  end  of  the  twentieth  century  the  natural  resources  of  the 
country  will  have  been  completely  developed  and  some  of  them 
exhausted.       Railway  construction  will  have  slackened.     Few 
if  any  irrigation  works  will  remain  to  bo  made.    Some  of  the 
present  opportunities  for  amassing  vast  fortunes  will  have  van- 
ishwl.     Wlien  lines  of  work  that  are  now  open  and  stimulants  to 
ambition  that  are  now  oi)(>rative  have  i)ec()me  less  numerous  or 
less  latent,  upon  what  will  the  eager  and  restless  energy  of 
tiie  American  expend  itself?     Or  will  that  eagerness  itself  abate 
wIkmi  the  present  stimuli  have  become  less  insistent? 

When  one  s(>es  millions  of  people  thinking  the  same  thoughts 
and  irading  the  same  books,  and  i),>rceives  that  as  the  multi- 
tude grows,  its  influence  becomes  always  stronger,  it  is  hard 
to  imagine  Jiow  new  points  of  r.  pulsion  and  contrast  are  to 
arise,  new  diversities  of  s(>ntim(>nt  and  doctrine  to  be 
developed.  Nevertheless  it  may  bi>  hoped  that  as  the  intel- 
lectual proficiency  and  sjxTulative  play  of  mind  which  are  now 

1  Th<>  oId-fa.shi()n.-.l  Puritiin  f.irm.r  has  va.iish.-d  from  Mus.sarh.is..tts  ;  when 
Iw  wont  W.-st,  attract.Hl  l.y  thr  Kr.-at.r  ri.l.iu-ss  of  tlio  soil,  Inshmon,  and  now 
Poles  also,  have  come  in  lii»  place. 


1 

! 


V  i 


ggo 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


confined  to  a  comparatively  small  claas  become  more  generally 
diffused,  as  the  pressure  of  effort  towards  material  success  is 
relaxed,  as  the  number  of  men  devoted  to  science,  art,  and  learn- 
ing increases,  so  will  the  dominance  of  what  may  be  called  the 
business  mind  decline,  and  with  a  richer  variety  of  knowledge, 
tastes,  and  pursuits,  there  will  come  also  u  larger  crop  of  marked 
ndividualities,  and  of  divergent  intellectual  types. 

Time  will  take  away  some  of  the  monotony  due  to  the  absence 
of  historical  associations:  for  even  if,  as  is  to  be  hoped,  there 
comes  no  war  to  make  battlefields  famous  like  those  of  the  Civil 
War,  yet  literature  and  the  lives  of  the  famous  men  cannot  but 
attach  to  many  spots  associations  to  which  the  blue  of  distance 
will  at  last  give  a  romantic  interest.  No  people  could  be  more 
ready  than  are  the  Americans  to  cherish  such  associations. 
Their  country  has  a  short  past,  but  they  willingly  revere  and 
preserve  all  the  memories  the  past  has  bequeathed  to  them. 


CHAPTER  CXXI 


THE  TEMPER   OF  THE  WEST 


Western  America  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  subjects 
of  study  the  modern  world  lias  seen.  There  has  been  nothing 
in  the  past  resembling  its  growth,  and  probably  there  will  be 
nothing  in  the  future.  A  vast  territory,  wonderfully  rich  in 
natural  resources  of  many  kinds  ;  a  temperate  anil  healthy  cli- 
mate fit  for  European  labor;  a  scd  generally,  and  in  many 
places  marvellously,  fertile;  i.i  sonje  regions  mountains  full  of 
minerals,  in  others  trackless  fi^rests  where  every  tree  is  over 
two  hundred  feet  high ;  and  the  whole  of  this  virtually  unoccu- 
pied territory  thrown  open  to  a  vigorous  race,  with  all  the 
appliances  and  contrivances  of  modern  science  at  its  command, 
—  these  are  phenomena  absolutely  without  precedent  in  his- 
tory, and  which  cannot  r>'cur  elsewhere,  because  our  planet 
contains  no  such  other  favoured  tract  of  country.^ 

The  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  settled  in  tropical  countries 
which  soon  enervated  them.  They  carried  with  them  the  poison 
of  slavey;  their  colonists  were  separated,  .some  by  long  land 
journeys,  and  all  by  still  longer  voyages,  from  the  centres  of 
civilization.  But  tlie  railway  and  the  telegraph  follow  the 
Western  American.  The  Greeks  of  the  sixth  and  seventh  cen- 
turies before  Christ,  who  planted  theni.selves  all  round  the  coasts 
of  the  Mediterranean,  had  always  enemies,  and  often  powerful 
enemies,  to  overcome  before  they  could  found  even  their 
trading-stations  on  the  coast,  nnich  less  occupy  the  lands  of  the 
interior.  In  Western  .\merica  the  presence  of  the  Indians 
has  done  no  more  than  give  a  touch  of  romance  or  a  spice  of 
danger  to  the  (>xiiloration  of  some  regions,  such  as  Western 

>  Note  to  the  Edition  of  IftlO. 

This  oh!)i)tf"r.  oon'posod  in  lss7  uftcr  two  visits  to  tho  F.ir  Wost,  has  been 
Ifft  almost  as  it  was  th.ii  wriTT.  r,,  iMCinu;.-  it  disi-riiKS  :i  j-iuisr  of  life  which  ia 
now  awiftiy  disnppcariiiK  and  may  never  be  .iKain  seen  elsewhere.  Pioneer  work 
in  the  Roeky  Moiintnin  and  I'nrifip  States  is  almost  at  an  end;  and  these  refiiona 
are  beeoniinK  nwrn-  liki  the  older  parts  of  the  ReptiMir.  Yet  the  habit«  of  thoae 
daya  have  left  their  murk  ui>on  Western  eharueter. 

891 


ii: 


M      : 


1 


802 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


I'AHT    VI 


Dakota  and  Arizona,  while  over  the  rest  of  the  country  the 
unhappy  aborigines  have  slunk  silently  away,  scarcely  even  com- 
plaining of  the  robbery  of  lands  and  the  violation  of  plighted 
faith.  Nature  and  time  seem  to  have  conspired  to  make  the 
development  of  the  Mississippi  basin  and  the  Pacific  slope  the 
swiftest,  easiest,  completest  achievement  in  the  whole  record 
of  the  civilizing  progress  of  mankind  since  the  founder  of  the 
Egyptian  monarchy  gathered  the  tribes  of  the  Nile  under  one 
government. 

The  details  of  this  development  and  the  statistics  that  illus- 
trate it  have  been  too  often  set  forth  to  neetl  re-statement 
here.     It  is  of  the  character  and  temper  of  the  men  who  have 
conducte<l  it  that  I  wish  to  speak,  a  matter  which  has  received 
less  attention,  but  is  essential  to  a  just  conception  of  the  Ameri- 
cans of  to-day.     For  the  West  is  the  most  American  part  of 
America ;  that  is  to  s.iy,  the  part  where  those  features  which 
distinguish  America  Irom  Europe  come  out  in  the  strongest 
reHef.     What  Europe  is  to  Asia,  what  Englanil  is  to  the  rest 
of  Europe,  what  America  is  to  England,  that  the  Western 
States  are  to  the  Atlantic  States,  the  heat  and  pressure  and 
hurry  of  life  always  growing  as  we  follow  the  path  of  the  sun. 
In  Eastern  America  there  are  still  quiet  spots,  in  the  valleys  of 
the  Alleghanies,  for  instance,  in  nooks  of  old  New  England,  m 
university  towns  like  Princeton  or  Amherst,  Ithaca  or  Ann 
Arbor.     In  the  West  there  are  none.     All  is  bustle,  motion,  and 
struggle,  most  so  of  course  among  the  native  Americans,  yet 
even  the  immigrant  from  the  secluded  valleys  of  Thuringia, 
or  the  shores  of  some  Norwegian  fjord,  learns  the  ways  almost 
as  readily  as  the  tongue  of  the  country,  and  is  soon  swept  into 
the  whirlpool. 

It  is  the  most  enterprising  and  unsettled  .\mencans  that 
come  West ;  and  when  they  have  left  th(Mr  old  haunts,  broken 
their  old  ties,  resigned  the  comforts  and  pleasures  of  their  former 
homes,  they  are  r(>solved  to  obtain  the  wealth  and  success  for 
which  they  have  come.  They  throw  themselves  into  work  with 
a  feverish  y(>t  sustained  intensity.  They  rise  earlv,  they  work 
all  day.  they  have  few  pleasures,  few  opportunities  for  relaxation.' 

>  In  the  newer  towns,  whicli  are  often  nothinK  more  than  RTOups  of  shanties 
with  a  large  hotel,  a  l)auk,  a  churrh,  and  inn,  xonie  drinkiiiK-saloons  and  Rain- 
hlinK-houi«-8,  there  are  few  women  and  no  homes.  F.verylHMly,  ex.-ept  n-eent 
ininiigrauts,  Chiuein-,  and  the  very  poorest  native  Americans,  lives  m  the  hotel. 


tUAP.  cxxi  THE  TKMPEH  OF  THE  WEST 


893 


I  remember  in  the  young  city  of  Seattle  on  Puget  Sound  to  have 
found  l)U8iness  in  full  swing  at  seven  o'clock  a.m.  :  the  shops 
open,  the  streets  full  of  people.  Everything  is  speculative,  land 
(or,  as  it  is  usually  called,  "real  estate")  most  so,  the  value 
of  lots  of  ground  rising  or  falling  perhaps  two  or  three  hundred 
per  cent  in  "the  year.  \o  one  has  any  fixed  occupation  ;  he  is 
a  storekeeper  to-day,  a  ranchman  to-morrow,  a  miner  next  week. 
I  once  found  the  waiters  in  the  chief  hotel  at  Denver,  in  Colorado, 
saving  their  autumn  and  winter  wages  to  start  off  in  the  spring 
"prospecting"  for  silver  "claims"  in  the  mountains.  Few 
men  stay  in  one  of  the  newer  cities  more  than  a  few  weeks  or 
months ;  to  have  been  there  a  whole  year  is  to  be  an  old  inhabit- 
ant, an  oracle  if  you  have  succeeded,  a  by-word  if  you  have  not, 
for  to  prosper  in  the  West  you  must  be  able  to  turn  your  hand 
to  anything,  and  seiz(>  the  chance  to-day  which  every  one  else 
will  have  seen  to-morrow.  This  venturesome  and  shifting  life 
strengthens  the  reckless  and  heedless  habits  of  the  people. 
Everyone  thinks  so  much  of  gaining  that  he  thinks  Httle  of  spend- 
ing, and  in  the  general  rlearness  of  commodities,  f(X)d  (in  the 
agricultural  districts)  excepted,  it  seems  not  worth  while  to  care 
about  .small  sums.  In  ( 'alifornia  for  many  years  no  coin  lower 
than  a  ten-cent  piece  ("mI.)  was  in  circulation  ;  and  even  in  1881, 
though  most  articles  of  food  w(>re  al)undant,  nothing  was  sold 
at  a  lower  price  than  five  cents.  The  most  striking  alternations 
of  fortune,  the  great  cnup.s  which  fascinate  men  and  make  them 
play  for  all  or  nothing,  are  of  course  commoner  in  mining  regions 
than  elsewhere.'  Rut  money  is  everywhere  so  valuable  for  the 
purposes  of  speculative  investment,  whether  in  land,  live  stock, 
or  trade,  as  to  fetch  very  high  interest.  At  Walla  Walla  (in 
what  was  then  the  Territory  of  Washington)  I  found  in  1881 
that  the  int(>rest  on  debts  secured  on  good  i^afe  mortgages  was 
at  tlu>  rate  of  fourteen  per  cent  per  annum,  of  course  payable 
monthly. 

Tlie  carelessness  is  public  as  well  as  private.  Tree  stumps 
W(>re  left  standing  in  the  streets  ■•'  -i  large  and  fiouri.shing  towai 
like  Leadville,  because  the  munic,  il  authorities  cannot  be  at 
the  trouble  of  cutting  or  burning  them.  Swamps  were  left  un- 
drained  in  the  suburbs  of  a  poi)ulous  city  like  Portland,  which 

'  In  California  in  ISKl  I  was  shown  an  estate  of  (MMl.CHM)  acres  which  was  nirtd 
to  havo  iM-en  lately  iMUinht  for  SlJl'.'i.OOO  ( t'^'i.OOdi  l,y  a  niari  who  1ms  made  his 
fortune  in  two  years'  uiiniut',  ha\ins;  eumc  out  without  a  penny. 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


every  autumn  wero  breeding  malarial  fevers;  and  the  mk 
oHceidentH  to  be  followe<l  by  actions  does  not  prevent  the 
rail-avs  from  pushing  on  their  lines  along  loosely  heaped 
[  ient" ,  Ld  over  curved  trestle  bridges  winch  seem  as 
IfTh^yTould  U  stand  a  high  ^.'ind  or  the  passage  of  a  heavy 

*' This  mixture  of  science  and  rudeness  is  one  of  a  series  of 
BinKular  contrasts  which  runs  through  the  West,  not  less  con- 
sSous  in  the  minds  of  the  people  than  u.  their  «urroundmgs 
Thev  vLue  strong  government,  and  have  a  remarkable  faculty 
7or  organizing"  me\in(l  of  government,  but  they  are  tolerant 
of  lawlessness  which  does  not  cUrectly  attack  their  own  interest 
Hor^Serng  and  insults  to  women  are  the  two  unpardonable 
"ffen  e?-  all  others  are  often  suffer.l  to  go  unpunished      I  w^ 
L  a  considerable  Western  city,  ^v-ith  a  Vop^^^'^-noiJOm 
neoDle  some  years  ago,  when  the  leading  newspaper  of  the  place, 
Sientrg  on  one  of  Ihe  train  n,bberies  that  had  been  frequent 
nX  Stat?,  observed  that  so  long  as  the  »>"gands  ha^^^^^^ 
themselves  to  robbing  the  railway  companies  and  the  express 
comTanLs  of  property  for  whose  loss  the  companies  must  answer, 
noT  had  greatly  care<l,  seeing  that  these  compames  themse  ves 
robbed  the  public  ;  but  now  that  private  citizens  seemed  in  dan- 
ger ofS  their  personal  baggage  and  money,  the  prosperity 
S  the  city  might  be  compromised,  and  somethmg  ought  to  be 
Sone-a  seTiUment  delivered  with  all  gravity,  as  the  rest  of 
the  article  showed.^     Brigandage  tends  to  (hsappear  when  the 
country  becomes  populous,  though  there  ar.  places  in  compara- 
t"veW  old  States  Uke  Illinois  and  Missouri  where  the  railways 
are  still  unsafe.     But  the  same  heedlessness  suffers  other  evils 
Ttake  root,  evils  likely  to  prove  perman..t,  "«•  - ^-^/^^ 
refinements  of  political  roguery  which  it  is  strange  to  find  amid 
the  simple  Ufe  of  forests  and  prairies. 

Another  such  contrast  is  presented  by  the  tendency  of  thi 
shrewd  and  e<lucate.l  people  to  relapse  into  the  oldest  and  most 
chldTsh  forms  of  superstition.     Fortune-telling    ^^^oy«"«^' 
at  empts  to  pry  by  the  h.^lp  of  '•  mediums"  into  the  book  of  fate 
f^eTcomJua  in  parts  of  the  West  that  the  newspapers  devo  e 
a  special  column,  headed  "astrologers,"  to  the  advertisements 

I  Thi.  makos  nlavisiWo  thr  story  of  tl.r  Tox.is  judRe  who  allowed  '""'jdorrrs 
to  LTa^  on  SntSlaw  til.  ho  found  th.-  valuo  of  real  estate  deehmng,  when  he 
Baw  to  it  that  the  next  few  offenders  wero  hanged. 


CHAP,  cxxi  THE  TEMPER  OP  THE  WEST 


805 


of  these  wizards  and  python("s.ses.'  I  have  counted  in  one  issue 
of  a  San  Francisco  newspaper  as  many  as  eiRliteen  such  adver- 
tisements,  six  of  which  were  of  simpl,.  fortune-tellers,  like  those 
who  used  to  beguile  the  peasant  girls  of  Devonshire.  In  fact,  the 
profession  of  a  soothsayer  or  astrologer  is  u  recognized  one  in 
California  now,  as  it  was  in  the  (Ireece  of  Homer.  Possibly 
the  prevalence  of  mining  speculation,  i)ossibly  the  existence  of  a 
large  ma.sa  of  ignorant  immigrants  from  Europe,  may  help  to 
account  for  the  phenomenon,  which,  as  California  is  deemed  -ui 
exceptionally  unreligious  State,  illustrates  the  famous  saying 
that  the  less  faith  the  more  sui)crstition. 

All  the  pa.ssiouute  eagerness,  all  the  strenuous  effort  of  the 
Westerners  is  directed  towards  the  material  development  of  the 
country.  To  oi)en  the  greatest  number  of  mines  and  extract 
the  greatest  quantity  of  ore,  to  scatter  cattle  over  a  thousand 
hills,  to  turn  the  flower-spangled  j)rairies  of  the  North-west  into 
wheat-fields,  to  cover  the  sunny  slopes  of  the  South-west  with 
vines  and  olives :  this  is  the  end  and  aim  of  their  lives,  this  is 
their  daily  and  nightly  thought  — 

"juvat  Ismara  Bacoho 
Conserere  atque  olea  magnum  vestire  Taburnum." 

The  passion  is  so  absorbing,  and  so  covers  the  horizon  of  public 
as  well  as  private  life  that  it  almost  ceases  to  be  selfish  — it 
takes  from  its  very  vastness  a  tinge  <if  ideality.  To  have  an 
immense  production  of  exchangeal-le  commodities,  to  force 
from  nature  the  most  she  can  be  made  to  yield,  and  send  it  east 
and  west  by  the  cheap(>st  routes  to  the  dearest  markets,  making 
one's  city  a  centre  of  trade,  and  raisirg  tlie  price  of  its  real 
estate  —  this,  which  might  not  have  sceincd  a  glorious  consum- 
mation to  Isaiah  or  Plato,  is  j^reuched  by  Western  newspapers 
as  a  kind  of  religion.  It  is  not  really,  or  at  least  it  is  not  wholly, 
sordid.  These  people  are  intoxicated  l)y  the  majestic  scale  of 
the  nature  in  which  their  lot  is  cast,  enormous  mineral  deposits, 
boundless  prairies,  forests  which,  even  squandered  —  ^vickedIy 
squandered  —  as  they  now  are,  mil  supply  timber  to  the  United 
States  for  centuries ;  a  soil  which,  with  the  rudest  cultivation, 
yields  the  most  abundant  crops,  a  p<>]>>.i!n\is  continent  for  their 
market.  They  see  all  round  them  railways  being  built,  telegraph 
wires  laid,  steamlxtat  lines  across  the  Pacific  projected,  cities 

'  Ohio  in  1883  imposod  a  lirpnrp  tax  of  S.JOO  a  yoar  on  "astrologers,  fortune- 
tdlen,  clairvoyants,  palmiatere,  and  seers." 


It 


■i*: 


I    I 


U 


m 

nh 


I 

IP 
Pili 


(I 

Li 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


m 


«prinKing  up  in  the  solitudes,  and  settlers  making  the  wilderness 
tl,  blossom  like  the  rose.    Their  imagination  reve  s  m  these  sights 
and  signs  of  progress,  and  they  gild  their  own  struggles  for  for- 
tune >^th  the  behef  that  they  are  the  missionaries  of  ^-'^I'^a  « 
and  the  instruments  of  Providence  in  the  greatest  work  the  ^  orld 
has  seen.     The  foUox^ing  extract  from  a  newspaper  published 
at  Tacoma  in  Washington  (then  a  Territory)  expresses  vvith 
fran'   JiupUeity  the  conception  of  greatness  and  happiness  w Inch 
is  uppermost  in  the  Far  West ;  and  what  may  seem  a  touch  of 
consdous  humour  is,  if  humorous  it  be,  none  the  less  an  expres- 
sion  of  sincere  conviction. 

WHY  WE   SHOULD  BE   HAPPY 

"Because  we  are  practically  at  the  head  of  navigation  on  Puget 
Sound  Soma  rthe  place  where  all  the  surplus  products  of  the  south 
S  ofthersHhl  arTexported  by  way  of  the  Sound,  must  be  laden 
Sfb^ard  th^  vessels  that  are  to  carrj-  them  to  the  four  corners  of  the 
m,rld  We  should  be  happy  because  being  at  the  head  of  navigat.o.i 
r^et  S^undTnd  the  sWpping  point  for  the  -"^hand  east  the  centre 
from  which  shall  radiate  lines  of  commerce  to  every  point  on  the  cir- 
cumference  of  the  earth,  we  are  also  nearer  by  many  miles  than  any  other 
trnTn  I^gettTund  \o  that  pass  in  the  Cascade  mountains  through 
wh^?h  the  Cascade  division  of  the  Northern  Pacific  railroad  w  11  be  budt 
rihe  near  future-  not  only  nearer  to  the  Stampede  pass  but  easily 
LessiErfromThere  by  a  milroad  line  of  gentle  grade,  which  is  more 
than  can  be  said  of  any  town  to  the  north  of  us. 

'' Wo  sKuTd  be  happy  for  these  reascms  and  because  we  are  connected 
bv  rail  S  Portland  on  the  Willamette,  ^vith  St.  Pau    Chicago.  an<l 
Jfe^ioTk ;  Wause  being  thus  connected  we  are  in  daily  -mmunica- 
tinn  v^th  the  social  poUtical.  and  financial  centres  of  the  western  hemi- 
phe^    bt;r;i'he  people  of  the  south  and  of  the  east  w^o  visit 
these  shores  must  first  visit  New  Tacoma ;   because  from  here  will  he 
SbutTto  the  people  of  the  north-west  all  that  shall  ll^J;;o.u^^^ 
across  the  continent  on  the  cars,  and  from  here  '^'^'^   .  ^'If,  ™^^^^^^ 
merchants  all  over  the  United  States  the  cargoes  of  ships  returmng  hu;e 
Som  every  foreign  port  to  load  with  wheat,  coal,  and  lumber.     \\e 
should  be'^and  we^r^happy  because  New  Tacoma  is  the  Pacrfic  coa 
teminus  of  a  transcontinental  line  of  railroad.     Because  this  is  tht 
S  Xe  on  the  whole  Pacific  coast  north  of  San  Francisco  where 
through  freight  from  New  York  can  be  loaded  on  ship  directly  from  the 
cars  in  which  il  came  from  ihe  Atlantic  side. 

^•mher  reasons  why  we  should  be  happy  are.  that  ^'^w  Tacoma^  in 
the  centre  of  a  countn^  where  fruits  and  flowers,  vegetables  and  gram, 
^wln  almost  eiess^ariety  ;  that  we  aro  surrounde.1  with  everytl;;  i^ 
Etiful  in  nature,  that  we  have  scenery  suited  to  every  mood  and  tha 
there  we  opportu^ties  here  for  the  fuUest  developuient  of  taleats  of 


rHAP.  vxxi  THE  TK.MPKR  OF  TIIK   WEST  897 

evory  kind      We  liay..  .v„utl.,  ko^mI  h.-alth.  un.l  .,p,M,rtunity.     What 
more  could  Iw  askwl .'  1 1  i^.      n  uu\. 

If  happiness  is  thus  pronirablo,  tlic  (in-af  West  ougiit  to  be 
happy.  But  there  is  often  a  inuliKnurit  influenee  at  work  to 
destroy  happiness  in  the  shape  „f  a  iieiKhhourinK  eity,  which 
is  niakuiK  progress  as  swift  or  swifter  and  threatens  t(.  eehpse 
Its  competitors.  The  rivalry  between  these  Western  towns  is 
intense  and  (.xtends  to  everythiuK.  It  is  s„nu>t in.es  chKuified 
by  an  unselfish  devotion  to  the  j-reatness  of  the  eitv  which  a 
man  has  seen  nn^y  with  his  own  j-r.-wth  from  infancv  to  a  vig- 
orous manhood.  Citizens  of  Chieano  are  prouder  of  Chicago 
than  a  Lomloner,  in  the  days  of  Klizahcth,  was  proud  of  I^)ndon. 
They  show  you  tlie  splendid  j)arks  and  handsom<"  avenues  with 
as  much  pleasure  as  a  lMiroi)eaii  nol)le  shows  his  castle  and 
his  pictures:  they  think  little  of  ofY(>riM«  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  dollars  to  beautify  the  city  or  enrich  it  with  a  library  or  an 
art  gallery.  In  other  men  this  laudal>le  corporate  pride  is  stim- 
ulated, not  only  by  the  love  of  <-ompetition  which  lies  deep  in 
the  American  as  it  does  in  the  i:iiKli,sh  breast,  but  also  by  per- 
sonal interest,  for  the  {)rosperity  of  the  individual  is  insepa- 
rable from  that  of  the  town.  x\s  its  fortunes  rise  or  fall,  so  will 
his  corner  lots  or  the  jjrofits  of  his  store.  It  is  not  all  towns 
that  succeed.  Some  after  reaching  a  certain  jwint  stand  still, 
receiving  few  accessions;  at  other  times,  after  a  year  or  two 
of  bloom,  a  town  wilts  and  withers;  trade  declines;  enter- 
prising citizens  depart,  leaving  only  the  shiftless  and  impecunious 
behind;  the  saloons  are  closed,  the  shanties  fall  to  ruin,  in  a 
few  years  nothing  but  heaps  of  straw  ami  broki'ii  wood,  with  a 
few  brick  houses  awaiting  the  next  blizzard  to  overthrow  them, 
are  left  on  the  surface  of  the  jjrairie.  Thus  Tacoma  is  harassed 
l)y  the  pretensions  of  the  even  more  eager  and  enterprising 
Seattle  ;2  thus  the  greater  cities  of  St.  Paul  and  Minneapolis 
have  .striven  for  many  a  year  for  the  title  of  ( 'apital  of  the  North- 
west.    In   1870  St.   Paul  was  already  a  substantial  city,  and 

'  Tacoma  has  one  glory  whicli  the  inh:il)it;int.s.  it  is  to  he  feared,  value  less 
than  thos<'  dwelt  on  in  the  article  :  it  coininands  the  tinejit  view  of  a  mountain 
on  the  Pacifie  eoast,  perhaps,  in  all  Nortli  America,  lookinc  across  its  calm  inlet 
to  the  m.iKnifieent  snowy  mass  of  Mount  Tacoma  (14,7(M)  feet)  risinR  out  of 
deep  dark  forests  thirty  miles  away. 

'Seattle  ha.s  now  (U)10)  distanced  Tacoma,  while  St.  Paul  and  Minne- 
apolis have  so  expanded  that  they  touch  one  another  and  are  (though  distinct 
municipalities)  practically  one  city. 


11 


!i 


',11 

'f 

ft] 


806 


80C1AL  INSTITUTIONS 


PABT  VI 


11^ 


J 


i  ;■ 


Minneapolis  ju8t  hcKinninn  to  Ix'  known  a«  tho  iiossessor  of 
immense  water  ailvaiitages  from  its  iM)sition  on  tlie  MiiwisBippi 
at  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony.  In  1S8:J,  though  St.  Paul  con- 
tained  some  135,000  inhabitants,  Miimeaiwlis  with  165,000 
had  distanml  her  in  the  race,  and  had  iK'Come,  having  in  the 
process  destroyed  the  iw^auty  of  her  P'alls,  the  greatest  flour- 
milling  centre  in  America.'  The  newspapers  of  each  of  such 
competing  cities  keep  up  a  constant  war  upon  the  other ;  and 
everything  is  done  by  municipal  bmlies  and  individual  citizens 
to  make  the  world  believe  that  their  city  is  advancing  and  all 
its  neighlHJurs  standing  still.  Prosperity  is  largely  a  matter  of 
advertising,  for  an  afflux  of  settlers  makes  prosperity,  and 
advertising,  which  can  take  many  forms,  attracts  settlers. 
Many  a  place  has  lived  upon  its  "lioom"  until  it  found  some- 
thing more  solid  to  live  on ;  and  to  a  stranger  who  a.sked  in  a 
small  Far  Western  town  how  such  a  city  could  keep  up  four 
newspapers,  it  was  well  answered  that  it  took  four  newspapers 
to  keep  up  such  a  city. 

Confidence  goes  a  long  way  towards  success.     And  the  con- 
fidence of  these  Westerners  is  superb.     I  happened  in  1883  to  be 
at  the  city  of  Bismarck  in  Dakota  when  this  yoimg  settlement 
was  laying  the  comer-stone  of  its  Capitol,  intended  to  contain 
the  halls  of  the  legislature  and  other  State  offices  of  Dakota 
when  that  flourishing  Territory  should  have  become  a  State, 
or  perhaps,  for  they  spoke  even  then  of  dividing  it,  two  States. 
The  town  was  then  only  some  five  years  old,  and  may  have 
had  six  or  seven  thotisand  inhabitants.     It  was  gaily  decorated 
for  the  occasion,  and  had  collected  many  distinguished  guests 
—  General   U.   S.   (^rant,   several   governors  of   neighlx)  ring 
States  and  Territories,   railroad  potentates,  and  others.     By 
far  the  most  remarkable  figure  was  that  of  Sitting  Bull,  the 
famous  Sioux  chief,  who  had  surprised  and  slain  a  detachment 
of  the  American  army  some  years  before.     Among  the  speeches 
made,  in  one  of  which  it  was  proved  that  as  Bismarck  was  the 
centre  of  Dakota,  Dakota  the  centre  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  United  States  the  centre  of  the  world,  Bismarck  was  des- 
tined to  "be  the  metrnpolitan  hearth  of  the  world's  civilization," 
there  came  a  short  but  pithy  discourse  from  this  grim  old  war- 
rior, in  which  he  told  us,  through  an  interpreter,  that  the  Great 
Spirit  moved  him  to  shake  hands  with  everybody.     However, 

» In  1910  Minneapolis  had  301,400  inhabitanU  and  St.  Paul  214,700. 


CHAP,  cxxi  T»K  TKMPKU  OK  THK   WK8T 


the  feature  of  the  ('(.n-nioiiiMl  which  struck  us  Kuropeans  most 
was  the  spot  chosen  for  the  Ciipitol.  |(  was  not  in  the  city, 
nor  even  on  the  skirts  of  the  city ;  it  was  nearly  a  niile  off,  on 
the  top  of  a  hill  in  the  hrown  ami  dusty  prairie.  "Why  here?" 
we  asked.  "Is  it  because  you  niean  to  enclose  the'huildinn 
in  a  public  park?"  "  Uy  no  means;  the  Capitol  is  intended 
to  be  in  the  oontre  of  the  city;  it  is  in  this  direction  that  the 
city  18  to  grow."  It  is  the  same  everywhere,  from  the  MJHsis- 
sippi  to  the  PaciHc.  Men  sccni  to  live  in  the  future  rather 
than  in  the  present:  not  that  they  fail  to  work  while  it  is  called 
to-day,  but  that  they  see  the  country  not  merely  as  it  is,  but 
as  it  will  l)e,  twenty,  fifty,  a  hundred  years  hence,  when  the 
seedlings  .shall  have  grown  to  forest  trees. 

This  constant  reaching  forward  to  and  grasping  at  the  future 
does  not  so  much  express  itself  in  words,  for  they  are  not  a 
loquacious  people,  as  in  the  air  of  ceaseless  haste  and  stress 
which  pervades  the  West.'     They  remind  vou  of  the  crowd 
which  Vathek  found  in  the  hall  of  Eblis,  each  darting  hither 
and  thither  with  swift  steps  and  unquiet  mien,  driven  to  and 
fro  by  a  fire  in  the  heart.     Time  seems  too  short  for  what  they 
have  to  do,  and  the  re.iult  always  to  c<jme  short  of  their  de.sire. 
One  feels  as  if  caught  and  whirled  along  in  a  foaming  stream, 
chafing  against  its  banks,  siich  is  the  passion  of  these  men  to 
accomplish  in  their  own  life-times  what  in  the  past  it  took  cen- 
turies to  effect.     Sometimes  in  a  moment  of  pause,  for  even 
the  visitor  finds  himself  infected  by  the  all-pervading  eager- 
ness, one  is  inclined  to  ask  them  :  "(ientlemen,  why  in  heaven's 
name  this  haste  ?    You  have  time  enough.     No  enemy  threatens 
you.     No  volcano  will  rise  from  beneath  you.     Ages  and  ages 
lie  before  you.     Why  sacrifice  th(>  pres(>nt  to  the  future,  fancying 
that  you  will  be  happier  when  your  fields  teem  with  wealth  and 
your  cities  with  people  ?     In  Europe  we  have  cities  wealthier  and 
more  populous  than  yours,  and  W(>  are  not  happy.     You  dream 
of  your  posterity;   but  your  posterity  will  look"  back  to  yours 
as  the  golden  age,  and  envy  those  who  first  burst  into  this  silent 
splendid  nature,  who  first  lifted  up  their  a.xes  upon  the.se  tall 
trees  and  lined  these  waters  with  busy  wharvps.     Why,  then 
seek  to  complete  in  a  few  decades  what  the  other  nations  of 

« In  the  West  men  usually  drop  off  the  rars  before  they  have  stopped,  and  do 
not  enter  them  again  till  they  are  already  in  motion,  hanging  on  like  bees  to  the 
end  of  the  tail  car  as  it  quits  the  depot. 


*  ■: 


n 


i  1 

I 


li 


i 


1 1 


•  8!  = 


S(K  lAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART    VI 


1^ 


If 


f'l 


4- 


900 

tl^ruJtork  thousamU  of  yearn  over  in  the  oUU-r  contiiu.nt.s  ? 
Why  do  things  rudely  ami  ill  which  need  U,  W  .lon^  well   nee- 
ine  that  the  welfare  of  your  deneendants  may  turn  upon  them? 
Why    in  your  hurry  to  sulxlue  and  utilise  nature.  >«iuander 
TrVnaW  gift«?     Why  allow  the  noxiou.  -^'-^>^  ^f^^^^^ 
politics  to  take  root  in  your  new  soil,  when  hy  a  1'  tie  effort 
^u  might  keep  it  pure?     Why  hapten  tlu-  advent  ..    that 
'hreatentg  day  when  the  vacant  spaces  of  the  continent  shall 
all  have  r^>n  filled,  and  the  poverty  or  disc-ontent  of  the  older 
State'    sh^l   fincl   no  outlet?     You   have   opjx.rtun.t.es   such 
as  mankin.l  has  never  ha.l  b<-fore,  and  n.ay  never  have  agam 
Crt^rk  is  great  and  noble :  it  is  done  for  u  fut..n.  In^gej^and 
vaster  than  our  imagination   can   embrace.     ^Vhy  not   make 
Us  outlin;.s  ami  lK.gin,'ngs  worthy  of  thes.«  .lest.n.es  the  thought 
of  which  gilds  vour  hopes  and  elevati's  your  punK)s«"s . 

Cng  once  suddenly  called  u,x)n  to  "offer  a  few  remarks 
to     Western  legislature,  and  having  on  the  spur  of  the  moment 
o  ling    .otter  to  offer,  I  tendered  some  such  observat.ons  a.s 
the  "seasoned,  of  course^,  with  th..  compUnjents  to  the  sod. 
'mate    a.id  "  ocation"  n-asonahly  .xpecteil  from  a  visitor. 
T  ev  were  received  in  gcK^d  part,  us  indee<l  no  people  can  Ik, 
more  kimllv  than  the  Western  Americans  ;  but  it  was  surprising 
to  hea    several  meml>ers  who  afterwanls  converscl  with  me 
rem^k  that  the  iM>litical  ,x>int  <.f  view  -  the  fact  that  they 
weT  the  founder^  of  new  commonwealths,  and  responsible  to 
posterity  for  the  foundati.>ns  they  lai<l,  a  ix.int  of  view  so  trite 
S  obvious  to  a  European  visitor  that  he  pauses  before  ex- 
nrling  it  -had  not  crossed  their  minds.     I  they  spoke  truly 
-  as  no  «loubt  they  .lid,  -  there  was  in  thnr  words  a  further 
..vi  lence  of  the  prcMlominance  of  mat(>rial  efforts  and  interests 
,vaU  others,  even  over  those  ...liticul  instincts  w^uch  are 
acHMned  so  essential  a  part  of  the  American  .-haracter.      Hu 
angements  of  his  government  lie  in  the  .hm  background  of 
th    pf  turc  which  fills  the  Western  eye.     In  the  foreground  ho 
sees  ploughs  an.l  sawmills,  ore-crushers  ami  railway  locomotives. 
Therso  absorb  his  thoughts  as  to  leave  little  time  for  con- 
stiSons  and  legislation ;  and  when  constitutions  and  legis- 
at  on  aTe  thougM  of,  it  is  as  means  for  better  securing  the 
benefits  of  the  earth  and  of  trade  to  the  producer,  and  prevent- 
ing  the  greedv  corporation  from  intercepting  their  fruits. 
Politically,  and  perhaps  socially  also,  this  haste  and  excite- 


niAr.  rxxi 


THK  TKMPKU  OP  THK  WKST 


got 


int'iit,  fliis  alisorptioti  iti  tli.-  (IcvclopiiK'nt  of  the  iimtcriul  re- 
sournM  of  till'  (Kmitrv,  arc  uiifortuiuitc.  Am  u  town  huilt  in  a 
hurry  is  si'ldiun  well  Imilt.  st»  a  society  will  ho  the  sounder  in 
health  for  not  liaviuj?  urowii  too  swiftly.  Doubtless  much  of 
the  scinn  will  Ih-  cleared  away  from  the  surface  when  the  liquid 
settles  and  c<h)1s  (h)wn.  F.awlessuess  and  lynch  law  will  dis- 
appear; sal<M)ns  and  KainhliiiK-houses  will  not  prds|)er  in  a 
well-«'onducted  |M)pulation:  scIumiIs  will  improve  and  universi- 
ties urow  out  of  the  rav  <ollej;es  which  one  already  finds  even 
in  the  newer  Territories.  Nevertheless  the  had  hahits  of  pro- 
fessional fjolitics,  as  one  sees  them  on  the  .\tlatitic  coast,  are 
not  unknown  in  thes<'  communities;  and  the  unrest  fulness,  the 
pa-ssion  for  sfx'culation.  the  feverish  caKcrness  for  (piick  and 
showy  results,  may  so  soak  into  the  texture  of  the  popuiar 
mind  as  to  colour  it  for  centuries  to  come.  These  are  the 
shadows  which  to  the  eye  of  the  traveller  seem  to  fall  across 
the  glowintt  landsca[M>  of  the  (Ireat  West. 


SI! 


■i    *    t\ 


'-■i 


I- 


CHAPTER  CXXII 


ft 

h 


f' 


THE    FUTURE   OF    POLITICAL   INSTITUTIONS 

The  task  of  forecasting  the  future  is  one  from  which  a  writer 
does  well   to  turn  away,  for  the  coasts  of  history  are  strewn 
with  the  wrecks  of  predictions  launched  by  historians  and  phi- 
losophers     No  such  aniljitious  task  shall  be  essayed  by  me. 
But  as  I  have  described  the  institutions  of  the  American  com- 
monwealth as  they  stand  at  this  moment,  seldom  expressing 
an  opinion  as  to  their  vitality  or  the  influences  which  are  u. 
work  to  modify  them,   I  may  reasonably  be  asked   to  st- 
before  bringing  this  l)o()k  to  a  close,  what  processes   of  change 
these   institutions    s(>om   to    be   at    this   moment    undergoing. 
Changes  move  faster  in  our  age  than  they  ever  moved  before, 
and  America  is  a  land  of  change.     No  one  doubts  that  hfty 
years  hence  it  will  differ  at  least  as  much  from  what  it  is  now 
as  it  diff(>rs  now  from  the  America  which  Tocciueville  described. 
The  causes  whose  action  will  mould  it  are  too  numerous,  too 
complex,  too  subtlv  interwoven  to  make  it  possible  to  conjecture 
their  joint  result.  ^  All  we  can  ever  say  of  the  future  is  that  it 
will  be  unlike  the  present.     I  will  therefore  attempt,  not  to 
predict  future  changes,  but  only  to  indicate  some  of  the  pro- 
cesses of  change  now  in  ,)rogress  which  have  gone  far  enough 
to  let  us  see  that  they  are  due  to  causes  of  unmistakable  po- 
tencv,  causes  likelv  to  continue  in  activity  for  some  time  to  come. 
I  began  witli  a  glance  at  th(>  Federal  system,  whose  equihb- 
rium  it  has  been  tlu>  main  obj.'ct  of  the  Fcnleral  Constitution 
to  preserve.     That  (><,uilil)rium  has  been  little  disturbed.     So 
far  as  law  goes,  it  has  sufT(>red  no  change  since  the  amendments 
to  the  Constitution  which  recorded  anil  forinulate<l  the  results 
of  the  C^vil  War.     Before  the  war  many  Americans  and  most 
Europeans  (>xi)ect(>d  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  either  by  such  a 
loosening  of  the  Fedi-ral  tie  as  would  reduce  the  Union  to  a  mere 
league,  or  bv  the  formation  of  several  State  groups  wholly  in- 
dependent of  one   another.     At   this  m')inent,  however,  noth- 

yo2 


cuAP.  cxxii    FUTURK  OF  POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS 


903 


ing  seems  less  likely  than  another  secession.  The  States'  Rights 
spirit  has  declined.  The  material  interests  of  every  part  of 
the  country  are  hound  up  with  those  of  every  other.  The 
capital  of  the  Eastern  cities  has  been  invt'sted  in  mines  in  the 
West,  in  iron  works  ami  manufactories  in  tlie  South,  in  mortgages 
and  railroads  everywhere .  The  South  and  the  West  need  this 
capital  for  their  develo|)nient,  and  are  daily  in  closer  business 
relations  with  the  East.  The  produce  of  the  West  finds  its 
way  to  the  Atlantic  through  the  ports  of  the  East.  Every 
produce  market,  every  share  market,  vibrates  in  response  to 
the  Produce  Exchange  and  Stock  Exchange  of  New  York. 
Each  part  of  the  country  has  conu>  to  know  the  other  parts  far 
better  than  was  possible  in  earlier  times  ;  and  the  habit  of  taking 
journeys  hither  and  tnither  grows  with  the  always-growing 
facilit'  >s  of  travel.  Many  families  have  sons  or  brothers  in 
remol  States;  numy  students  come  from  the  West  and  the 
South  to  Eastern  universities,  and  form  ties  of  close  friend- 
ship there.  Railways  and  telegraphs  are  daily  narrowing  and 
compressing  the  vast  area  between  ocean  iuid  ocean.  As  the 
civilized  world  was  a  larger  W(»rld  in  the  days  of  Herodotus 
than  it  is  now,  -  for  it  took  twice  as  many  months  to  travel 
from  the  ('a.spian  Sea  to  the  Pillars  of  Hercuh's  as  it  takes  now 
to  circunmavigate  the  globe:  one  was  obliged  to  use  a  greater 
number  of  languages,  and  thi-  journey  was  incomparably  more 
dangerous, —  so  now  the  I'nited  States,  with  more  than  ninety 
millions  of  people,  extending  from  the  Bay  of  P\mdy  to  the 
(lulf  of  California,  are  a  smaller  country  for  all  the  purposes 
of  government,  of  ccmunerce,  and  of  social  intercourse,  than 
before  the  purcha.se  of  liouisiana  in  1803,  for  it  took  more  than 
twice  as  long  then  to  go  from  Roston  to  Charleston  as  it 
takes  now  to  go  from  Portland  in  Maine  to  Portland  in  Oregon, 
and  the  journey  was  far  more  costly  and  difficult. 

Even  the  Pacific  States,  which  migh.t  have  seenunl  likely  to 
form  a  community  by  themselves,  are  being  drawn  closer  to 
those  of  the  Mississippi  basin.  Pt)pulatioii  will  in  time  become 
almost  continuous  along  the  lines  of  the  Northern  and  Southern 
Pacific  Railways,  and  though  the  deserts  of  Nevada  may  remain 
unreclaimed,  prosperous  comnumities  round  the  (Ireat  Salt 
I^kewill  fomi  a  link  betwcH'n  California  and  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tain States  and  irrigation  may  create  habitable  oases  akmg  the 
courses  of  some  of  the  rivers.     With  more  frequent  communica- 


t  |i 


■I 


ft 


H 


904 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PABT  VI 


m. 


tion,  local  peculiarities  and  local  habits  of  thought  dimmish ;  the 
South  grows  every  day  less  distinctively  Southern,  aiul  country- 
folk are  more  influenced  by  city  ideas.  There  is  now  not  a 
single  State  with  any  material  interest  that  could  be  benefated, 
none  with  any  sentiment  that  Would  be  gratified,  by  separation 
from  the  body  of  the  Union.  No  great  question  has  arisen  tend- 
ing to  bind  States  into  groups  and  stimulating  them  to  jomt 
action.  The  chief  problems  which  lie  before  the  country  >vear 
an  aspect  substantially  the  same  in  its  various  sections,  and  pub- 
lic opinion  is  divided  on  them  in  those  sections  upon  lines  gener- 
ally similar.  In  a  word,  the  fact  that  the  governme^it  is  a 
Federal  one  does  not  at  this  moment  seem  to  make  any  difference 
to  the  cohesion  of  the  body  politic:  the  United  States  are  no 
more  likely  to  dissolve  than  if  they  were  a  unitary  republic 
like  France  or  a  unifietl  monarchy  like  Italy. 

As  secession  is  improbable,  so  also  is  the  extinction  of  the 
several  States  by  absorption  into  the  central  government.     It 
was  generally  believed  in  Europe,  when  the  North  triumphed 
over  secession  in  1865,  that  the  Federal  system  was  virtually 
at  an  end.     The  legal  authority  (.f  Congress  and  the  President 
had  been  immensely  developetl  during  the  struggle ;  a  powerful 
army,  flushed  with  victory,  stood  ready  to  enforce  that  author- 
ity and  there  seemed  reason  to  tliink  that  the  South,  which 
had  fought  so  stubbornlv,  would  have  to  be  kept  down  during 
many  years  by  militarv  "force.     However,  mme  of  these  appre- 
hended results  followtnl.    The  authority  of  the  central  govern- 
ment presently  sank  back  within  its  former  limits,  some  of  the 
legislation  based  on  the  constitutional  amendments  which  ha(l 
extended  it  for  certain  purposes   being   cut  down  by  judicial 
decision.     The  army  was  disbanded  :  self-government  was  sooJi 
restored  in  the  lately  insurgent  States,  and  the  upshot  of  the 
years  of  civil  war  and  n>coiist ruction  has  been,  while  extinguish- 
ing the  claim  of  State  sovereignty,  to  n-place  the  formerly  ad- 
mitted State  rightsuix»n  a  legal  basis  as  firm  as  they  ever  occupied 
before.     At  this  moment  State  rights  are  in  question  only  so 
far  as  certain  economic  benefits  might  be  obtainetl  by  a  further 
extension  of  Federal  authority,  nor  has  either  party  an  interest 
in  advocating  the  supersession  of  State  H«-ti<m  in  any  department 
of  government.     The  conservatism  of  habit  and  well-settled 
legal  doctrine  which  would  resist  any  such  proposal  is  very  strong. 
State  autonomy,  as  well  ati  local  government  witliin  ( ach  i"«ute. 


CHAP,  cxxii    FUTURE  OF  POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS         905 


is  prized  by  every  class  in  the  cominuriity,  and  bound  up  with 
the  personal  interest  of  those  who  feel  that  these  comparatively 
limited  spheres  offer  a  scoj)e  to  their  ambition  which  a  wider 
theatre  might  deny. 

It  is  nevertheless  impossible  to  ignore  the  growinR  strength 
of  the  centripetal  and  unifying  forces.  I  have  already  referred 
to  the  influence  of  easier  and  cheapiT  conununications  of  com- 
merce and  finance,  of  the  telegraj)!.,  <.f  the  filling  up  of  the 
interme(iiate  vacant  spaces  in  the  \\'est.  There  is  an  increas- 
ing tendency  to  invoke  ('(jngressional  legislation  to  deal  with 
matters,  such  a.s  railroads,  which  cannot  be  adequately  handled 
by  State  laws,  or  to  remove  divergencies,  such  as  those  in  the 
law  of  marriage  and  divorce,  which  give  risf  to  i)ractical  incon- 
veniences. So  the  various  parties  which  i)rof(>ss  to  champion 
the  interests  of  the  farmer-  or  of  workingmen  n'cur  to  the 
Federal  government  as  the  only  agency  strong  enough  and  wide- 
reaching  enough  to  give  effect  to  their  proposals,  most  of  which 
indeed  would  obviously  be  inii)racticable  if  tried  in  the  narrow 
area  of  one  or  a  few  States.  State  patriotism.  State  rivalry, 
State  vanity,  are  no  doubt  still  conspicuous,  yet  the  political 
interest  felt  in  State  govenunents  is  slighter  than  it  was  before 
the  civil  war,  while  national  i)atriotism  has  become  warmer 
and  more  pervasive.  The  role  of  the  State  is  socially  and 
morally,  if  not  legally,  smaller  now  than  it  then  was,  and 
ambitious  m^n  k)ok  on  a  State  legislature  as  little  more  than  a 
stepping-stone  to  Congress.  Moreover,  the  interferen((>  of  the 
Fetleral  Executive  to  suppress  by  military  iK)wer  (hsorders 
which  State  authorities  have  seemed  unalile  or  unwilling  to  deal 
with  has  slumTi  how  great  a  reserve  of  force  lies  in  its  hands,  and 
has  Iwi  peace-loving  citizens  to  look  to  it  as  their  I'ltimate  resort 
in  troubUms  times.  It  would  be  rash  to  assert  that  disjunctive 
forces  will  never  again  reveal  themselves,  setting  the  States 
against  the  National  goveriuuent.  iiiul  making  States'  Rights 
once  more  a  matter  of  practical  controversy.  But  any  such 
force  is  likely,  so  far  as  we  can  now  s(>e.  to  prove  transitory, 
whereas  the  centripetal  forces  are  permanent  au<l  secular  forces, 
working  from  ag(>  to  age.  \\'lierev(>r  in  the  modern  world  there 
has  been  a  centrifug.-d  fnovi'inent.  tenilin.u:  t<>  bn-ak  u})  a  State 
united  under  one  government,  or  t<»  loosen  the  cohesiim  of  its 
parts,  the  movement  has  sprung  from  a  sentiment  of  nationality, 
and  has  been  reinforced,  in  :'linost  every  case,  by  a  sense  of  some 


/I 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


906 

substantial  grievance  or  by  a  belief  that  material  advantages 
were  to  be  secured  by  separation.     The  cases  of  Holland  and 
Beleium,  of  Hungary  and  Germanic  Austria,  of  the  Greeks  and 
Bulgarians  in  their  st-uggles  with  the  Turks,  of  Iceland  in  her 
struggle  with  Denmark,  all  illustrate  this  proposition.     When 
such  disjunctive  forces  are  absent,  the  more  normal  tendency 
to  aggregation  and  centralization  prevails.     In    the   United 
States  all  the  elements  of  a  national  feeling  are  present,  race, 
language,  literature,  pride  in  past  achievements,  uniformity  of 
political  habits  and  ideas  ;  and  this  national  feebng  which  unifies 
the  people  is  reinforced  by  an  immensely  strong  material  interest 
in  the  maintenance  of  a  single  government  over  tne  breadth  ol 
the  continent.     U  aay  therefore  be  concluded  that  while  there 
is  no  present  likelihood  of  change  from  a  Federal  to  a  consoli- 
dated republic,  and  while  the  existing  legal  rights  and  functions 
of  the  several  States  may  remiun  untUmimshetl  for  niany  years 
to  come,  ti.e  importance  of  the  States  will  decline  as  the  majesty 
and  authority  of  the  National  government  increase. 

The  next  question  to  be  asked  relates  to  the  component  parts 
of  the  National  government  itself.     Its  equilibrium  stands  now 
as  stable  as  at  any  former  epoch.     Yet  it  has  twice  experienced 
violent  oscillations.     In  the  days  of  Jackson,  and  again  in  those 
of  Lincoln,  the  Executive  seemed  to  outweigh  Congress,     in 
the  days  of  Tyler,  Congress  threaten(>d  tht>  Executive,  while 
in  those  of  Andrew  Johnson  it  reduce*!  the  Executive  to  impo- 
tence    That  no  permanent  disturbance  of  the  balance  followed 
the  latter  of  these  oscillations  shows  how  well  the  balance  had 
been  adjusted.     There  is  nothing  now  to  show  that  any  one 
department  is  gaining  on  any  other,  tliough  whenever  the  Presi- 
dent is  personallv  a  strong  man.  th(>  Executive  may  seem  to  be 
dominating  Congress.      The  Judiciary  seei.ied  in  1890  to  have 
less  discretionary  power  than  they  had  exerted  fifty  years  earher, 

I  The  immense  influx  of  immigrants  of  various  rac.-«  speaking  diver^o  lan- 

KUilges  hr.^t  «n.atly  affe.t.-,!  tl.-  ..ns.  of  nu..  unity,  for  th,-  .mnuKrant  s  clnl.l 

S^caKor  to  h.-,onu-.  ami  .io-s  soon  Ixromo,  to  all  int.mts  an.l  purposes  an  .\nu-r- 

can      Mor.-ovor.  th.-  inuui^rantB  an-  .o  di.sper«ed  ov.r  th-  .-ountry  that  no  «mg  o 

i^otion  of  th.ni  is  in  any  Stat.-  ...arly  e.,ual  to  the  native^ population.     Hero 

,7u„  '  :,.  .u^  \v<-  '•-.rman-'  fi-.l  tn  at.prooriat.-  townships  or  villa({.-8.  and 
W  English-spoakinK  folk  at  a  distanr,- :  and  in  Wisconsin  th.-ir  d.-mand  to  hav.- 
oTrma  tauKht  r.-«i.larlv  in  th.-  s.hools  onee  caused  some  l.ttl.  b.tternoss^ 
ButZ^Ten-  transitory  ph.-non.ena,  an.l  the  very  faet  that  the  feelmg  of  ra.ml 
Smtk,n  produ..  s  no  r.-sults  n.or.-  s..rious  shows  how  far  that  feeliuK  ,s  from 
beinff  a  souree  of  i)r)litic'al  danger. 


CHAP,  cxxn     FUTURE  OP  POLITICAL  INSTITUTIONS       907 

for  l)y  thoir  own  (hnisions  th.-y  hud  narrowcnl  tlie  scope  of  their 
discretion,  .lot(;rnuni„K  points  in  which,  had  they  remained  open, 
their  personal  impulses  and  vi.-ws  niisht  have  had  room  to  play. 
But  soon  after  new  groups  of  questions  arose,  raising  new  issues 
for  judicial  determinati,.n.  nor  have  the  ruHngs  of  the  Supreme 
Court  ever  involved  larger  inten-sts  or  l.e.m  awaited  with  more 
eager  curiosity  than  were  those  d,.liv,T(>(l  in  1908  and  the  imme- 
diately succeeding  years.     { "ongress  has  been  th.-  branch  of  gov- 
ernment with  the  hirgest  facilities  for  usur|>ing  the  powers  of  the 
other  branches,  and  probably  with  the  most  disposition  to  do  so 
Congress  has  constantly  tried  to  enrn.ach  both  on  the  Execu- 
tive and  on  the  States,  s;,n)etin,es,  Uke  a  wild  bull  driven  into  a 
corral,  daslung  itself  uKuinst  the  inii)risoning  walls  of  the  Con- 
stitution.     But  althougii   Congress  has  succeeded  in  occupy- 
ing nearly  all  of  the  area  which  the  Constitution   left  vacant 
and  unallotted  between  th(>  .several  authorities  it  established, 
Congress  has  not  bec(.me  any  more  distinct Iv  than  in  earlier 
days  the  dominant  ])ower  in  the  Stat(>,  the  oVgan  of  national 
sovereigntv,  the  irr(>si.stible  exponent  of  the  national  will.     In 
a  country  ruled  by  pubHc  opinion,  it  could  hold  tiiis  ])osition  only 
in  virtue  of  its  capacity  for  leading  opinion,  that  is  to  say,  of  its 
courage,  promptitude,  and  wi.sdoni.     Since  it  grows  in  no  one 
of  these  qualities,  it  wins  no  greater  asceiideiiev ;  indeed  its 
power,  as  compared  with  that  of  public  opinion,  seems  rather 
to  decUne.     Its  division  into  two  co-ordinate  lIous<'s  is  no  doubt 
a  source  of  weakness  as  well  as  of  safety.     \'et  what  is  true  of 
Congress  as  a  whole  is  true  of  each  Housed aken  separately.     The 
Senate,  to  which  the  emincncf   of   many   individual  .senators 
formerly  gave  a  moral  ascendency,  has  lost  as  much  in  the  in- 
tellectual authority  of  its  members  as  if   has  gained  in  their 
wealth.     The  House,  with  its  far  greater  numbers  and  its  far 
greater  proportion  of  inexperienced  members,  sutTers  from  the 
want  of  internal  organization,  and  seems  unable  to  keep  pace 
with  the  increiusing  tlemands  made  on  it  for  »'oiistruetive  legis- 
lation.    Now  and  then  the  helples.sne.-s  of  the  House  when  a 
party  majority  luippiMis  to  be  turn  by  infernal  di.s.sensions,  or 
the  workings  of  self-iiUerest    visible  in  the  Senate,  when  the 
aniniosilies  or  i)ersonal  aims  of  individual  senators  or  groups 
retard  or   confuse  its  action,  causes  delays  and  leads  to  com- 
promises or  half  measures  which  exaspiTate  even  this  all  too 
patient  people.     One  is  sometimes  inclined  to  think  that  Con- 


[ 


H 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


908 

KH'ss  minlit  K..sf  its  hold  oil  tlu'  osti'cm  and  confidence  of  the 
nation,  and  sink  into  a  sul^ordinate  ,M,sition  were  there  any 
other  authority  which  could  l)e  suhstituttnl  for  .t.  There  is, 
however,  no  such  authority,  for  law-making  cannot  be  given 
to  a  person  or  to  a  court,  while  the  State  legislatures  have  the 
same  faults  as  Congress  in  a  greater  degree.  We  may  accord- 
ingly sunnise  that  Congress  will  retain  its  present  place ;  but  so 
far  as  can  be  gathered  from  present  phenomena  it  will  riv 
tain  this  place  in  respe.-t  not  of  the  satisfaction  of  the  peopje 
with  its  services,  but  of  their  inability  to  provide  a  better 

^*  The  weakness  of  Congress  is  the  strength  o{  the  President. 
Though  it  cannot  be  said  that  his  office  has  grown  in  power  or 
dignity  sine  the  days  when  it  was  held  by  Washington  there 
are  reasons  for  believing  that  it  has  l)een  rising  to  a  higher 
point    than    it    has    occupied    at    any    time    since    the   (  ivU 
War     The  tendency  everyAvhere  in  America  to  concentrate 
nower  and  responsibility  in  one  man  is  unmistakable,     there 
is  no  danger    that    the    President  should    Ix'come  a  despot, 
that  is,  shouUl  attempt  to  make  his  will  prevail  against  the 
will  of  the  majority.     But  he  may  have  a  great  part  to  play 
as  the  leader  of  the  majority  ami  the  exponent  of  its  will.     He 
is  in  some  respects  better  fitted  l>oth  to  represent  and  to  influ- 
ence public  opinion  than  Congress  is.     No  doubt  he  suffers 
from  being  the  nominee  of  a  party,  because  this  draws  on  ev^ry 
act  he  does  the  hostility  of  zealots  of  the  opposite  party.     But 
the  number  of  voters  who  are  not  party  zealots  increases,  in- 
ereases  from  bad  causes  as  well  as  from  good  causes;  for  as  a 
capable   President  sways  the   dispassionately  patriotic,   so  a 
crafty  Presi.lent  can  find  means  of  playing  upon  those  who 
have'thcir  own  ends  to  serve.     A  vigorous  personality  attracts 
the  multitud.'.  an.l  attracts  it   the  more  the  huger  it  grows 
and   the  more  the  charact^Tistic  weaknesses   of  an  assembly 
stand  rcv(>aled  ;  while  a  chief  magistrate's  influence,  thougli  his 
political  opi)onents  may  complain  of  it.  excites  little  alarm  when 
exerted  in  lea.ling  a  majority  which  acts  through  the  constitu- 
tional organs  of  govcrnnu-nt.     Th.-re  n,ay   therefore  be  still 
undeveloped  possibilities  of  gr(>atness  m  store  for  tlie  Pre^sidents 
of  the  future,     but  as  these  possibilities  depend,  like  the  pos- 
sibilities of  the  British  and  C.erman  Cnmms,  perhaps  one  may 
add  of  the  Papacy,  on  the  wholly  unpredictable  element  of  per- 


CHAP.  cxxii^lTTURK  OF  POLITKWL  INSTITUTIONS         909 

8onal  capacity  in  th..  inon  who  may  fill  the  office,  >.^  need  sp^ 
late  on  ttiem  no  fuitfier. 

From  ttie  organs  of  governnient  I  pass  to  tl.e  party  system, 
Its  machmery  anc  its  n.ethcKls.  NothiuR  in  rec(.nt  Iiistory  sur- 
gests  tfiat  tfie  poi.t.cmns  wfu.  act  as  party  nianaRcTs,  are  dis- 
posed either  t«  loosen  the  grip  with  which  their  ..rganization 
has  clasped  the  country,  <.r  to  in.prove  the  methods  it  em- 
ploys  (  hanges  in  party  measures  ther(>  will  of  course  he  in 
the  future,  as  there  hav<"  l.*.en  in  the  past ;  but  the  profes- 
sionals are  not  the  men  to  make  them  changes  for  the  better. 
The  Machine  will  n..t  be  r.>formed  from  within :  it  must  be 

T!     !r.    ?  '''^''""*-     '*''"■'■'■  '"'^^^y  '•'"^^•^  '''^^•''  »>«"n  struck 
at  It.     The  first  was  the  Civil  Service  Reform  A'-t  of  188.3      If 

this  Act  continues  to  )>(>  honestly  arlministered,  ami  its  principle 
ex  emle,l  to  oth.T  F.^deral  offic-s,  if  States  and  cities  follow,  as 
a  few  have  d«me,  in  the  wake  of  the  National  government,  the 
Spoils  System  may  b(.  r<K)ted  out.  and  will,  that  system  the 
power  of  the  Machine  will  crumbi,..     The  S}K)ils  Sy>t(>m  has: 
stwMl  since  Jackson's  <lays,  and  the  ba<l  habits  it  has  formed 
cannot  at  once  be  unlearned.     But  its  extinction  will  deprive 
profe.s.sionals  of  their  chief  present  motive  for  following  poHtics 
The  tares  which  now  infest  the  wheat  will  presently  wither 
away,  and  the  old  enemy  will  have  to  sow  a  fresh  crop  of  some 
other  kmd.     Th.    second  blow  has  Ih-cm,  th.-  passing  of  .secret 
ballot  laws  and  other  measures  which  have  reduce. I  the  oppor- 
tunities for  tampi^ring  witli  elections,  an.l  have  ma.h'  them  purer. 
And  the  third  has  been  that  uprising  of  independent  citizens 
which  has  induced  the  enactment  of  the  so-called  Primary  Laws, 
intended  to  take  nominations  oiil  of  the  hands  of  the  Machine 
and  place  them  in  thos(>  of  the  voters  as  a  wlu.le.     Whether  these 
laws  .succeed  or  not,  they  testify  to  a  new  si)irit  among  the  better 
citizen.s,  impatient  of  the  perversi.Hi  of  rej)ul.li<aii  institutions  to 
selfish  ends.     There  is  now  often  seen  in  State  and  municipal 
eh'ctions,  a  strong  group  of  iii.|.>p.'ndent  men  ])ledgcd  to  vote 
for  honest  candidates  irivspective  of  party.     Tlie  absence  for  a 
number  of  years  jjast  of  genuini"  p<»litical  issues  dividing  the  two 
parties,  if  it  has  worked  ill  in  taking  moral  and  intellectual  life 

out  of  the  parties,  and  making  their  i tests  mere  scrambles  for 

office,  has  worked  well  in  disposing  intelligent  citizens  to  sit  more 
l(M).se  to  party  ties,  and  to  consider,  since  it  is  really  on  men  rather 
than  on  measures  that   they  are  reciuired  to  vote,  what  the 


010 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


W'''^-' 


Nr:|J   . 


'1 


U  'I, 


personal  merits  of  candidates  are.  In  and  after  1840,  at  the  tinie 
when  the  fruits  of  Jucksoiiism,  that  is  to  May,  of  wild  deniocratic 
theory  coupled  with  sonlid  and  quite  undemocratic  practice,  had 
begun  to  be  felt  by  thouRhtful  persons,  the  urgency  of  the  slavery 
question  compelletl  the  postponement  of  reforms  in  political 
methods,  and  made  patriotic  men  fling  themselves  into  party 
warfare  with  unquesticming  zeal.  When  the  winning  of  elections, 
no  less  than  the  winning  of  battles,  meant  the  salvation  of  the 
Union,  no  one  could  stop  to  examines  the  machinery  of  party. 
For  ten  years  after  the  war,  the  party  which  was  usually  in  the 
majority  in  the  North  was  the  party  which  had  saved  the  Union, 
and  on  that  score  commandetl  the  devotion  of  its  old  adherents ; 
while  the  opposite  party  was  so  much  absorbe<l  in  struggling 
back  to  power  that  it  did  not  think  of  mending  its  ways.  But 
when  the  war  issues  had  been  practically  settled  and  dismissed, 
public-spirited  citizens  at  last  addressed  themselves  to  the  task, 
which  ought  to  have  been  undertaken  in  1850,  of  purifying 
politics.  Their  efforts  began  with  city  government,  where  the 
evils  were  greatest,  but  have  now  become  scarcely  less  assidu- 
ous in  State  and  national  politics. 

Will  these  efforts  continue,  and  be  crowned  by  a  growing 
measure  of  success  ? 

To  a  traveller  revisiting  America  at  intervals,  the  progress 
seems  to  be  steadily  though  very  slowly  upward.  This  is  also 
the  belief  of  those  Americans  who,  having  most  exerte<l  them- 
selves in  the  struggle  against  Bosses  and  spoilsmen,  have  had 
most  misrepresentation  to  overcome  and  most  disappointments 
to  endure.  The  Presidents  c*"  this  generation  are  abler  and 
more  high-minded  men  than  those  of  1834-1860,  and  neither 
the  members  of  a  knot  of  party  managers  nor  its  creatures. 
The  poisonous  influence  of  slavery  is  no  longer  felt.  There 
is  every  day  less  of  sentimentalism,  but  not  less  of  earnest- 
ness in  .jlitical  discussions.  There  is  less  Wind  obedience 
to  party,  less  disposition  to  palliate  sins  conunitted  from 
party  motives.  The  standard  of  purity  among  public  men, 
especially  in  the  Federal  government,  is  higher.  The  num- 
ber of  able  men  who  occ-U{)y  tlicmselves  ^^^th  scientific  eco- 
nomics and  politics  is  larger,  their  l)ooks  and  articles  are 
more  widely  read.  The  press  more  frequently  helps  in  the 
work  of  reform :  the  pulpit  deals  more  largely  with  questions 
of  practical  philanthropy  and  public  morals.    That  it  should 


CHAP,  cxxii    FUTURE  OP  POLII    "AL  IN^STITUTIONS 


911 


be  taken  as  a  good  sinii  when  the  young  men  of  a  city  throw 
tliemselves  into  politics,  shows  that  the  new  generation  is 
believed  to  have  either  a  nigher  sense  of  public  duty  or  a 
less  slavish  attachment  to  party  ties  than  that  whose  votes 
ruled  from  1870  till  1890.  Above  all,  the  nation  is  less 
self-sufficient  and  self-sati.sHed  than  it  was  in  days  when  it 
had  less  to  be  prouil  of.  in  the  middle  of  last  century  the 
Americans  walkeil  in  a  vain  conceit  of  their  own  greatness  and 
freedom  and  scorned  instruction  from  the  efTete  monarchies  of 
the  Old  World,  which  repaid  them  with  contemptuous  indiffer- 
ence. No  despot  ever  exacted  more  flatteiy  froni  his  courtiers 
than  they  from  tlieir  statesmen.  Now  when  Europe  admires 
their  {wwer,  envies  their  wealth,  looks  to  them  for  instruction 
in  not  a  few  subjects,  they  have  becomf!  more  modest,  and  listen 
willingly  to  speakers  and  writers  who  descant  upon  their  failings. 
They  feel  thenjselves  strong  enough  to  acknowledge  their 
weaknesses,  and  are  anxious  that  the  moral  life  of  the  nation 
should  lx>  worthy  of  its  expanding  fortunes.  As  these  happy 
omens  have  become  more  visible  from  year  to  year,  there  is  a 
reasonable  presumption  that  tliey  represent  a  steady  current 
which  will  contiime  to  work  for  good.  To  judge  of  America 
rightly  the  observer  nmst  not  fix  his  eye  simply  upon  her  present 
condition,  seeking  to  strike  a  balance  between  tlie  evil  and  the 
good  that  now  appear.  He  must  look  l)ack  at  what  the  best 
citizens  and  the  most  judicious  strangers  perceived  and  recorded 
seventy,  forty,  twenty  years  ago,  and  ask  whether  the  shadows 
these  men  saw  were  not  darker  than  those  of  tonlay,  whether  the 
forecasts  of  evil  they  were  forced  to  form  have  not  in  many 
ca.ses  been  belied  by  the  event.  Tocqueville  was  a  sympathetic 
as  well  as  penetrating  observer.  Many  of  the  evils  he  saw,  and 
which  he  thought  inherent  and  incurable,  have  now  all  but  van- 
ished. Other  evils  have  indeed  revealed  themselves  which  he 
did  not  discern,  but  these  may  prove  as  transient  as  those  with 
which  he  affrighted  Eurofxjan  readers  in  1834.  The  men  I  have 
met  in  America,  whose  recollections  went  back  to  the  fourth 
decjule  of  last  century,  agreed  in  saying  that  there  was  in  those 
days  a  more  violent  and  unscrupulous  party  spirit,  a  smaller 
respect  for  law,  a  greater  (Usposition  to  violence,  less  respect  for 
the  opinion  of  the  wise,  a  completer  submission  to  the  prejudices 
of  the  ma.sses,  than  wc>  ser-  to-day.  No  ignorant  innnigrants 
had  yet  arrived  upon  the  scene,  but  New  York  was  already 


f 


i. 


*!'! 


I 


912 


SOCIAL  IXSTITTTTIONS 


PABT  VI 


Kivj'ii  ovtT  to  siMulsiiu'ii.  ('irt'ut  <'<>riM)rttti«)nrt  hud  wurcely 
HriM>n ;  y«*t  corruption  wus  lu'itluT  uncointnoii  nor  fatal  to  a 
politician'H  reputation.  A  retrosjwct  which  shows  us  thut 
some  evils  havetlechnedorvanisluHl  while  the  regenerative  forces 
are  more  numerous  ami  more  active-  in  combating  new  m'jchiefs 
than  they  ever  were  Ix'fore,  encourages  the  l)elief  that  the 
general  stream  of  tendency  is  towards  improvement,  and  will 
in  time  hritig  the  pul)lic  life  of  the  country  nearer  to  the  ideal 
which  democnicy  is  lK)und  to  set  before  itself. 

When  tlu'  Americans  say,  as  they  often  do,  that  they  trust 
to  time,  they  mean  thut  they  trust  to  reason,  to  the  generally 
sound  morul  tone  of  the  multitude,  to  a  shrewdness  which  after 
failures  and  through  experiments  learns  what  is  the  true  inter- 
est of  the  majority,  and  finds  that  this  interest  coincides  with 
the  teachings  of  morality.  They  cun  afford  to  wuit,  because 
they  have  three  great  advantages  over  Europe,  —  an  absence  of 
class  distinctions  and  t  lu.ss  hut  red,  a  diffusion  of  wealth  among 
an  immense  numlier  of  small  proprietors  all  interested  in  the 
defence  of  property,  an  exemption  from  chronic  pauperism  and 
economical  distress,  work  being  at  most  times  abundant,  many 
careers  open,  the  still  undeveloptnl  parts  of  the  West  providing 
a  safety  valve  available  in  times  of  depression.  With  these 
advantages  the  Americans  conceive  that  were  their  country 
now  left  entirely  to  itself,  so  that  full  and  free  scope  could  be 
secured  to  the  an  liorative  forces,  political  progress  would 
be  sure  and  steady;-  the  best  elements  would  come  to  the  top, 
and  when  the  dregs  had  settled  the  liquor  would  run  clear. 

In  a  previous  chapter  I  have  observed  that  this  sanguine 
view  of  the  siliKii,ion  omits  tv/o  considerations.  One  is  that 
the  country  is  not  being  left  to  itself.  European  immigration 
continues,  and  though  more  than  half  of  the  immigrants  may 
make  valuable  citi/ens,  the  remainiler,  many  by  their  political 
ignorance  and  instability,  some  few  by  their  proneness  to  em- 
brace anti-social  doctrines,  are  a  source  of  danger  to  the  com- 
munity, lowering  its  tone,  providing  material  for  demagogues 
to  work  on,  threatening  outbreaks  like  those  of  Pennsylvania 
in  1877.  of  Cincinnati  in  1884,  of  Chicago  in  1886  and  1894,  of 
large  districts  in  the  West  in  189:^  and  subsequently. 

The  other  fact  to  be  borne  in  mind  is  of  still  graver  import. 
There  is  a  part  of  the  Atlantic  where  the  westward  speeding 
steam-vessel  always  expects  to  encounter  fogs.    On  the  fourth 


ni^p.  rxxii    FITURE  OF  VOIATUXL  [N'STITITIONS 


013 


or  fiftlnluy  of  Mic  voyiiKr,  wliiic  still  in  l»riKht  suiili>j|it.  one  st-i's 
ut  u  (JiHljincc  u  loiiji  low  <liirk-Kray  lint-  across  the  Ikm-s,  and  is 
tohl  tliis  is  (he  first  of  tin-  foK-ltuiiks  which  have  to  he  travorstHl. 
Pr('s<'iitly   the  v<>s.scl   is  u|)oii  the  cloud,  uii«|  rusli«-s  into  its 
chilling  embrace    not  knowing  what  im-HIs  of  icehiTps  may  Iw 
shrouded  within  the  encompassinK  v,Umm.     So  America,  in  her 
swift  onward  progress,  sees,  I.MimiiiK  on  the  horizon  and  now 
no  longer  distant,  a  time  of  mists  and  shadows,  wherein  dangers 
may  lie  concealed  whose  fonii  and  magnitude  she  can  scarcely 
yet  conjc  cture.    As  she  fills  up  her  western  regions  with  inhabit- 
ants, she  sees  tin-  time  approach  when  all  the  best  land,  even 
that  which  the  extensiori  of  irrigation  ha-  made  available,  will 
have  been  o(<upied,  and  when  the  land  now  under  cultivation 
will  have  been  so  far  e.\hauste<|  as  to  yield  scantier  crops  even 
to   more   exiM'iisive   culture.     Althougii     transiM)rtation    may 
also  have  then  Iwcome  cheajxT,  the  price  of  f(MK|  will  rise ;  farms 
will  Im'  h'ss  easily  obtaiiunl  and  will  fieed  more  caj'tal  to  work 
them  with  i)rofit ;  the  struggle  for  ejdsteii<-e  will  iucome  more 
severe.     And  while  the  outlet  which  the  \Ve>t  now  provides  for 
the  overflow  of  the  great  cities  will  have  become  less  availai)le, 
the  cities  will  have  grown  immen.sely  more  jiopulous  ;  pau|)eri.sm, 
now  confined  to  some  si.x  or  s<«ven  of  the  greatest,  may  Im>  more 
wi<lely  spread ;  and  even  if  wages  do  not  sink  work  may  U'  less 
abundant.     In  fact  the  chronic  evils  and  problems  of  old  .socie- 
ties and  crowded  countries,  such  as  we  se<'  them  to-day  in  Europe, 
will  have  reappeared  on  this  new  .soil,  while  the  demand  of  the 
multitude  to  have  a  larger  share  (»f  the  nation's  collectivi  -vealth 
may  well  have  gnmni  more  insistent. 

High  economic  authorities  ])ron()unce  that  the  beginnings 
of  this  time  of  pressun-  lie  <tidy  ;i  li  w  years  ahead.  All  of 
the  best  arable  land  in  the  West  is  aire;  iy  occupied; 
much  even  of  the  second  nnd  third  bt-t  is  already  under 
cultivation;  and  unless  agiicultural  science  renders  further 
aid,  the  exhaustion  already  complained  of  in  farms  which 
have  been  under  the  ])lough  for  three  or  four  de<  ;ides  will 
be  increasingly  felt.  It  may  be  a  time  of  trial  for  demo- 
cratic institutions.  The  future  of  the  I'nited  States  during 
the  next  half  century  sometimes  presents  itself  to  the  mind 
as  a  struggle  between  two  forces,  the  one  beneficent,  the  other 
malign,  the  one  striving  to  sp<>e(l  the  nation  on  to  a  port  of 
safety  before  this  time  of  trial  arrives,  the  other  to  retard  its 

3  N 


80CUAL  INSTITUTI0N8 


PAIIT    VI 


914 

S"p^nomen.  orAm^ric^,  politic.  I»  thi.T.«""  '"f  fSTr 
up  to  the  level  oi  wnav  are  «"'"  '^»  ..      :  tinir  evils 

voters,  t^»* '^^"l '^"yieui  to  the  temptation  to  abuse  their 

ouKht  to  possess,  what  result  may  »»e  l«xjked  for  ?     ^  has  is  a 
«*  fh«  world     There  may  be  pernicious  experiments  triea 

?u     ;!,;«•  with  which  alarmists  most  frequently  terrify  us. 
the  thing  with  wmcn  «'»""'»  . .  j       ^       ,,rjer  and 

*2:«i^iri'.rr:i- J"^  ir^r  ALnca  .  auywhe. 

""whii:fi°^U  the  po«ii,iU.y  ..f  --ltS:«  uote  tTat 
danirer  he  who  has  stuiUed  America  vn\l  not  fail  txj  ""fe  ^"»^ 

enmity  between  classes.     Ihe  ai«Tnnuuo!    ^  ..  ;       r,,j^ 

among  a  great  many  small  owners  is  likely  to  c«"t^"^-  J '^^'j 
Ss  of  freedom,  together  with  the  -o^.^'^'^^';^!^^"^^^^""^^^^^^ 
which  they  foster,  are  likely  to  «t-"^,""""PT/e  ^st,!^  .j^,'^^^ 
confirmed  and  mellowed  by  longer  use.    The  restraining  at 


CHAP,  fxxii    FIJTUIIK  OK  IMILITU'AL  INSTITUTIONS         916 


conciliating  influence  of  relinion  i.s  stronger  timn  in  France  or 
Ciermany,  ami  more  eTiiightJ-ne*!  than  in  those  continental 
countries  wiiere  religion  now  seems  strong«'st.  I  ailn>it  that 
no  one  can  say  how  far  the  l'nite<l  States  «»f  fifty  years  hence 
will  in  these  respects  resernl)le  the  rnited  States  of  to-<lay.  But 
if  we  are  to  bas<'  our  ant-  ^U>nn  on  tiie  facts  of  to-(hiy,  we  may 
look  for^\-ar(l  to  tli<'  (v  ^  i.  - ,  indeed  without  anxiety,  when  we 

mark  the  clouds  thH  i  •  .  -'  J'l  hi  >n,  yet  with  a  hope  that 
is  stronger  than  an-  •    y 


CHAITER   CXXIII 


H(K1AL  AND  KC'ONOMK^  KlITUKK 


Ik  it  he  hard  to  fom-ast  the  (IcvclopnHMit  of  |M)liti('Jil  insti- 
tutions an«l  habits,  how  much  lianlcr  to  form  u  concoption  of 
what  \\\v  economic  and  social  Hfc  of  tlic  I'nitcd  States  will 
have  ticcomc  wh  ii  ant)tlu'r  half-century  of  marvellously  swift 
material  progress  has  (luiiitupled  its  wealth  and  triphnl  its 
popuhition ;  and  when  the  numl»<>r  of  persons  pursuing  arts  and 
letters,  and  educated  t«>  enjoy  the  most  refined  i)leasures  of 
life,  will  have  liecome  pc«)portionately  greater  than  it  is  now. 
The  chauKes  of  the  last  tiftv  years,  great  as  they  have  Immmi,  may 
then  prove  to  have  Imhmi  no  greater  than  those  which  the  next 
fifty  will  have  l)n)Ught.  I'rediction  is  even  more  difticult  in  this 
spliere  than  in  the  sphere  of  government,  iM-cause  the  forces 
at  wt)rk  to  modify  society  are  more  numerous,  as  well  jis  far  more 
subtle  and  complex,  and  l«'cause  not  only  the  commercial  pros- 
perity of  the  country,  hut  its  thought  and  culture  are  more 
likely  than  its  iK)litics  to  iu-  atTected  by  the  course  of  events 
in  the  ()l«l  Worhl.  All  I  can  attenipt  is,  as  in  the  last  preced- 
ing chapter,  (o  call  attention  to  some  of  the  changes  which 
an  now  in  progress,  and  to  conjecture  whether  the  phenoniena 
we  now  observe  are  due  to  permanent  or  to  transitory  causes. 
I  shall  speak  first  of  economic  changes  and  their  influence  on 
certain  current  problems,  next  to  the  movements  of  |M)pulation 
and  po>><ible  alterations  in  its  character,  lastly,  of  the  ten- 
dencies which  seen>  likely  to  continue  to  afTect  the  social  and 
intellectual  life  of  the  natii>n. 

The  most  remarkable  economic  feature  of  th  ■  years  that 
have  elapsed  since  the  war  has  lieen  (he  growth  of  great  for- 
tunes. There  is  a  passage  in  llii>  l''iilirall.^l,  writt«'n  in  17HK. 
which  says,  "the  private  fortunes  of  the  l'resi<lent  an<l  Sen- 
ators, as  they  must  all  Itc  .\merican  citizens,  caimot  |K)ssil»ly 
be  sources  of  danger."  Kv<mi  in  |S:{;{.  Toctiuevillc  was  struck 
by  the  «(}ual  (!i>.tribution  of  wialth  in  the  Tnitcd  States  and 

Hit) 


THAP.  <xxi.)      SOCTAL  AND   KrONOMIC  FIXTURE 


017 


till'  al)s«'iin'  (,f  ciipitali.sts.  Tinliiy,  liowi'vcr,  there  are  more 
Kreat  millionaires,  as  well  as  more  men  with  a  capital  of  from 
^"iOO.tKK)  to  .'*2,(KM),(KH).  in  America  than  in  any  other  c«)untry ; 
and  iM'fore  1 !).')()  it  may  prohalily  contain  as  many  large  fortunes 
as  will  exist  in  all  the  countries  of  Kurope  put  together.  Nor 
are  these  huge  accumulations  due  to  custom  and  the  |K)licy  of 
the  law,  which  have  in  Kngland  kept  pro|M'rty.  and  esiwcially 
landed  property,  in  the  hands  of  a  few  l.y  the  so-called  custom 
of  primogeniture,  whereas  in  the  Tniteil  States  the  influence 
of  law  has  tended  the  other  way.  An  American  testator  usually 
distributes  his  wealth  among  his  children  e(|ually.  nowev«'r 
rich  he  may  he,  he  diws  not  exiM-ct  his  daughters  to  marry  rich 
men,  hut  is  just  as  willing  to  see  them  nuited  to  |MTsons  sup- 
IH)rting  theinselv«'s  l.y  their  own  ctTorts.  And  he  is  far  more 
inclined  than  Kun.peans  are  to  hestow  large  part  of  his  wealth 
upon  objects  of  public  utility,  instead  of  using  it  to  found  a 
family.  In  spit«>  «»f  these  <lispersing  forces,  great  fortun«'s 
grow  with  the  growing  wealth  of  the  country,  and  the  oppor- 
tunities it  «»ITers  of  ama.ssing  enormous  piles  by  lM)id  operations. 
Kven  an  ims|M'culativ«'  business  may,  if  skilfully  conducted, 
bring  in  greater  gains  than  can  often  be  hop«'(l  for  in  Europe, 
iM'cause  the  scale  of  o|)erations  is  in  America  so  large  that  a 
comparatively  small  percentage  of  profit  may  mean  a  very 
large  income.  These  causes  arc  likely  to  1h'  |H'nuanent  ;  nor 
can  any  legislation  that  is  compatible  with  the  rights  of  prop- 
ert>  jis  now  uiuh'rsttxMl,  do  much  to  restric*  them.  We  may 
therefore  exiwct  that  the  class  of  very  rich  men,  men  so  ricli 
as  to  find  it  <lifhcult  to  spend  their  income  in  enjoying  life, 
though  they  may  go  on  employing  it  in  business,  will  ccmtinue 
to  increas<-. 

It  may  be  suggest«>d  that  the  great  fortunes  of  to-day  are 
due  to  the  swift  (h'velopment  of  the  West,  so  that  after  a  time 
they  will  cea.se  to  arise  in  such  numbers,  while  those  we  now  s<>e 
will  hav."  Imm-u  scatten'd.  The  development  of  the  West  must, 
howev«'r.  conti'uie  at  least  till  the  middle  of  the  «-entury;  and 
though  the  w<"althy  seldom  seek  to  keep  their  wealth  together 
after  their  death  by  elalxtrate  device^,  many  are  the  sons  of  the 
rich  who  start  with  capital  enouj:h  to  give  them  a  great  a<lvan- 
tage  for  further  accumulation.  There  are  as  yet  comparatively 
few  careers  to  compete  with  bu^iu'-ss ;  nor  is  it  as  easy  as  in 
10uro|M' t«>  s|M'nd  a  fortune  on  pleasure.     The  idh-  rich  of  Anjer- 


018 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


ica,  who,  though  relativ-ely  few,  arc  numerous  enough  to  form 
a  class  in  the  greatest  Atlantic  cities,  are  by  no  means  the 
most  contented  class  in  the  country. 

The  growth  of  vast  fortunes  hs's  helped  to  create  a  political  prob- 
lem, for  they  become  a  mark  for  the  invective  of  the  more  ex- 
treme sections  of  the  Labour  or  Socialist  parties.    But  should  the 
Collectivist  propaganda  so  far  prosper  as  to  produce  legislative 
attacks  upon  accumulated  wealth,  such  attacks  will  be  directed 
(at  least  in  the  first  instance),  not  against  indiviilual  rich  men, 
but  against  incorporated  companies,  since  it  is  through  corpo- 
rations that  wealth  has  made  itself  ol)iK)xious.     Why  the  power 
of  these  bodies  should  have  grown  so  much  gn>ater  in  the  United 
States  th»n  in  Europe,  and  why  they  should  be  more  often 
controlled  by  a  small  knot  of  men,  are  (luestions  too  intricate 
to  be  here  discussed.     C'omp  Kiies  are  in  many  ways  so  useful 
that  any  general  diminution  of  the  legal  facilities  for  forming 
them  seems  improbable :  but  I  conceive  that  they  will  l)e  even 
more  generallv  than  hitherto   subjected  to  special   taxation; 
and  that  their  power  of  taking  and  using  public  franchises 
will  Iw  still  further  restricted.     He  who  considers  the  irrespon- 
sible nature  of  the  jwwer  which  three  or  four  men,  or  p<>rhaps 
one  man,  can  exercis*'  tlirough  a  great  corporation,  ^uch  as  a 
railroad  or  telegnnih  company,  the  injury  they  can  inflict  on 
the  public  as  well  as  on  their  compet^  ors,  the  cynical  audacity 
with  wliich  they  have  oft<'n  used  their  wealtli  to  seduce  officials 
and  legislators  from  the  path  of  virtue,  will  find  nothing  un- 
reasonable in  the  desire  of  .h«'  American  masses  to  regulate  the 
management  of  the  corfxtrations  and  narrow  the  range  of  their 
action.     The  same  n-nnrk  applies,  with  wen  more  force,  to 
combinations   of    men    not    incorporated   but    acting   together, 
the  so-called  Trusts,  i.e.  commercial  rinms  or  syndicates.      The 
next  few  years  or  even  decades  may  he  largely  occupied  with 
the  effort  to  deal  with  th(>se  phenomena  of  a  commercial  system 
far  Dore  highly  developed  than  the  world  has  yet  se(>n  elsewhere. 
The  economic" advantages  of  the  amalgamation  of  railroads  and 
the  tendency  in  all  dep;»rtments  of  trade  for  large  concerns  to 
absorb  or  supplant  small  ones,  are  both  so  marked  that  prob- 
lems of  this  order  seem  likely  to  grow  even  larger  and  more 
urgent  than  they  now  are.     Their  solution  will  d<>mand.  not 
only  great  legal  skill,  but  great  economic  wisdom. 

*-'.  .  .  t  ...       t.    ... ..!!..    r..***.  .w»r»,j    tjp 

Uf  tile  ieiuieucy  tu  uggn  gaXK.r.  liurr  an    :::i:;iii:-.   i;  ■.•   -i^n-      . 


;,;,; 


CHAP,  rxxiii        SO("IAL  AND   P^rONOMIC   FUTURK 


919 


far  as  rclatoH  to  aKricultur<\  Almost  flic  only  Kfcat  landed  es- 
tates are  in  the  Far  West,  particularly  in  California,  where  they 
are  a  relic  from  Spanish  days,  toRctln'r  with  some  properties  held 
by  land  companies  or  individual  s])eculators  in  the  Upper  Missis- 
sippi States,  projK'rtics  which  :\rc  Iteinn  Renerally  sold  in  small 
farms  to  incoming  s(>ttl(>rs.  Tlic  census  returns  of  HMM)  and  of 
1910  did  no  douht  show  an  incrciisc  in  the  lunnher  of  persons 
who  hire  from  others  the  lands  tin  y  till.  While  the  increjisc 
in  the  numhcr  of  farms  cuhiv.itcd  by  tlic  owner  during  the 
decade  ending  with  the  latter  year  was  only  S.l  {x-r  cent,  that 
of  farms  rented  for  niomy  i)y  the  cultivator  was  9.9  fM'r  cent, 
and  that  of  farms  rcnt-il  for  a  share  of  the  ])rodu<'ts  20.0  \wr 
cent.  This  may.  Iiowtver,  i)c  due  partly  to  the  growth  of 
small  ncKro  farms  in  the  South,  partly  to  the  disi)ositi(m  of 
many  Western  farmers  to  retire  from  active  l.ilM)ur  when  old 
age  ai)i)roachcs,  httiuy;  their  f;irms.  and  living  on  the  rent 
thereof,  partly  also  to  the  buying  tip  of  lands  near  a  "boom 
town"  by  sjmm  iilators  for  ;i  rise.  Takinji  the  country  as  a 
whole,  there  is  no  indic.-ition  of  any  serious  change  to  large 
prop<'rties.'  In  the  South,  larjj;e  ])lant;;lions  are  more  rare 
th.an  before  the  war.  and  mucli  of  tin-  cotton  crop  is  raised  by 
pea.sant  fanners,  as  tlic  incrcMsc  in  the  iiumlx'r  of  farms  re- 
turned in  1910  proves.  It  is  of  cours*'  possible  that  cultivation 
on  a  large  scale  may  in  soni(>  n  y:ion!s  turn  <>ut  to  be  more  profit- 
able than  that  (»f  small  t'reeholde^^  :  aifiicuiturc  ;is  an  art  may 
be  still  in  its  infancy,  and  science  may  alter  the  conditions  of 
production  in  tin-  'liiihly  inventive  fount ry.  Hut  at  present 
nothing  seems  to  threaten  tliiit  system  ot  sin.dl  pmjjrietors 
tilling  the  soil  they  live  on  which  so  greatly  contributes  to  the 
hapjiiness  and  stal)iiity  of  the  conun<»nwealth.  The  motives 
which  in  Kurope  induce  rich  men  to  i>uy  l.irge  estates  are  here 
wholly  wanting,  for  ni»  one  gains  either  political  power  or  social 
status  by  becoming  a  liuidlord. 

Changes  in  economic  coii'liiions  have  begun  to  bring  about 
changes  in  population  which  will  work  powerfully  on  the  future 


f 


-'  4 


'  Of  C.'tO I, .">().>  f.inn-  rcfuriii-.l  In  lli nsus  of  1010,  .■?,OtS,72.>  \v<t<-  rultivatcd 

l).v  the  owner  :i!iil  'J.H.")4.fi7<i  niitiii  liv  tin-  f;irmiT;  Mini  of  those  owtio<l  a  littlp 
more  tiniii  oiii  -ihinl  !.i;i.t>i  wciilil  Mpinar  to  Im'  Mihjeet  to  iuortp;iK<'.-<.  The  pro- 
portion to  tlie  whole  IlUTIllier  ill  ih\  iHin;;-  lif,l  owned  hut  liireii  l.y  thoHe  who  live 

in  tliein  i>.  of  <iiurse.  \cr.v  nneU  hiiner.  si/,  .">H..">  per  eent  for  the  whole  eountry, 
and  74.3  |»  r  cent  for  IW  >iti.  >  with  hI  li  r-t  .'o.lMKi  inhahitant  ^. 


1^ 


"-;,p-^-as 


920 


SOCIAL   INSTITUTIONS 


I'ART    VI 


of  society  ami  iK)litics.     Oiu"  such  chunRc  has  Ih'cu  passhig  on 
New  England  (hirinji;  the  last  twenty  years,     its  coniparatively 
thin  ami  unRenial  soil,  which  has  generally  hard  rock  at   n«> 
great  depth  1m>1ow  the  surface,  and  has  been  cultivated  in  many 
places  for  nigh  two  hundn'd  years,  has  been  unable  to  sustain 
the  conijietition  of  the  rich  and  virgin  lands  of  the  West.     The 
old   rac(«  of   New    Kngland   yeomen   have  accordingly  mostly 
sold  or  abandoned  their  farms  and  nugrated  to  the  upiM>r  val- 
|(>y  of  th.-  Mississippi,  where  they  make  tlw  pr()si)erity  of  the 
North-western  Stat(  s.     The  lands  which  they  have  left  vacant 
are    frcMpienllv    o«'<'Ui)it'd    by    immigrants,    sometimes    French 
Canadians,  biit  cliiefly  Irish,  with  some  Poles  and  other  Slavs 
an<l  a  few   Italians,  for  i-omparatively    few    (lermans  settle  in 
rural  New  Kngland;  and  thus  that  which  was  the  most  purely 
Knglish   part   .tf    America  is  now    becoming   one   of   the   least 
Ki\glish.  sincf  th.'  .itifs  .also  air  full  of  Irish.  .I.'ws,  Slavs,  and 
Canadians,     hi    Ma.ssaclmsetts.    for   instance,    the   persons   of 
foreign   birth  were   in    liHO  :U.5   p<'r  cont   of    the    population, 
while  tli<'  foreign  born  and  their  children  were  more  than  liali. 
In  Rhode  Island  the  percentages  of  foreigners  are  even  higher. 
It  is  im|M)ssible  not  to  rejiret  tiie  (hsapp«'arance  of  a  picturescpiely 
primitive    society    which    iiovlists    ami    es.sayists    have   made 
familiar  to  us,  with  its  delight lul  mixture  of  homely  simplicity 
ami  keen  intelligence.    Of  all  the  types  of  rustic  life  which  im- 
agination has  siiK-e  the  days  of  Theocritus  enilx'llished  for  the 
envy  or  refreshment  of  the  dwrllers  in  cities,  this  l.-it.'st   type 
has"  been   In   Knglish  reader-   tlie  nc^l    real  and  iioi    th.'  least 
attractive.      It  has  now  almost  eiitin'ly  passed  .iway  :  m>r  will 
the  life  of  the  robust  -ons  of  tiie  Puritan-  in  the  North-western 
prairio,  vast  ami  l)aie  and  new.   reproduce  tlir  idyllic  (piahty 
ot  their  ol.l  surn.umlings.      Hut  the  Irish  s(,nattrrs  on  the  for- 
saken  farms  rear  their  childrm   uikLt  better  conditions  than 
do  those  either  of  th.'  American  cities  ..r  of  the  island  of  their 
birth,  and  they  are  replenishing  New  Kngland  with  a  vigorous 

stock. 

.\noth.-r  chang.^  i-  now  beginning  to  be  seen,  lor  immigration  is 
already  turning  from  the  Nurth-\vestt..w.inlstli<'.S.ut  hern  region, 
the  fargreater part  nf  which  ha-  ivmaiiieii  until  now  undeveUiped. 
Western  North  ( 'an.lina  Xortlurn  (le.truia  and  .\labaina,  an<l 
Kastern  Tenne— ••-■  pn-^r--  ennnnou-  niimr.-ii  drpo-it-^.  only  .•  t.w 
of  which  hav.'  \.  I  b.uini  to  1"   worked        I'lirre  are  al-o  .-pi.  ndid 


I  HAP   cxxiii       SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  Kl'TURE 


vn 


•i 


forests;  thoro  is  in  many  places,  as  for  instance  in  tlic  vast 
swamp  rej?ions  of  Florida,  a  soil  Ix'licvcd  to  \w  fc'rtih',  umch  of 
it  not  yet  brought  under  cultivation;  while  the  climate  is  not. 
except  in  a  very  f<'w  low  maritime  tracts,  too  hot  for  white  lui)Our. 
As  the  vacant  spaces  of  the  West  are  ceasing  to  li"  able  to  re- 
ceive the  contiinied  influx  of  settlers,  even  with  the  room  which 
has  iM'cn  made  by  the  migration  of  fanners  into  the  Western 
provinces  of  Canada,  these  Southern  regions  will  inon  aiwl 
more  attract  settlers  from  the  Northern  and  Western  State>. 
and  these  will  carry  with  them  habits  and  ideas  which  may 
further  {|uicken  tlie  progress  of  tiie  South,  and  bring  her  into 
a  more  perfect  harmony  with  the  rest  of  the  country. 

The  ujention  of  tin-  Sotith  raises  a  group  of  questi<ms,  l>ear- 
ing  on  the  future  of  the  N<'gro  and  the  relation  she  will  sustain 
to  the  whites,  which  need  not  be  discussed  here,  as  tlu'y  have 
been  dealt  with  in  prece<ling  chapters  (Chapters  XCIII.  to 
XCV. ).  The  alann  which  the  growth  of  the  coloured  peo- 
])le  formerly  excited  was  allayed  by  the  census  of  189(),  which 
showed  that  they  increase  more  slowly  than  the  whites,  even 
in  the  South,  an<l  form  a  constantly  diminishing  proportion 
of  the  total  population  of  the  country.  The  negro  is  doubt- 
less a  heavy  burden  for  American  civilization  to  carry.  No 
problems  seem  likely  so  hnig  t(»  cunfront  the  naticm,  and  so 
.severely  to  tax  the  national  character  on  its  moral  side,  as 
those  which  his  presence  raises.  Much  patience  will  be  needed, 
and  nuich  sympatiiy.  The  negriM's.  however,  are  neces.sary  to 
the  South,  which  has  not  enough  white  workers:  and  their  la- 
bour is  helpful  ii(»t  only  !»•  the  agriculturist  but  also  to  th(> 
mine-owners  and  iron-mast»  ■. of  the  mining  regions  1  have  just 
refi'rred  to.  Their  progress  since  eniancipatinu  has  i>een  more 
rapid  than  those  who  saw  them  in  slavery  expected,  for  no 
section  has  n-laps^-d  into  sloth  and  semi-barbarism,  while  in 
many  districts  there  has  been  a  steady  rise  in  education,  in 
intelligence,  in  thrift,  and  in  the  lial)it  of  >iistained  industry. 
The  relation  ol"  the  twi>  ran  >.  tlough  it  im-sents  some  painful 
features,  is  not.  on  tin  whole,  one  of  hostility,  and  contains 
no  present  eleuients  of  poHlical  danger.  Though  the  yreat 
majority  of  the  negroes  an  now  rxciuiled  liom  the  exercise  of 
the  suffrage,  llieir  coiidil ion  i-  not  the  -aim  a>  though  that 
gift  lia<l  ni'ver  i-cn  br-towcd.  ior  I  h(  la<  l  that  the  negro  i> 
legally  a  citizen  ha>  rai->ed  Ituth   the   whilt'-   view  of   him  and 


i'  in 

i 


I    II, 


I 


)M 


022 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   VI 


his  own  view  of  himself.    Thought  ful  obsen-'ers  in  the  South 
seem  to  feel  little  anxiety,  antl  expect  that  for  many  years  to 
come  the  negroes,  naturally  a  good-natured  and  easy-gouig 
race    will  be  content  with  the  position  of  an  mferior  caste, 
doing  the  humbler  kinds  of  work,  but  gradually  i>ermeated  by 
American  habits  and  ideas,  and  sending  up  into  the  walks  of 
commercial  and  professional  life  a  slowly  increasmg  number  of 
its  most  capable   members.     It  might   be  thought   that  this 
elevating  process   would   be  accelerated  by  the  sympathy  of 
the  coloured  p<M)ple  at  the  North,  who,  jus  they  enjoy  greater 
educational  opportunities,  might  be  expected  to  advance  more 
(luicklv      Hut  the  negro  race  increases  comparatively  slowly  to 
the  north  of  latitude  40°,  and  does  not  make  sufficient  progress  m 
wealth  and  influence  to  Ih>  able  to  help  its  Southern  members 
Two  otii.f  (|Uestions  relating  to  changes  m  population  must 
^  adverted  to  before  we  leave  this  part  of  the  subject.     There 
,rp  Europeans  who  hold  —  and  in  this  physiologically-nunded 
^  it  is  natural  that  men  should  hold  -  that  the  evolution  of 
.  distinctively  American  type  •)f  character  and  manners  must 
4^   still  distant,    because   the  heterogencHJus  elements  of   the 
>opulation  (in  which  the  proportion  of  English  hUnnl  is  far 
-nialler  .m.w  than  it  was  in  18.50)  must  take  a  long  time  to  be- 
,ne  I   >xe<l  aiul  assimilated.     This  is  a  plausible  view;  yet  1 
oubt     hether  differences  of  bloml  have  the  importance  which 
,    as^  M  "s.     What  strikes  the  traveller,  and  what  the  Ameri- 
,  .n      !i.  iiselves  delight  to  point  out,  is  the  amazing  solvent 
i«.*.'r  which  American  institutions,  habits,  and  id<'as  exercise 
up...  newcmers  of  all  races.     The  children  of  Irishmen,  (.er- 
maus,  and  Scandinavians  are  certainly  far  more  like  native 
Americans  than  the  current  views  of  heredity  would  luive  led 
us  to  expect ;  m)r  is  it  without  interest  to  <.bs«'rve  that  Nature 
has  here  repeated  on  the  Western  continent  that  process  of  mix- 
ing Celtic  with  (lennanic  and  Norse  I.UhkI  wliich  she  began  in 
Firitain  more  than  a  thousand  years  ago.     The  ratio  iH.rne  by 
the  Cehic  elements  in  tlie  ])opul:ition  (.f  Creat  Hntain  [>.<.  the 
Picts  and  (iaels  of  N<.rthern  Uritain  :uul  those  ot  the  t  yinry 
of  Middle  and  W.-tern  Britain  who  ^urviv.-l  the  onslaught  ot 
the  Angles  and  Saxons  in  \h"  fifth  and  sixth  .-entunes)  to  the 

.  1„  17«H.  th.  .ulnunMl  i  .  opl.'  vs.n  I'.i  '.  ,-r  ..-nt  of  .h-  U'VA  ,.,Mmlat.m  of  th.- 
l-nit.,i  Stat.',,,  ami  n,  l>sM|_,mU  i:i  !^  In  I'MHM).  p.-r. .  nta«,  l.a.l  MU.k  to  .1..., 
in  li<i"  111  10. T,  .iikI  ..  -X ,11  ..:'.  ::;:    •::•.-:;—■ 


CHAP,  cxxiii      SOCIAL  AND   KCONOMIC  FLTl'IvE 


923 


Toutonir  (Low  (Icniian  und  Norse)  clcnu-nts  in  t!iat  population 
as  it  sto(Ml  ill  the  scvciittciitli  century,  when  England  iM'gan  to 
colonize  North  America,  may  prohaMy  he  a  ratio  not  much  smal- 
ler than  that  which  the  Irisii  immiRrunts  to  America  bear  to  the 
(Jerman  imminratits :  so  that  the  relative  proportions  of  Celtic 
and  Teutonic  lilood,  as  these  pro])ortions  may  l)e  taken  to  have 
existed  in  the  Americans  of  a  hundred  years  a^o,  have  not  been 
greatly  altered  !y  Irish  and  the  Cierman  immigration.' 

( hi  the  whole,  we  may  conclude  that  the  intellectual  and  moral 
atmosphere  into  wiiich  tlie  settlen'  hum  Europe  come  has  more 
power  to  assimilate  them  than  their  race  (lualities  have  power 
to  chsiiige  it  ;  and  that  the  future  of  America  will  be  less  affected 
by  this  influx  of  new  IiIikmI,  (>ven  Italian  and  Slavonic  blood, 
than  any  one  who  has  not  studied  the  facts  on  the  spot  can 
realize.  The  iiifluciice  of  European  immigration  is  so  far  to 
be  traced,  not  in  any  tinging  of  the  national  character,  but 
economically  in  the  amazingly  swift  growth  of  the  agricul- 
tural West,  and  politically  in  the  unfortunate  results  it  has 
had  uj)on  the  public  life  of  cities,  in  the  outbreaks  of  savage 
violence  wliich  may  l>e  traced  to  it,  particularly  in  the  mining 
districts,  and  in  the  severe  strain  it  has  put  on  universal  suffrage. 
.Another  i)ossil)le  source  of  evil  has  cau>ed  disfpiiet.  The 
most  co!ispi<-uous  evidence  of  .\merican  prosperity  has  been 
hitherto  seen  in  the  high  standard  of  living  to  which  the  native 
working  classes  of  the  Nortlt  have  risen,  in  the  abundance  of  their 
food  and  the  (piality  of  tln'ir  cl<»thing,  in  the  neatness  and  com- 
fort of  their  homes,  in  the  decent  orderliness  of  their  lives,  and 
the  fondness  for  reading  of  tlu-ir  women.  The  Irish  and  Ger- 
inan  settlers  of  last  century,  though  at  first  liehind  the  native 
.Americans  in  all  these  res])ects,  have  now  risen  to  their  level  and, 
except  in  a  few  of  the  larger  cities,  have  adopted  .American 
standards  of  roinfort.  Will  the  same  thing  hajipen  with  the 
new  swarms  of  luiropean  immigrants  who  have  l)een  rlrawn 
from  their  homes  in  the  east<'rn  parts  of  Ccmtral  Europe  by 


i    l 

1  U 


1  Til.-  :tiw«l<iir  iiiMV  \'i  ■  mi.  .1  iini'  --ti'|i  fiirthiT  l>.v  oliscrviiic  that  fho  Scan* 
(liimvi:iii-'  wl»'  now  -.•!!!.  in  fin'  Nnrth-w.wt,-,!.  Htiif.H,  !is  tln-y  luivc  roitir  tc 
AriKTifii  latir  fiaii  <  'll'  "i  t  itriii.'ins.  so  m1»<>  hii  •  ■  inrm-  in  a  iiniportiim  to  OltB 
iilul  <;iTiii:iiis  .•«)rrf>nMmilini£  t"  that  Ixiriic  to  the  pr>->  imiiw  iiihal)ilaiitH  of  Hritaiii 
l)y  the  l>aiii'-  all'!  NMrwcL'iaii-  win.  luninil  tli>ir  vigorous  I-Io»m1  into  the  veins 
i>f  fhf  I'.neiicli  ra--  froni  tin-  ninth  cciitiirv  onward-  Th.'  lartrnr  and  nioro  ob- 
m-iir*'  qii.-stioii  ..I  till'  inlhiiii<-.'  of  Shtvoiiic.  .h-wish  and  Itsilinn  imniigranta  has 


ijetru  licoil  Wilu 


uliU.- 


11. 


11 


ia 


024 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART  VI 


k  t^i- 


"    i 


i\w  coiiHtunt  chfjipniiiiK  <>f  <«'«'an  transit  mul  by  that  iiiort' 
thoroujtli  druinam',  st)  to  sjM'ak,  of  the  inland  regions  of  Euro|M? 
which  is  due  to  the  I'xtension  of  railways?  • 

Some  have  feared  that  iwssihly  these  immigrants,  coming 
from  a  lower  stratum  of  civilization  than  the  German  immi- 
grants of  the  past,  and,  since  they  speak  foreign  tongues,  less 
quickly  anienal)le  to  American  influences  than  are  the  Irish, 
retain  th«'ir  own  low  standard  of  decency  and  comfort,  and 
menace  the  continuance  among  the  white  work  people  of  that 
fur  higher  standard  which  has  hitherto  prevailed.  But  exp*"- 
rience  has  hitherto  shown  that  these  latest  comers,  though 
they  live  far  more  roughly  than  native  Americans,  soon  cease 
to  be  content  with  lower  wages,  so  if  they  do  depress  the 
average  of  decent  living,  it  will  not  be  through  underbivlding 
the  older  inhabitants. 

The  intrusion  of  new  inauspicious  elements  is  not  the  only 
change  in  the  population  which  may  cause  anxiety.  For  many 
years  past  there  has  l)een  an  indraught  of  people  from  the 
rural  districts  to  the  cities.  More  than  one-third  of  the 
whole  jKipulation  is  now,  it  is  estimated,  to  be  found  in  cities 
with  u  population  exceechng  8()00,  and  the  transfer  of  people 
from  ii  rural  to  an  urban  life  go(>s  on  all  the  fa.ster  l)ecause  it 
is  due  not  merely  to  econoniic  causes,  such  a.s  operate  ail  the 
world  over,  and  to  the  spirit  of  enterpris<>  which  is  strong  in 
tli«'  American  youth,  but  also  to  the  dista.ste  which  the  average 
native  .Xinerican.  a  more  sociable  and  amusement-loving  iKung 
t  lian  the  Knglish  or  ( lerman  peasant ,  f<'els  for  the  isolat  ion  of  farm 
lift'  and  the  njouotony  of  farm  lalM)ur.'-  Even  in  1844  R.  W. 
Emerson  wrote:  "The  cities  drain  the  country  of  tlie  best 
pan  of  its  population,  the  How«'r  of  the  youth  of  both  sexes 
gm's  into  the  towns,  and  the  country  is  cultivated  by  a  much 
inferi(;r  da-ss.'     Since  then  the  Western  forests  have  been  felled 

'  'riir  l:iri:fr.t  pcrrciitiiKcs  of  iiifti'jisc  of  forciKli  population,  where  iilwolute 
nuiiiliers  were  simiificani.  were,  ill  the  deeiide  of  ltM)0-l()  the  followiiiit  Persons 
l.orii  ill  HiiiitJ,ir\  JtOl  per  eeiit.  in  lliissia  177.4  per  I'eiit.  in  Itiily  177..')  per  eeiit, 
ill  .\ii>triu  i;i'.l  -'  per  lent.  In  the  pn  eeiliiiK  ileeide  these  pereeiitatfes  had  lieeii 
!:;:{.  l.ij.  \n:>,  ami  IJl  resix ctivelv. 

■Then-  i»  .suiiieliiiies  a  sean  •■  of  iulHiiir  on  farms  in  the  Kastern  .States, 
while  the  citie.s  are  crowdeil  wit       lien  nut  of  work. 

The  pineiitaue  of  iirli.-iii  to  t.il  d  [Mipiilation.  whieli  in  17!H)  was  3. So,  was,  in 
IVHl.  .•<t,l_'.  ill  I'.MMt,  :«.M,and  in  I'UH  M,:A.  In  the  New  EnKhiiuI  and  Middlo 
.\tlaiitie  States  it  was  s:l..<  and  71  per  e.iit.  respeetively,  of  the  population.  The 
inrre.-L.u.  in  these  States  was  ehiefiv  ill  .Ma.-'sarhiisetts,  New  .lersey.  and  Vennsyl- 
vaiiia.  anil  i  p.irl  was  of  course  due  to  ilie  laiKc  inereas*'  ol  niliaiKratloii  into 
New  York  City. 


CHAP,  rxxiii      SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  FITIRK 


92."- 


and  the  Western  prairies  brought  umlor  the  plouRh  l)y  the  stal- 
wart sons  of  New  (England  and  New  YDrk.  But  now  again,  and 
in  the  West  hardly  less  than  in  the  East,  tho  complaint  goes 
up  that  native  American  men  and  wouien  long  for  a  city  life, 
an<l  gladly  leave  tillage  to  the  newcomers  from  (Jennany  and 
Scandinavia.  To  make  rural  life  more  attractive  an<l  so  check 
the  inflow  to  the  cities,  is  one  of  the  chief  tasks  of  American 
statesmanship  to-<lay.  P'ortunately,  the  introduction  of  the 
telephone,  of  electric  car  lines  traversing  the  rural  districts,  of 
automobiles,  and  of  a  delivery  of  letters  over  the  country  are  all 
tending  to  r««<luce  the  loneliness  and  isolation  which  have  made 
country  life  distasteful. 

Whether  a  city-bred  iK)pulation  will  have  the  physical  vigour 
which  the  native  rural  population  has  shown—  a  population 
which  in  some  of  the  Western  Stat(>s  strikes  one  as  jK>rhaps  more 
vigorous  than  any  Europ**  can  point  to  is  at  l(>ast  doubtful, 
for  though  American  cities  have  sanitary  advantages  greater 
than  those  of  most  towns  in  Europe,  the  stress  and  strain  of  their 
city  life  is  more  exhausting.  \n(l  it  need  scarcely  Im>  added  that 
in  the  oldest  am'  most  highly  civilized  districts  of  the  country, 
ami  among  the  wealthier  or  more  refined  clas.xes  of  the  people, 
the  natural  increa.«e  «.f  iM)pulation  is  nuich  smaller  than  it  is 
among  the  poorer  ami  the  ruder. 

We  liave  been  wont  to  think  of  th(>  principle  of  natural  .selec- 
tion as  that  which  nuikt's  for  the  progress  of  the  nice  in  man- 
kind, as  it  has  dom>  in  the  other  fumilies  of  animated  creatures. 
But  in  the  most  advanced  coniinunities  this  j)rinciple  is  apt  to 
be  revers<'d,  and  the  section  of  the  population  which  tends  to 
l>ropagate  itself  most  largely  is  that  very  section  which  is  least 
fitted  to  raise,  or  even  to  sust;iin,  the  intellectual  and  moral 
level,  as  well  a>  the  level  of  pl\y>i(al  cxceilence,  already  attained. 
Marriages  are  later  an<l  families  smaller  anionn  the  l.st  nurtured 
and  most  cultivated  class  than  tiny  are  among  the  uneducated 
and  improvident  ;  luarc  children  are  horn  to  the  physically  weak 
and  morally  untrained  than  to  llio.-e  anions:  the  rich  whose 
luiturai  gifts  would  in  ages  of  violciice.  when  iikmi  and  famili<'s 
sur^iveti  by  physical  and  nie>ilal  streny:lh,  li.ive  enabled  them 
to  prevail  in  the  struggle  for  existence.  Thus  a  force  which 
once  worked  powerfully  for  the  iMjproveiiicnt  oi'  a  national 
stock  has  i\ow  been  tunie(i  ttic  otlier  wav.  niul  Mi;tke>  for  a  decline 
111  the  averaKc  cai)acincs  whcriwith  <  ach  man  i-  born  into  the 


i 


I 


096 


BOCIAL  INSTITUTION'S 


PAHT  VI 


world.  So  in  New  England  and  the  Eastern  StatPH  Ronerally, 
though  there  are  a  few  families,  historic  by  the  nunib<'r  of  eminent 
nameH  they  have  produced,  which  still  flourish  an.l  count  their 
cousinhood  by  hundreds,  it  is  nevertheless  true  that  the  ongmal 
English  stock,  if  it  maintains  its  numb«.rs  (which  set'ms  in  some 
parts  of  the  country  to  be  .loubtful),  grows  less  swiftly  than 
do  the  immigrant  stocks,  and  far  less  swiftly  than  it  did  a 
century  ago.'  Yet  here  also  that  assiiniiutive  |>ower  of  which 
1  have  spoken  comes  to  the  help  of  the  nation.  Those  who 
rise  from  the  less  cultivated  classes-,  whether  of  native  or 
foreign  extraction,  are  breathed  upon  by  the  spirit  of  the 
country ;  they  absorb  its  culture  and  carry  on  its  traditions ; 
and  they  do  so  all  the  more  readily  liecause  the  pervading 
sense  of  equality  makes  a  man's  entrance  into  a  class  higher 
than  that  wherein  he  was  born  dcpeml  solely  on  his  personal 

qualities.  .         .,  ..       ^      i 

European  readers  may  ask  whether  the  swift  growth  not  only 
of  wealth  but  of  great  fortunes  in  the  United  States  will  not  end 
in  creating  an  aristocracy  of  rich  families,  and  therewith  a  new 
structure  of  society.  I  see  no  ground  for  expecting  this,  not 
merely  because  the  wealthiest  class  pa.sses  down  by  impercep- 
tible gradations  of  fortune  to  a  working  class  far  better  off 
than  the  working  cla.sses  of  Europe,  but  also  because  the  faith 
in  equality  and  the  love  of  wiuality  are  too  deeply  implanted 
in  every  American  breast  to  Ik>  rooted  out  by  any  economic 
changes.  They  are  the  strongest  beliefs  and  pa.ssions  of  the 
people.  They  make  no  small  part  of  the  people's  daily  happi- 
ness; and  I  can  more  easily  imagine  the  liiited  States  turned 
into  a  monarchy  on  the  one  hand  or  a  group  of  petty  republics 
on  the  other  than  the  aristocratic  ideas  and  habits  of  (Jermany 
established  on  American  soil.  Social  cx.lusiveness  there  may  be, 
—  signs  of  it  are  already  discernible,  —  but  visible  and  overt 
recognitions  of  differences  of  rank,  whether  in  the  use  of  hered- 

.  Gfuoral  F.  \  Walk.r  Kavr  th.^  rut.  of  in.r.usr  of  ti...  native  whiton  g.-nonill.v 
i„  fK^  r.>itr,l  ^t-.t-  at  :n:2r,  i..-r  .■-■nt  m  tho  M.-ra-l.-  IsTIV  H().  Imf  that  of  irntiv.- 

rives  tho  ratr  of  i...r.    m.  i..  th.  y.ar«  I'.KM)  U)  a,  JD.h  ,„  r  .vnt  ,.t  .mt.v.-  wh.t  ■«. 
r„d  o    na.iv-  whit...    .on.  of  nativ  ,.ur,...t.  as  .•().<)  ."r  .-.'  .     The  ayeraR.-  . 
of  the  f.n.ilv  cl..,r.n-<l  in  1K7(V  HO  from  .'..(H.  pernons  to  ,,.(Vi.      In  Wm  .t  ha.l 
?urttr  f  ill',  to  4.7    .n,l  in  1<M()  to  4..^  »...!  in  son.e  of  th.   states  when-  the  ,k„.u- 
S..  L   ...     lawK  ..ative  In-rn  it  wa.s  still  low.r.  ■ .».  .Ma...e  (4.J<  ...  S>y^ll^m>- 

WMt  Virginia  (4.W),  Tcsas  (l.U).  N.^rth  C^T-Aim  (f>m). 


CHAP,  cxxiii      SOCIAL  AND  ECONOMIC  FUTUUK 


02> 


Itary  titloH,  or  in  tlw  |M)SHeH-  um  l>y  oiw  clans  of  H|K>c'tal  privileKea, 
or  in  the  huhit  of  dcfc-rfnci'  by  one  rlu.««  to  unothor,  would  imply 
u  revolution  in  national  id«'as.  and  a  cliungo  in  what  may  Iw 
calli-d  the  cIm  inicul  coniixwition  of  the  national  mind,  which  ia 
of  all  things  tlu-  least  likely  to  arrive. 

1  have  left  to  the  last  the  most  difficult  problem  which  a 
meditation  on  the  future  of  American  society  raises.  From 
those  lirst  days  of  the  Hepublie  in  which  its  peoi)le  realize<l  that 
they  were  Americans  und  no  longer  merely  English  colonists, 
it  has  iM'en  a  (juestion  of  tl«'  keenest  int<*re8t  for  them,  as  it  is 
now  for  tlu»  world,  when  and  how  and  in  what  form  they  would 
dev(>lop  a  distinctively  new  and  truly  national  ty|K>  of  character 
and  genius.  In  18^44  Kmerson  said,  addressing  those  who  had 
lately  seen  th(>  coincidence  of  two  fateful  phenomena  —  the 
extension  of  railways  into  the  West  an«l  the  establishment  of 
lines  of  swift  ocean  steamers  to  Kurop«'  — 

"We  in  the  Atlanlii'  Slules  l»y  |M>silioii  have  Un-n  «'imimen!i«l  and 
have  inihilHMl  wi.sily  a  Kuro|ioaii  (  ulture.  Luckily  for  us,  m-'v  tlmt  8team 
ban  narrowed  thf  Atlantic  to  u  strait,  tin-  ihtvous  nx-ky  Went  in  intrud- 
ing  u  new  and  continrntal  «-l(nicnt  into  the  national  mind,  and  we  shall 
yet  have  an  American  genius.  \Vc  cannot  liM>k  on  the  freedom  of  this 
(fountry  iu  (?onno<'tion  witii  its  youth  without  a  prewmtiment  that  here 
shall  laws  and  institutions  exist  on  some  scale  of  proportion  to  the 
majesty  of  nature.  To  nu'n  UifislatiuK  for  the  art<a  between  the  two 
cKH'aus,  iM'twixt  the  snows  and  the  tropics,  somewhat  of  the  gravity  of 
nature  will  infusi'  itself  into  the  code." 

Since  these  words  were  spoken,  many  events  have  intervened 
to  delay  that  full  expression  of  the  national  gifts  in  letters  and 
arts,  as  well  as  in  institutions,  by  which  a  modern  people  must 
reveal  the  iM'culiar  nattire  of  its  genius.  Emerson  would  doubt- 
less have  a<lmitt<'d  in  1874  that  the  West  had  contributed  less 
of  a  "new  and  continental  elennMit  '  than  he  expected,  and  that 
the  majesty  of  nature  had  not  yet  fille<l  Congress  with  its  inspira- 
tion. Probably  another  generation  must  aris<',  less  preoccupied 
with  the  tiusk  of  material  development  than  the  three  last  have 
l>een,  lM'f«)re  this  expression  can  Im'  looked  for.  Europe,  which 
used  to  assume  in  its  contemptuous  way  that  neither  arts  nor 
letters  could  Im'  ex|K'cteil  from  commercial  .\merica  —  as  Charles 
Lamb  said  that  the  whole  Atlantic  coast  figured  itself  to  him 
as  one  long  coimter  spread  with  wares  —  fiIuro|M'  has  now  fallen 
into  the  opijosite  error  of  exp«?et!ng  the  development  of  arta  and 


M 

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PI 


MiatOCOPV  RESOIUTION  TBT  CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


1.0 


I.I 


1^ 


1^     12.2 


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lit 
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116 

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2.0 


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^  /APPLIED  IIVHGE     Inc 

S^  '653  East  Moin  Street 

S'.S  Rochester,   Ne»  York        14609       USA 

^S  (716)  482  -  0300  -  Phone 

^B  (7t6)  288  -  S989  -  Fa« 


928 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PART   Ti 


< -./ 


letters  to  keep  pace  witli  and  be  immediately  worthy  of  the 
material  greatness  of  the  country.     And  the  Americans  them- 
selves have  perhaps,  if  a  stranger  may  be  pardoned  the  remark, 
erred  in  supposing  that  they  made,  either  in  the  days  of  the  first 
settlements  or  in  those  when  they  won  their  independence,  an 
entirely  new  departure,  and  that  their  new  environment  and 
their  democratic  institutions  rendered  them  more  completely 
a  new  people  than  the  children  of  England,  continuing  to  speak 
the  English  tongue  and  to  be  influenced  by  European  literature, 
could  in  truth  have  been  expected  to  become.     As  Protestants 
have  been  apt  to  forget  the  traditions  of  the  mediaeval  Church ' 
and  to  renounce  the  glories  of  St.  Anselm  and  St.  Bernard  and 
Dante,  so  the  Americans  of  1850  —  for  this  is  a  mistake  which 
they  have  now  outgrown  —  sought  to  think  of  themselves  as 
superior  in  all  regards  to  the  aristocratic  society  from  which  they 
had  severed  themselves,  and  looked  for  an  elevation  in  their 
character  and  an  originality  in  their  literature  which  neither 
the  amplitude  of  their  freedom  nor  the  new  conditions  of  their 
life  could  at  once  produce  in  the  members  of  an  ancient  people. 
What  will  be  either  the  form  or  the  spirit  of  transatlantic 
literature  and  thought  when  they  have  fully  ripened  is  a  ques- 
tion on  which  I  do  not  attempt  to  speculate,  for  the  forces  that 
shape  literature  and  thought  are  the  subtlest  the  historian  has 
to  deal  with.     I  return  to  the  humbler  task  of  pointing  to  causes 
whose  already  apparent  power  is  producing  a  society  such  as 
has  never  yet  been  seen  in  Europe.     Nowhere  in  the  world  is 
there  growing  up  such  a  va.st  multitude  of  intelligent,  cultivated, 
and  curious  readers.     It  is  true  that  of  the  whole  population 
a  vast  majority  of  the  men  read  little  but  newspapers,  and  many 
of  the  women  little  but  fiction.     Yet  there  remains  a  number  to 
be  counted  by  millions  who  enjoy  and  are  moved  by  the  higher 
products  of  thought  and  imagination ;  and  it  must  be  that  as 
this  number  continues  to  grow,  each  generation  rising  somewhat 
above  the  level  of  its  predecessors,  history  and  science,  and  even 
poetry,  will  exert  a  power  such  as  they  have  never  yet  exerted 
over  the  masses  of  any  country.     And  the  masses  of  America 
seem  likely  to  constitute  one-half  of  civilized  mankind.     There 
are  those  now  living  who  may  see  before  they  die  three  hundred 
millions  of  men  dwelling  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific, 
obeying  the  same  government,  speaking  the  same  tongue,  read- 
ing the  same  books.    A  civilized  society  like  this  is  so  much  vastei" 


CHAP,  rxxiii      SOCIAL  AND  EOOXOMir  FUTURE 


929 


than  any  whirh  history  knows  of,  llial  we  can  scarcely  fi^^urc  to 
ourselves  what  its  character  will  be,  nor  how  the  sense  of  its 
immensity  will  tell  upon  those  who  uiklress  it.  The  range  of 
a  writer's  power  will  be  such  as  no  wi  iters  have  ever  yet  pos- 
sessed;  and  the  responsibility  which  goes  hand  in  hand  with 
the  privilege  of  moving  so  great  a  multitude  will  devolve  upon 
the  thinkers  and  poets  of  England  hardly  less  than  upon  those 
of  America. 

The  same  progress  which  may  be  expected  in  the  enjoyment 
■  of  literature  and  in  its  influence  may  be  no  less  expected  in  the 
other  elements  of  what  we  call  civilization.  Manners  are  b<>com- 
ing  in  America  more  generally  polished,  life  rtiore  orderly,  equal- 
ity between  the  sexes  more  complete,  the  refined  pleasures  more 
easily  accessible  than  they  have  ever  yet  been  among  the  masses 
of  any  people.  And  this  civilization  attains  a  unity  and  harmony 
which  makes  each  part  of  the  nation  understand  the  other  parts 
more  perfectly,  and  enables  an  intellectual  impulse  to  be  propa- 
gated in  swifter  waves  of  light  than  has  been  the  ca.se  among  the 
far  smaller  and  more  ancient  states  of  Europe. 

While  this  unity  and  harmony  strengthen  the  cohesion  of  the 
Republic,  while  this  diffused  cultivation  may  be  expected  to 
overcome  the  economic  dangers  that  threaten  it,  they  are  not 
wholly  favourable  to  intellectual  creation,  or  to  the  variety  and 
interest  of  life.  I  will  try  to  explain  my  meaning  by  describing 
the  impression  which  stamps  itself  on  the  mind  of  the  .stranger 
who  travels  westward  by  railway  from  New  York  to  Oregon. 
In  Ohio  he  sees  communities  which  a  century  ago  were  clusters 
of  log-huts  among  forests,  and  which  are  now  cities  l)etter  sup- 
plied with  all  the  appliances  of  refined  and  even  luxurious  life 
than  were  Philadelphia  and  New  York  in  those  days.  In  Illinois 
he  sees  communities  which  were  in  1848  what  Ohio  was  in  1805. 
In  the  newer  States  of  Wyoming  and  Washington  he  s(>es  settle- 
ments not  long  emerged  from  a  rud(>ness  like  that  cf  primitive 
Ohio  or  Illinois,  and  reflects  that  such  as  Ohio  is  now,  such  as 
Illinois  is  fast  becoming,  such  in  a  few  years  more  will  Wyoming 
and  Washington  have  become,  the  process  of  develoi)ment  mov- 
ing, by  the  help  of  science,  with  an  always  acc(  lerated  speed. 
"If  I  return  this  way  twenty  years  hence,"  he  thinks.  "I  shall 
see,  except  in  some  few  tracts  which  nature  has  condenmed  to 
sterility,  nothing  but  civilization,  a  highly  developed  form  of 
civilization,  stretching  from  the  one  ocean  to  the  other;  the 
3o 


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11 


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il 


930 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAKT    VI 


St   \ 


■i4 


tl 


busy,  eager,  well-ordered  life  of  the  Hudson  will  be  the  life  of 
those  who  dwell  on  the  banks  of  the  Yellowstone,  or  who  look 
up  to  the  snows  of  Mount  Shasta  from  the  valleys  of  California." 
The  Far  West  has  hitherto  been  to  Americans  of  the  Atlantic 
States  the  land  of  freedom  and  adventure  and  mystery,  the  land 
whose  forests  and  prairies,  with  trappers  pursuing  the  wild 
creatures,  and  Indians  threading  in  their  canoes  the  maze  of 
lakes,  have  touched  their  imagination  and  supplied  a  background 
of  romance  to  the  prosaic  conditions  which  surround  their  own 
lives.  All  this  is  fast  vanishing;  and  as  the  world  has  by  sL,v 
steps  lost  all  its  mystery  since  the  voyage  of  Columbus,  so 
America  will  from  end  to  end  be  to  the  Americans  even  a.s  Eng- 
land is  to  the  English.  What  new  background  of  romance  \vill 
be  discovered  ?  Where  will  the  American  imagination  of  the 
future  seek  its  materials  when  it  desires  to  escape  from  dramas 
of  domestic  life  ?  Where  will  bold  spirits  find  a  field  in  which  to 
relieve  their  energies  when  the  Western  world  of  adventure  is 
no  more  ?  As  in  our  globe  so  in  the  North  American  continent, 
there  will  be  something  to  regret  when  all  is  known  and  the 
waters  of  civilization  have  covered  the  tops  of  the  highest 
mountains. 

Ho  who  turns  away  from  a  survey  of  the  government  and 
society  of  the  United  States  and  tries  to  estimate  the  place 
they  hold  in  the  history  of  the  world's  progress  cannot  repress 
a  slight  sense  of  disappointment  when  he  compares  what  he 
has  observed  and  studied  with  that  which  idealists  have  hoped 
for,  and  Americans  have  desired  to  establish.  "I  have  seen," 
he  says,  "the  latest  experiment  which  mankind  have  tried, 
and  the  last  which  they  can  ever  hope  to  try  under  equally 
favouring  conditions.  A  race  of  unequalled  energy  and  un- 
surpassed variety  of  gifts,  a  race  apt  for  conquest  and  for  the 
arts  of  peace,  which  has  covered  the  world  with  the  triumphs 
of  its  sword,  and  planted  its  laws  in  a  lumdred  islands  of  the 
sea,  sent  the  choicest  of  its  children  to  a  new  land,  rich  with 
the  bounties  of  nature,  bidding  them  increase  and  multiply, 
with  no  enemies  to  fear  from  Europe,  anil  few  of  those  evils  to 
eradicate  which  Europe  inherits  from  its  feudal  past.  They 
have  multiplied  till  the  sajjling  of  two  centuries  ago  overtops 
the  parent  trunk;  they  have  drawn  from  their  continent  a 
wealth  which  no  one  dreamed  of,  they  have  kept  themselves 
aloof  from  Old  World  strife,  and  have  no  foe  in  the  world  to 


CHAP,  cxxin      SOCIAL  AND   KC'OXOMK^  FUTURK 


931 


fear ;  they  have  destroyed,  after  a  tremendous  struj^gle,  the  one 
root  of  evil  which  the  mother  country  in  an  unhappy  hour 
planted  among  them.  And  yet  the  government  and  insti- 
tutions, as  well  as  the  industrial  civilization  of  America,  are 
far  removed  from  that  ideal  commonwealth  which  European 
philosophers  imagined,  and  Americans  expected  to  create." 
The  feeling  expressed  in  these  words,  so  often  heard  from 
European  travellers,  is  natural  to  a  European,  who  is  struck 
by  the  absence  from  America  of  many  of  those  springs  of  trouble 
to  which  he  has  been  wont  to  ascribe  the  ills  of  Europe.  But 
it  is  only  the  utterance  of  the  ever-fresh  surprise  of  mankind 
at  the  discovery  of  their  own  weaknesses  and  shortcomings. 
Why  should  either  philosophers  in  Europ(>,  or  practical  men 
in  America  have  expected  humat;  nature  to  change  when  it 
crossed  the  ocean  ?  when  history  could  have  told  them  of  many 
ideals  not  less  liigh  and  hopes  not  less  confident  than  those 
that  were  formed  for  America  which  have  been  swallowed  up 
in  night.  The  vision  of  a  golden  age  has  often  shimmered 
far  off  before  the  mind  of  men  wlien  they  have  passed  through 
some  great  crisis,  or  climbed  to  st)nu'  sp<'cular  mount  of  faith, 
as  before  the  traveller  when  he  has  reached  the  highest  pas- 
tures of  the  Jura,  the  line  of  Aljiine  snows  stands  up  and  glitters 
with  celestial  light.  Such  a  vision  seen  by  heathen  antiquity 
still  charms  us  in  that  famous  poem  of  N'irgil's  which  was  long 
believed  to  embody  an  inspired  prophecy.  Such  another  re- 
joiced the  souls  of  pious  men  in  the  days  of  Con.stantine,  when 
the  Christian  Church,  triumphant  over  her  enemies,  seemed 
about  to  reali/e  the  kingdom  of  heaven  upon  earth.  Such  a 
one  reappeared  to  the  religious  reformers  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  who  conceived  that  when  they  had  purged  Chris- 
tianity of  its  corrupt  accretions,  tlu>  world  would  be  again  filled 
with  the  glory  of  (iotl,  and  men  order  their  lives  according  to 
His  law.  And  such  a  vision  transported  men  near  the  end 
of  the  eighteenth  cei.tury,  when  it  was  not  unnaturally  be- 
lieved that  in  breaking  the  fetters  by  which  religious  and  sec- 
ular tyranny  had  bound  the  souls  and  bodies  of  men,  and  in 
proclaiming  the  principle  that  government  sprang  from  the 
rnnsont  nf  a!!,  .".nd  must  bf  directpd  to  their  good,  enough  had 
been  done  to  enable  the  natural  virtues  to  secure  the  peace  and 
happiness  of  nations.  Since  1789  many  things  have  happened, 
and  men  have  become  less  inclined  to  set  their  hopes  upon 


!  I 
J  |i 

fl; 

k 

i'< 


SOCIAL  INSTITUTIONS 


PAST  VI 


I, 


932         

political  reforms.    Those  who  still  expect  a  general  ameHoj 
ration  of  the  world  from  sudden  changes  look  to  an  industrial 
and  not  a  political  revolution,  or  seek  in  their  impatience  to 
destroy    .U  that  now  exists,  fancying  that  from  chaos  some- 
thing  better  may  emerge.     In  Europe,  whose  thinkers  have 
seldom  been  in  a  less  cheerful  mood  than    hey  are  toKlay, 
Uiero  are  many  who  seem  to  have  lost  the  old  faith  '"  progress 
many  who  feel  when  they  recall  the  experiences  of  the  long 
pilgrimage  of  mankind,   that   the  mountains  which  stand  so 
beautiful  in  the  blue  of  the  distance,  touched  here  by  flashes 
of  sunlight  and  there  by  shadows  of  the  clouds  will  when  one 
comes  to  traverse   them   he  no   Delectable   Mountains,   but 
.(•arred  bv  storms  and  seamed  by  torrents,  with  wastes  of  stone 
above,  and  marshes  stagnating  in  the  valleys.     Yet  there  -e 
others  whose  review  of  that  pilgnmage  convinces  theni  that 
though  the  ascent  of  man  may  be  slow  it  is  also  sure;  that  . 
we  compare  each  age  with  those  which  preceded  it  we  find 
that. the  ground  which  seems  for  a  time  to  have  l)een  lost  is 
ultimatelv  recovered,  we  see  human  nature  growing  gradually 
more  refined,  institutions  better  fitted  to  secure  justice,  the 
opportunities   and  capacities   for  happiness   larger   and  more 
varied,  so  that  the  error  of  those  who  formed  ideals  never  yet 
attained  lay  only  in  their  forgetting  how  much  time  and  effort 
and  patience  under  repeated  disappointment  must  go  to  that 

attainment.  ,      .  •     tUo. 

This  less  sombre  type  of  thought  is  more  common  in  the 
United  States  than  in  Europe,  for  the  people  not  only  feel  in 
their  veins  the  pulse  of  youthful  strength,  but  remember  the 
magnitude  of  the  evils  they  have  vanquishecl  and  see^that 
thov  hav.>  already  achieved  many  things  which  the  Old  World 
has"  l(,nge<l  for  in  vain.  And  by  so  much  as  the  people  of  the 
United  States  an>  more  hopeful,  by  that  much  are  they  more 
healthy  Thev  do  not,  like  their  forefathers,  expect  to  attain 
their  ideals  either  easily  or  soon;  l)ut  they  say  that  they  will 
continue  to  strive  towards  them,  ami  they  say  it  with  a  not^ 
of  confidence  in  the  voice  which  rings  in  the  (>ar  of  the  Euro- 
pean visitor,  and  fills  him  with  something  of  their  own  sanguine 
Spirit  America  has  still  a  long  vista  of  years  stretching  before 
hor  iii  which  she  will  enjoy  conditions  far  more  auspicious 
than  any  European  country  can  count  upon.  And  that  Anier- 
ioa  marks  the  highest  level,  not  only  of  material  well-being, 


fi 


CHAP,  rxxin      SOCIAL  AND  KCONOMIC  FUTl  RE 


033 


but  of  intelligence  and  happiness,  which  ti>e  race  lias  yet  at- 
tained, will  l)e  the  judgment  of  those  who  look  not  at  the 
favoured  few  for  whose  benefit  the  world  seems  hitherto  to 
have  framed  its  institutions,  but  at  the  whole  body  of  the 
people. 


ifc 


ij:  K 

r  li 
!! 

V- 


f  I!' 


'      i 


'M- 


APPENDIX 


NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  LXI 


EXPLANATION    (bY   MB.    fi.    BRADFORD)    OF   THK    NOMIVATINO    MACHINERY 
AND  ITS  PHOCEDl'RK   IN  THE  STATE   OF   MASHACHU8ETT8 ' 

1.  By  an  Act  of  the  Massachusetts  Icpslat  ure  of  HKK),  the  whole  elec- 
tive organization  of  the  City  of  Boston  was  changed.  The  two  branches 
of  twelve  aldermen  elected  at  large  and  seventy-Hve  councilmen  elected  by 
wards  and  precincts,  as  well  as  the  system  of  ward  primaries  and  ward  and 
city  committees,  were  abolished.  In  place  of  a  mayor  elected  for  two 
years,  he  was  to  be  elected  tor  four  years,  subject  to  recall  at  the  end 
of  two  years  l)y  not  less  than  a  majority  of  all  the  voters  in  the  city. 
The  new  city  council  was  to  consist  of  nine  members  elected  at  large 
for  three  years,  renewable  by  three  members  elected  in  each  year. 

The  sweeping  character  of  the  change  may  be  best  described  by  two 
Sections  of  the  new  Act :  —  .     ,     -. 

Sfxtiox  r)2.  No  primary  election  or  caucus  for  municipal  offices 
shall  be  held  hereafter  in  the  city  of  Boston,  and  all  laws  relating  to 
primary  elections  and  caucuses  ft.r  such  otlices  in  said  city  are  hereby 

repealed.  .        ..    -^  u 

Section  .">.'{.  Any  male  qualified  registered  voter  in  said  city  may  be 
nominated  for  any  municipal  elective  office  in  said  city,  and  his  name 
as  such  candidate  shall  be  printed  on  the  official  ballot  to  be  used  at 
the  municipal  election :  proridid,  that  at  or  before  five  o'clock  p.m.  of 
the  twenty-fifth  day  prior  to  such  election  nomination  pajjers  prepared 
and  issued  by  the  election  commissioners,  signed  in  person  by  at  least 
five  thousand  registered  voters  in  said  city  quahfied  to  vote  for  such 
candidate  at  said  election,  shall  be  filed  with  said  election  commis- 
sioners, and  the  signatures  on  the  same  to  the  number  required  to  make 
a  nomination  are  subsequently  certified  by  the  election  commissioners 
as  hereinafter  proWded.  .       ,     .  , 

The  Act  is  mandatory  in  Boston,  and  its  acceptance  optional  with 
other  cities  and  towns  of  which  thirteen  have  thus  far  been  reported  as 
voting  in  favor  of  it.  .  r-     i     j 

2.  County.  —  The  county  is  much  less  important  in  New  liingland 
than  in  any  other  part  of  the  country.  There  are  to  be  chosen,  how- 
ever, county  eommij-sionorv  dhrco  in  number,  one  retiring  each  year, 
haying  charge  of  roads,  jails,  houses  of  correction,  registry  of  deeds, 

1  In  Mr    Bnulford,  who  cli.d  since  hi-  revised  this  note  (ii.  1910)    MasM- 
chuBctts  l.wt  a  singularly  thoughtful  aiul  puhlic-spiritcd  cituen. 

U30 


li       1 


Y  ? 
:  I 

1:1 


036 


APPKNDIX 


and,  in  part  of  the  courtH),  county  treasurer,  registrar  of  deeds,  rejris- 
trar  of  probate,  and  sheriff.  These  candidates  are  m»minate<l  by  party 
conventions  of  the  county,  called  by  a  committee  ele<'ted  by  the  last 
county  convention.  The  delegates  are  selecte<l  by  ward  and  town 
primaries  at  the  same  time  with  other  delegates. 

'.i.  Sinit:  —  First  as  to  representatives  to  State  leKislature,  240  in 
number.  The  State  is  districted  as  nearly  as  may  be  in  proportion  to 
population.  If  a  ward  of  a  city,  or  a  single  t(»wn,  is  entitled  to  a  repre- 
sentative, the  party  candidate  is  nominated  in  the  primary,  and  must 
be  by  the  Constitution  (of  the  State)  a  resident  in  the  district,  if  two 
or  more  towns,  or  two  or  more  wards  send  a  representative  in  common, 
the  candidate  is  nominated  in  cities  by  a  joint  caucus  of  the  wards  in- 
terested called  by  the  ward  and  city  committee,  and  in  towns  by  a  con- 
vention called  by  a  committee  ple<'ted  by  the  previous  convention. 
The  tendency  in  such  cases  is  that  each  of  these  towns  or  wards  shall 
have  the  privilege  of  making  nomination  in  turn  of  (me  of  its  residents. 

As  regards  senators  the  State  is  divided  into  forty  districts.  The 
district  convention  to  nominate  candidates  is  calle<l  by  a  committee 
elected  by  the  preceding  convention,  and  consists  of  delegates  elected 
by  ward  and  town  primaries  at  the  .same  time  with  those  for  State, 
county,  and  councillor  conventions.  Ka<'h  .senatorial  district  conven- 
tion elettts  one  member  of  the  State  central  committee,  and,  among 
the  Democrats,  fifteen  members  at  large  are  added  to  this  central 
committee  by  the  last  preceding  State  convention. 

The  convention  for  nominating  memliers  of  the  governor's  council 
(eight  in  number)  also  appoints  a  committee  to  call  the  next  conven- 
tion. 

The  State  convention  consists  of  delegates  from  ward  and  town 
primaries  in  proportion  to  their  party  votes  at  last  elections,  and 
is  summoned  by  the  State  central  committee,  consisting  of  forty  mem- 
bers, elected  in  October  by  senatorial  convention,  and  taking  office 
on  1st  January.  The  State  committee  organizes  by  choice  of  chair- 
man, .secretary,  treasurer,  and  e.xecutive  committee,  who  oversee  the 
whole  State  campaign.  The  State  convention  nominates  the  party 
candidates  for  governor,  lieutenant-governor,  secretary  of  state,  treas- 
urer, auditor,  attorney-general. 

4.  National.  —  First,  representatives  to  Congress.  Ma.ssachusetls 
is  now  (1910)  entitled  to  fourteen,  and  is  divided  into  fourteen  districts. 
The  convention  in  each  district  to  nominate  party  candidates  is  called 
every  two  years  by  a  committee  elected  by  the  last  convention.  The 
delegates  from  wards  and  primaries  are  elected  at  the  same  time  with 
the  other  delegates.  As  I'nited  States  senators  are  chosen  by  the 
State  legislatures,  no  nominating  convention  is  nee'lod,  though  it  has 
been  suggested  that  the  nominations  might  with  advantage  be  made 
in  the  State  convention,  and  he  morally  binding  on  the  party  in  the 
l»<gi>:]a1iirp.  \oxt  .arc  to  bo  choson,  every  four  years,  delegates  to  the 
National  convention,  that  is,  under  prestMil  party  customs,  two 
for  ea<'h  s«Mi;i(or  and  representative  of  tlu>  Stale  in  Congress.  For 
Miissa<"hiis('t1s.  therefore,  at  the  present  time,  thirty-two.  The  delegates 
correspouiling  to  the  representative  districts  are  uomiuated  by  a  con- 


APPENDIX 


937 


vention  in  each  district.  caUpd  iti  the  sprint?  »'.v  the  same  committefl 
which  calls  the  c«)nKresHiona!  rcprosoiitativo  iiDininatinK  convention 
in  the  autumn.  The  dficKatcn  .■(.rrcHpon.linir  to  senators  are  chosen 
at  a  Keneral  convention  in  the  spring,  called  by  the  State  .-entral  com- 
mittee from  wardsand  primaries, as  always ;  and  the  thirty-twodeleRates 
at  the  meeting  of  the  National  convention  ch(M)se  the  State  members 
of  the  National  ccimmittee.  ,      »      ■ 

The  National  ccmventioii  for  noniinutim,'  party  candidates  for  I  resi- 
dent, called  l)V  a  National  commit  ice,  cle<-ted  one  menihor  l.y  the  dele- 
Kates  of  ea<-li  State  at  the  last  National  convention.  The  National 
convention  (and  this  is  true  in  general  of  all  conventions)  may  make 
rules  for  its  own  pnxwlure  t.  nd  election  -  as.  for  example,  that  all  State 
delegates  shall  l>e  chosen  at  lanre  instead  of  l.y  distncts.  At  the  Na- 
tional conventions.  espe«'ially  of  the  Repuhlicans.  complaint  has  been 
frequently  made,  as  in  the  case  of  city  committees,  that  parts  of  the 
country  in  which  there  are  very  few  members  of  the  party  have  yet  an 
undue  share  of  representation  in  the  conventions:  but  no  snccessfu 
plan  has  yet  been  devised  for  overcomiuR  the  difficulty.  The  National 
committ^  manage  the  party  campaign,  sending  money  and  si)eakers 
to  the  weaker  States,  issue  documents,  collec-t  subscriptions,  and  dis- 
pense general  advice. 


NOTE   TO  CHAPTEIl   XC 

REMARKS  BY  MR.  DENIS  KEARNEY  ON  "KEARNEYISM  IN  CALIFORNIA" 

After  the  appearance  of  the  first  clilion  ..f  this  bcwk  I  received  a 
letter  from  Mr.  Denis  Kearney,  taking  cx.'cption  to  some  of  the  state- 
ments contained  in  the  chapter  entitled  •'Kearneyism  m  ('alifornia. 
This  letter  is  unfortunately  too  long  to  be  inserted  as  a  whole;  anrt  it 
does  not  seem  to  me  seriously  t«.  affect  the  tenor  of  the  statements 
contained  in  that  chapter,  which  my  Californian  informants.  <m  whom 
I  can  rely,  declare  to  be  quite  correct.  I  have,  however,  in  a  tew 
passages  slightlv  modified  the  text  of  the  former  edition ;  and  I  give 
here  such  extracts  from  Mr.  Kearney's  letter  as  seem  sufficient  to  let 
his  view  of  his  own  conduct  be  fairly  and  fully  set  forth.  As  he  re- 
sponded to  mv  invitation  to  state  his  case,  made  in  reply  to  his  letter 
of  remonstrance,  I  am  anxious  that  all  the  justice  I  can  do  him  should 

Page  431  —"In  September,  1S77,  immediately  after  the  general 
State,  municipal,  and  congressional  elections.  I  calle<l  a  meeting  of 
work-ing  men  and  others  to  discuss  publicly  the  propriety  of  perma- 
nently organizing  for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  politicians  up  to  the 

pledges  made  to  the  people  before  election I  made  up  my  mind 

that  if  our  civilization  -  California  civilizaium  -  was  to  continue, 
Chinese  immigration  must  he  stopped,  and  1  saw  in  the  people  the 
power  to  enforce  that  •must.'  Hence  the  meeting.  This  meeting 
resolved  itself  into  a  permanent  organization,  and  Tesoluted    in  favour 

»  Mr.  Kearney  died  iu  1007  (note  to  Edition  of  V.)W). 


w 


i 


988 


APPENDIX 


of  a  'reel-hot'  afiritutioti.  I  was,  in  wpite  of  my  earnest  protonts,  elected 
President  of  thin  mm  or^nization,  with  in»trurtionii  from  the  mee'ting 
to  'push  the  orRaiii/ution'  throughout  the  city  and  Htate  without 
delay.  Our  aim  wa-n  to  prui«8  C'onfcnms  to  take  action  against  the 
Chineite  at  its  next  iiiiting.  .  .  . 

Page  432.  —  "True  I  am  not  one  of  the  literati,  that  is  to  say,  a  pn)- 
fessor  of  degrees  and  mauler  of  languages,  although  I  can  "neak  more 
than  one.  For  more  than  thirty  years  I  have  been  a  grea.  3a<ler  an«l 
close  student  of  men  and  measures.  No  Vhrnnide  re|)orter  ever  wrot« 
or  dress«Ml  up  a  s|HHM'h  for  me.  They  <iid  the  reverse ;  always  made  it  a 
point  to  garble  and  misrepresent.  It  was  only  when  the  ('hronirle«&w 
where  it  «!ould  make  a  hit  that  it  spread  out  a  si)eech.  To  illustrate,  if 
I  attacked  a  monoiKily  whcwe  rottenness  the  Chronicle  shielded  for 
money,  it  then  would  garble  .ind  misrepresent  that  speech;  but  if  I 
attacked  an  institution  the  Chronicle  wante«l  to  blackmail,  the  speech 
would  be  given  in  full  once  or  twice,  or  they  woulil  keep  it  up  until 
'seen.'" 

Page  433.       (Meeting  on  Nob  Hill.) 

"I  did  rot  use  any  such  language  as  is  impute*!  to  me.  Nob  Hill  is 
the  centre  of  the  Hixth  Ward,  and  I  advertised  for  the  meeting  there 
to  organize  the  Sixth  Ward  Club.  We  ha«l  bonfires  at  all  our  meetings 
so  as  to  direct  the  i)eople  whore  to  go.  .  .  .  No  such  construction  could 
have  been  put  upcm  the  language  used  in  my  si)eech  of  thai  evening. 
The  police  authorities  had  shorthand  rejMtrters  s|M'<'ially  detailed  to 
take  down  my  speeches  verbatim.  ...  I  was  not  arrested  on  account  of 
the  Nob  Hill  meeting.  I  cannot  now  toll  without  looking  up  the  matter 
how  many  times  I  was  arrested.  At  last  the  authorities,  finding  their 
efforts  to  break  up  tlv  movement  of  no  avail,  decided  to  proclaim  the 
meetings  d  la  Ralfour  la  Ireland. 

Page  43.5.  —  "Shortly  after  the  election  of  the  delegates  I  made  a 
tour  of  the  Lai  tod  States,  si)eaking  everywhere  to  immense  audiences 
and  urging  that  they  petition  Congress  to  stop  Chinese  immigration.  .  .  . 
My  trip  was  a  l)rilliant  success.  In  less  than  a  joar  I  had  succeeded 
in  lifting  the  Chinese  from  a  local  to  a  great  national  question.  This 
also  disputes  t  lo  statement  that  my  trip  Flast  was  a  failure." 

Page  441.  —  ("Since  1880  he  has  played  no  part  in  Californian  poli- 
tics.") 

"  This  is  true  to  this  extent.  I  stopped  agitating  after  having  shown 
the  people  their  immense  power,  and  how  it  could  be  used.  The 
Chinese  question  was  also  in  a  fair  way  of  being  solved.  The  plains  of 
this  State  were  strewn  with  the  festering  carcasses  of  public robliers. 
I  war  poor,  with  a  helpless  family,  and  I  went  to  work  to  provide  for 
their  comfort.  Common  sense  would  suggest  that  if  I  sought  office, 
or  the  emoluments  of  office,  I  could  easily  have  formed  combinations 
to  be  elected  either  governor  of  my  State  or  United  States  senator." 

Page  430  ("liootUuiiis  and  other  ragamuffins  who  formed  the  first 
Sand  Lot  meetings.") 

"It  was  only  when  the  city  authorities,  who  while  persecuting  us, 
either  hired  all  of  f'o  halls  or  fnfjhtoned  their  owners  or  lessees  into  not 
allowing  us  to  hire  them,  that  ve  were  driven  to  the  Sand  lots.     At 


APPKNDIX 


939 


thp«e  carlv  meotiiiKs  w..  soiiutinus  l.a.l  to  mis.,  from  *-'''*'<|/"  **'*''\'" 
.arJt-Tn  tinKitr^.n  in.i.l,.  un.l  out.i.U'  tl..-  -ourts.  If.  then  the 
aSnZ  w..r'^;.;n,H....l  of  l,oo.llu,ns  a.ul  raKumum„s.  how  ....ul.l  we 

of  thS  hill"  of  th.-  first  H,.ssiou  of  ti...  l^.«islutun.  un.lor  the  new  on- 
:  itution  w.:  .  ....laml  un.-ons,i.u.ional  l.y  ,1...  S.a...  ^^^^>rvru.  Conri 
on  i«".unt  ..f  the  littlo  s.l».nm.K  jok.-rs  tu.-kixl  awuy  in  thorn.  Th 
?VntW'h"nise  Bills  that  w.r.  ,.ass...l  an.l  all  "''-;'-:;';/,;;;: ^ 
-were  de«4are.l  l.y  the  FVaoral  ju.Ikcs  as  in  .-.ml  i.-t  NMth  >he  ^  e^l 
HtarMstitutiun'     I  a<lvo..ated  tlu-  a.lo„tion  of ' »'«:  "7,^;'';;^:^^' 

K=t^:tri;rs:^^ 

^"VZ^r-  "I  don't  ..uite  ,.nd..rstand  what  >..«  mean  by  the  •s.md 
1     T-     Th«  monev-len  lers,  land  n.onoiK.lists.  and  th..se  who  were 

whom  I  am  still  not  without  mllueni-e.' 


f»i 


\3 


INDEX 


i 
1 " 


Abiutt.  practical,  in  America  goes  into 

business,  ii.  72. 
Alwlition,  and  the  Republicuu  party, 

ii.  31. 
Absence  of  a  capital,  ii.  H.5o. 
Achtean  League,  i.  23,  36,  "1,  259,  -iM. 

357. 
Act  of  Settlement  (English),  i-  217,  242. 
Adams,  C.  F.,  "The  Centennial  Mile- 
stone "  quoted,  i.  620. 
Adams,  H.  B.,  "The  College  of  William 

and  Mary"  cited,  i.  623. 
Adams,  John  (President),  i.  41,  44,  77, 

92,  276;  ii.  7,  136,  177- 
Adanis,  J.  Q.  (President),  i.  45,  47,  K2, 

S7  ;    ii.  178,  230. 
Adams,  Samuel,  Hosmer's  Life   of,   i. 

600. 
"Administrative   Law"    of   France,    i. 

245. 
Alaska,  i.  586  ;  u.  181. 
.\lbany,  the  pj-ople's  representative  at, 

and  the  farmers,  ii.  241. 
Aldermen,  i.  630 ;   ii.  92 ;   (New  York), 

165,  242. 
Aliens,  allowed  to  vote,  i.  327 ;    recent 

.Mien  Acts  declared  unconstitutional, 

336. 

Ambassadors,  appointment  of.  i.  o3. 

Amendments  to  the  Federal  Constitu- 
tion, i.  27,  55,  101,  126,  2.S6,  32H, 
705,  713,  715,  716 ;  to  State  Constitu- 
tions, 470,  475. 

America,  rapid  changes  in,  i.  2;  a 
commonwealth  of  commonwcalthM, 
16;  a  country  full  of  change  and 
movement,  ii.  28;  intense  faith  of 
its  people  in,  353. 

"American,"  meaning  of   the  term,  i. 

20. 
American  and  European  systems  com- 
pared ;  in  the  proportion  of  first-rate 
ability  engaged  in  politi'-s,  i.  77.  7S : 
position  of  the  President,  91 ;  Con- 
gress, 99,  148,  185.  199,  202,  203, 
278  aqq.;  contrast  with  the  Cabinet 
aystem,  278,  297;    ii.  223,  231;    dr 


fects   of  the  frame  of  government 
i.    307 ;     fear   o.    foreign   aggression, 
309;     the   foundations' of   party,   ii. 
16 ;    types  of  statesmen,   2.30,   238 ; 
general  interest  in  politics,  272  ;   pro- 
portion of  url)an  to  rural  population, 
ii.    283,    8()2;     faith    in    the    people, 
287 ;     education,    <'lasse8,    297,    310 
si/q. ;    aversion  to  constructive  legis- 
lation, 359  ;  tnissez  fnire,  oH7  ;  .stabil- 
ity,   642;     religious    e<iuality,    767; 
influence  of  religion,  7M  xqq.  ;    posi- 
ti(  n  of  women,  795  nqq. ;   intellectual 
productivity,    832;     charm    of    life, 
870  .sqq. ;  its  uniformity,  878  sqq. 
American  Constitution.     Sec  Constitu- 
tion. 
.American  dislike  of  humbug,   ii.  245. 
American     Experience,     incomparable 
significance   of,    i.     2;     applied     to 
European    probli>ms,    187,    510;     ii. 
(>.")."),  662,  t)70-0"8,  778,  779,  875. 
American    Goverwnent.     See    Federal 

System. 
American    History,    rich    in    political 

instruction,  i.  4. 
.\merican  life,  its  plea-santness,  ii.  S"0 ; 
causes  of  this,  876;    its  uniformity, 
s(H  II  in  nature,  878 ;  in  the  cities,  880  ; 
i'X(<'ptions    to    this,    8M  ;     want    of 
history,  883  ;    uniformity  of  institu- 
tions,  S84  ;    of   persons,   t'l.  ;    causes 
of  this,  8^7  ;    i)r<)niise  of  the  future, 
888. 
.\merican  oratory,  ii.  S()2.     >'<<  Orator- 
ical excellence'. 
.\merican  phihinthnipy,  ii.  790. 
.\nierican  Protestant  Episcopal  Church 

and  its  liturgy,  i.  15- 
American  statesmen,  types  of,  ii.  230. 
.Vmerican  I'nion  more  than  an  aggre- 
gate of  States,  i.   17. 
Americans:  hopefulness  of,  an  antidot<! 
to    grave    political    dangers,    i.     10; 
their  national  characteristics,  ii.  285; 
good  nature,  ib. ;   humour,  286,  813; 
hopefulness,  ib. ;   faith  in  the  people. 


941 


942 


INDEX 


287,  367,  602;    education,  290,  .311  :  ' 
morality,     289,      293,     309;       roli- i 
gion,   290 ;    want  of  rcveroncc,    ih. ;  i 
business,    291  ;     want    of    sustained  i 
thought,  292 ;   shrewdness,  293.  309  ;  ! 
impressionability,     293 ;     unsettled-  j 
ness,   ib. ;    synipathj-,  295 ;    ehange-  j 
fulness,     ih.;      cor^ervatisni,     295;; 
characteristies    of     iifferent    I'liisses,  j 
299-310;    their  individualism,    .592 ;  i 
speculative   eharaeter,   709 ;    salient 
intellectual  features,  825,  830 ;  recent 
developments  of  thought,  842  ;  want 
of   brilliant   personalities,   844 ;    in- 
tellectual relations  to  Europe,  847 ; 
opinion  of  themselves,  ib. ;    intellec- 
tual   promise    for   the   futun-,    853 ; 
their  oratory,  862 ;    reserve  of  audi- 
ences, 868 ;  charm  of  their  character, 
876 ;  character  of  the  Western  States, 
891  ;  future  of  their  political  institu- 
tions, 902;    growing  modesty,  911; 
social  and  economic  future,  916 ;   in- 
fluence  of   immigrants   upon    them, 
482-484,  923  ;    their  place  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world's  progress,  930. 

Anglo-American  race,  intrinsic  excel- 
lence of,  i.  28 ;  political  genius  of, 
ih. 

Anglophobia,  Irish  in  America  retain 
their  hereditary,  ii.  370. 

Annapolis,  convention  at,   1786,  i.  21. 

Ann  Arbor  (University  of  Michigan), 
ii.  717,  719,  721,  735,  730.  749. 

Annual  letter  of  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, i.  177. 

Anson,  "Law  and  Custom  of  Constitu- 
tion" cited,  i.  284. 

Appropriation  bills,  i.  213. 

Aristotle,  quoted,  i.  11. 

Arizona,  State  of,  the,  i.  46,  97,  199, 
585,  592. 

Arkansas,    great    caflon 
648. 

Arkansas,  pronunciation  of  name  of 
State,  i.  120. 

Army,  control  of,  i.  33.  .53  ;  increase  of, 
96;  sniallnesH  of,  ii.  524. 

Arthur,  President,  ii.  144. 

"Articles  of  Confederation  and  Per- 
petual Union"  of  1781.  i.  21,  22,  .382, 
69S-703. 

Assemblies,  modern  deliberative,  com- 
parativel.v  small,  ii.  224. 

Assessments,  iev.\-iiiB  of  on  Federal 
officials  forbidden,  ii.  205. 


Athens,  Democrats  of,  i.  197  ;  generals 
of,  218;  Assembly,  221;  politics 
in,  ii.  .58,  224,  292,  314. 

.\ttorney-(!enerai,  the,  i.  S7,  89. 

Australia,  Constitution  of  the  Com- 
monwealth of,  i.  33,  101. 

Bagkhot,  Waltku,  quoted,  i.  92,  288. 

Balance  of  power  in  the  Federal  Cf)n- 

stitution,  i.  223-228,  401  ;  ii.  270,  271. 

Ballot,   .\ustralian  system  in  force  in 

most  of  the  States,  ii.  148,  328. 
Balloting  in  convention,  mode  of,  ii.  197. 
Baltimore,  City  jf,  election  frauds  in, 

ii.  106. 
Bank,  United  States,  i.  292.  377,  382. 
Bar,   the  American :    its  influence  on 
uublic  opinion,  i.  267  ;   on  the  judici- 
ary, 514 ;    the  legal  profession  undi- 
vided in  .\m  -ica,  ii.  .306,  666,  676 ; 
no  general  organization,  669 ;    pro- 
vi.sion  for  legal  education,  671  ;    con- 
servatism of  the  Bar,  667  ;    decline 
in  its  political  influence,  673  ;   and  in 
its   social    position,    ,7<. ;     its    moral 
influ  nee,    675 ;     reflections    on    the 
fusion  of  the  two  branches,  676  ;  fo- 
rensic oratory,  865. 
Beaconsfield  Clovernment,  i.  287. 
Beecher,  H.  Ward,  influence  on  elec- 
tions, ii.  208,  777. 
Belgian  courts,  referred  to,  i.  251. 
Belgian  parliamentary,  system,  i.  92 ; 

Constitution,  360. 
Bemis's  "Locid  (iovernment  in  Michi- 
gan," i.  611-613. 
Bench,  the,  ii.  679;    .\merican  State, 

ii.  057.     Sec  .Jufiiciar.v. 
Bernheim,  A.  C,  on  Primary  Elections, 

ii.  105. 
Best  men 


of 


wh.v 


they  do  not   go  into 

politics,  ii.  69-75. 
Betting,  spec\il.i'inK.  etc.,  ii.  710. 
Bill  of  Rights  (English),  i.  242. 
Bill  or  Declaration  of  Rights  of  1791. 

embodied    in    Constitution,    i.    27 ; 

contained   gertii   of   Civil   War,    28 ; 

referred  to.  307,  704,  713  ;    in  State 

Constitutions,  437-443,  719. 
Bills,    Congressional,     always    private 

bills,  i.  170. 
Bills,  Ciovernment.   in    England,    their 

policy  carefully  weighed,  i.  168. 
Bills,  House  and  Senate,  i.  138. 
Bishr)p.   .1.    B.,    on    "Money   in    City 

Elections,"  1.  549;  ii.  170. 


INDEX 


943 


i.  •-'!). 


Blaokstone,  Mr.  Justice,  fjuotpcl 

282,  446.  I 

Blaine,  J.  C,  i.  44,  129  ;  ii.  45,  183,  201, 

210,227,229. 
"  Bolters,"  ii.  117,332,330. 
"Bosses,"!.  688,  ii.  111-135;  "Bosses' 
V.      European      deniaKogucn,      1 18 ; 
Bo9.ses,  108-175,  .391,  392,  407. 
Boston,  City  of,  i.  630;    ii.  881. 
Boyeotting,  ii.  341. 

Bradford,  Mr.  Gamaliel,  on  the  nomi- 
nating nuuhinery  of  Massachusetts, 
ii.  935. 
Bribery  and  corruption,  i.  463  ;  ii.  147- 

150,240,638,0:19,085. 
Bribery  in  Concr'ss,  ii.  167. 
Brigandage,  ii.  8t4. 
British   colonies,   self-governing,   i.    92, 
278;    Koverno-s  in,   irremovable   by 
the  Colony',  27. •. 
British  ( 'olumbia,  ii.  509-072. 
British  inimijrrants,  ii.  3.5. 
Brooklyn,  City  nf,  i.  001  ;   l)ribery  in,  ii. 

151. 
Bryn  Mawr  College  for  women,  ii.  7.(7. 
Buchanan,  President,  i.  83.  337  ;  ii.  159, 
Burr,  Aaron,  i.  40. 


the    President's,    i.    85-95 


Cabinet 
ii.  159. 

Cabinet,  the,  systom  of  government,  i. 
278  sqq. 

Cabinet-government,  English,  i.  278. 

Cffsariam,  improbability  of.  in  America, 
i.  08  ;  ii.  023.  | 

Calh-mn,  John  C,  i.  83  ;  ii.  13,  178,  805.  1 

California,    State    of,    Constitution,    i. 
400,    473,    478,    742;     ii.     187.    430.' 
009;    character    of    the    St;ite.    420: 
Kearneyisni,  432  sqq. ;    937. 

Campaign  committees,  ii.  83. 

Canada,  Constitution  of,  referred  to,  i. 
249,  387,  473,  095  ;  ii.  142  ;  rel.itions 
■A,  to  the  United  !<t:ites,  569  ."2. 

Canada.  SuprerTic  Court  of.  i.  205. 

(Candidates  for  office  in  England  new 
mainly  chosen  by  the  party  organiza- 
tions, ii.  81  ;  interrogating  them  fur 
pledges,  3.30. 

Capital,  influence  of  a.  upon  society,  ii. 

855 ;     want    of   one    in    the    I'nited 

States,   ih.  ;    causes  of  this,  859  ;    its 

results,  860. 

Capitalists,  class  of,  ii.  '.HH,  811;  attack 

ui><>n,  4:J0. 
Carolina,  North,  State  of,  i.  25, 414,  559. 


Carolina,  .South,  i.  42,  198;    and  State 
rights,     i.     390;      defies     Congress, 
404. 
"Carpet-baggers"  in  the  South,  i.  348; 

ii.  105,  242,  598  sqq. 
Carthaginian  ("ouni'ils,  encroachments 

of,  i.  227. 
Catholics,  Roman,  and  politics,  ii.  767, 

777. 
Caucus,  Party,  in  Congrcsa,  i.  141,  170. 

205,  200. 
Central  Pacific  R.  R.,  ii.  798. 
Chambers,  Second,  American  view  of, 

i.  185 ;  ii.  058. 
Chancery  Courts,  i.  501. 
Charles  I.  and  the  English  Parliament, 

i.  202. 
Charleston,  Democratic  convention  of 

1800,  at,  ii.  180,  189. 
Chase,  Judg<-  Samuel,  impeachment  of, 

i.  2;«),  209. 
Chase,  Mr.,  i.  8S. 
I  Clierok.e  Indians,  the,  i.  269,  335. 
I  Chicago,  City  of.  Republican  national 
j      convention,  of  18^i0,  and  1884,  at,  ii. 
I       184,185;   of  1800,224;    outbreak  of 
i      anarchism  of  1880,  in,  302. 
Chicago    World's    Fair    Exhibition,  of 
i       1893,    inventiveness    and    taste    of 
the  buildings  of,  ii.  852. 
Chinese  in  .\merica,  the,   i,  3:iO,  742; 
ii.  43.  .50.  302,  439,  441,  444  ;  case  of 
indig;uty  to,  435;    attacks  on,  441. 
Church   and    State,    separation   of.    in 
America,  ii.  049.  703  sqq. ;  reasons  for 
it,  707:    legal  position  of  a  church, 
770;     result    to    religion,    782;     to 
socit>ty  in  geniral.  874. 
Churches  and  clirgy,   the,  ii.  763-780. 
Cincinnati,  City  of,  ii.  125. 
Circuit  Courts,  i.  231. 
Cities.  <icbts  of.  i.  .528.  641-643;   their 
relation    to    townships,    596,    614; 
their  growth.  02.S  ;  tlieir  organization, 
029  sqq. ;     indraught   towards  them 
from     the     country,     ii.     924.     See 
Municipal  (Jovtrimient. 
"Citizen's  "  (or  "  Independent")  ticket 

in  voting,  ii.  147. 
Citizenship  of  the  United  States,  i.  419, 

717:  ii.  102. 
Citv  tovernments,   necessity   for  con- 

tV.-.l  ..v<r    i    .513, 
Civil  Service  Reform,  i.  050  :   ii.  26,  .59, 
122,  144,  145,  328,  (i.JtS ;   .\ct  of  1883, 
;  '  909. 


I 


044 


INDEX 


Civil  !<t'rvif«',  tin-,  ii.  OoO. 

Civil  War,  whut  it  scttUa,  i.  :U7.  Hds ; 

ciiiisc  I  if,  i-  .'{4S. 
Classes  in  Anu-ricu  as  iiifluonpiiiK  opin- 
ion, ii.  -'It?  ;  the  fanners,  ih.  ;  sh(>i>- 
kecixTS,  '2\W ;  workinR  nu-n,  i''. : 
rity  residuum.  302  ;  capitalists.  .304  : 
professional  men.  30.5  ;  literary  men. 
307;  summary,  30H:  no  rlass 
stniKKles.  647. 
Clav,  Henry,  i.  47.  69;   ii.  11-13,  1N3, 

236,  .375. 
ClerRy.  the  American,  and  polities,  ii. 
208.  .333.  417.  767.  776;   their  e.|Ual- 
ity,  763  *q5. ;    their  social  staiidintJ. 
774. 
(Meveland,   Grover   (President^,   i.  44, 
58.  59.  70,  210;   ii.  35.  47.  183,  195. 
210,  227. 
riinton.  Governor,  i.  41  ;    ii.  137,  177. 
Closure  of  debate  in  ConRress,  i.  131- 

138. 
Co— ducation,  ii.  800. 
(  .  iu:  :e  Act  of  1873,  i.  182. 
C    Ii     )n9  between  the  Senate  and  the 

house,  i.  188,  1<M). 
Colonists,  early,  elements  of  diversity 
as  well  as  of  unity  among  them,  i.  24. 
Colorado,  State  of,  i.  488 ;   ii.  686. 
Columbia  College,  New  York,  ii.  719. 

720. 
Columbia,  District  of,  i.  585;   ii.  181. 
Commerce  and  Labor,  Departmt'nt  of, 

i.  89. 
Commerce    Commission.    Inter-State. 

i.  383,  393  ;   ii.  094. 
Commerce,  power  of  regulatiuK,  i.  33. 
Commercial  distress.   1783-17^ :;i.  i.  20. 

Committee  of  Approp  i.   1<9.  | 

181. 
"Committee  of  Conference,"  i.  189. 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  i.  11'. 

176.  179. 
Committee    on    Credentials    in    i)art.\ 

conventions,  ii.  86,  108. 
Committee   on   Rivers  and  Harbours. 

i.  179. 
Committees  of  Congress,  i.   115,   141, 

151,  156,  166,  178,  179, 
Common  Councils,  i.  630. 
Conmions,  House    of.     ^ife    House    of 

Commons. 
Competitive  examinations,  ii.  144. 
Complexity    of   \mcrican  institutions, 
i.  17. 


•onfederate    States.    Constitution    of 

1861.  i.  696. 
'onfederation  of  1781,  i.  20,  690. 
'ongress  of  1754  at  Albai:      i    19;    of 
1765   at   New   York.   20;     oi    '.74- 
1788  at  Philadelphia,  20,  21.  •57. 
"ongress  of  the  United  States,  estab- 
lished by  the  Constitution  of  1789,  i. 
35,    .36,    706;     its    relation    to    the 
President,  56,  59,  93,  209,  215,  284, 
285,     289;      its    powers,     61,     708; 
committees.  115.  141.  156.  166.  178. 
179  ;   criticism  of  its  legislation.  171  ; 
of  its  finance.  176.  184  ;   the  division 
into  two  chambers.  185 ;    their  sub- 
stantial identity  of  character.    186. 
189;     collisions    between    the    two, 
188;   influence  of  local  feeling  in  the 
elections,  191  ;    comparison  with  the 
Engli-sh  system,  193  ;  salaries  of  mem- 
bers, 195  ;  short  te.iure  of  office,  197  ; 
and  short  duration  of  a  Congress, 
198  ;  its  numbers,  199 ;  good  attend- 
ance   of    members,    200;     want    of 
opportunities    for   distinction,    201 ; 
absence  of  leaders,  203 ;    party  cau- 
cuses, 205,  207  ;  want  of  a  consistent 
policy,  208,  301,  304  ;  few  open  rela- 
tions with  the  executive,  210;   con- 
trol over  the  latter,  211;  power  of  the 
purse,  213;    cannot  dismiss  an  offi- 
cial, ih. ;   and  supreme  power  in  the 
government,  230;    the  Constitution 
out  of  the  reach  of  Congress,  243; 
statutes  passed  ultra  vires,  247  ;  pro- 
posed veto  on  State  legislation,  257  ; 
defeets  in  the  structure  and  working 
of  {^ongress  summarized,   300 ;    its 
relations  to  the  electors,  302  :   "con- 
current legislation,"  327;    electoral 
franchi.sc,  396  ;   origin  of  the  system, 
684  ;  private  bills  in  Congress,  688 ; 
•lobbying,  '  463;    ii.  160,  164;   how 
far  Congress   is  corrupt,    162,    166; 
congressional    caucus   for   the   early 
Presidential  elections,  179  ;  cheeks  on 
the  tyranny  of   the  majority.   339 ; 
congressional     oratory,     865 ;      the 
future  of  Congress,  906. 
Congressional   encroachment,    distrust 

of,  i.  59. 
Cungre.SBiunal  record,  i.  147. 
Congressman,  term  explained,  i.  105. 
Conkling,  Roseoe,  i.  62. 
Connecticut,  State  of,  i.  19,    198,  428, 
430,  481,  482,  485,  508,  510,  520,  522. 


INDEX 


04r> 


Constitution  (Fodcrul),  of  17x9,  diffi- 
culty of  fruiuiiiK  it,  i.  "22 ;   an  instru- 
ment of  compronusi-s,  25,  321  ;  oppo- 
sition to  its  rutitii-ation,  2(i ;   fciir  of 
European  agnrossion  led  to  its  adop- 
tion,  27 ;    original  aniondnients  to, 
ib. ;     causes    of    its   pxcclh-nci',    2S : 
its  double  aspect,  32 ;    the  comple- 
ment and  crown  of  the  State  C^insti- 
tutions,    ih. ;     functions    of   novern- 
ment  it  provides  for,  33  ;    objects  of 
its  framers,   34,   220,  310,   31H;    ii. 
269;    method  of  choosiuK  Senators 
under,  i.   100,  102 ;    creation  of  two 
chambers  by,  1H5  ;    scheme  of,  tends 
to  put  stability  uIotvc  activity,  IKi; 
oath  of  allegiance  to  it,  133  ;   balalice 
of  power  it  proviiles  for,  223,  407  ; 
ii.  270,  271  ;  its  relation  to  Congress, 
i.  243  ;  to  the  Courts,  it),  .fqq. ;  respect 
felt  for  it.  2')7,  311;    Puritanic  ele- 
ment  in  it,  30C;    its  success,  310; 
peculiar  distribution  of  governmental 
functions,     313,     310;      remarkable 
omissions,  318,  321  ;   limits  the  com- 
petence of  Congress,  335  ;   its  devel- 
opment, 360 ;    by  amendment,  303, 
371  ;  by  interpretation  and  construc- 
tion, 374,  391  ;    by  legislation,  392  ; 
by  usage,  394 ;    collisions  with  the 
executive  or  legislative,  398 ;  results 
of  this  development,  401,  408;    ser- 
vices   of    the    Constitution    to    the 
nation,  407;   provisions   it  owes  to 
State  constitutions,  684  ;  the  Consti- 
tution given  at  length,  706-718. 
Constitution    of    California,    extracts 

from,  i.  742. 
Constitution  of  Confederate  States,  of 

1861,  i.  696. 
Constitution  of  North  American  colo- 
nies, i.  19,  427-430 ;  of  1777,  19. 
Constitutions  of  the  States,  i.  30 ;  their 
hbtory,  427,  476  ;  mode  of  adoption, 
432;  their  real  Lature,  433;  their 
contents,  437 ;  confusion  of  provi- 
sions, 443  ;  less  capacity  for  expan- 
sion than  in  the  Federal  Constitution, 
444  ;  their  development,  451 ;  types 
of  constitutions,  454  ;  their  length, 
455;  growth  of  democratic  tenden- 
cies, 456  ;  comparative  frequency  of 
cLaugc,   457 ;     jealousy   of   ofTicials, 

459  ;   protection  of  private  property, 

460  ;   extension  of  State  interference, 
ih. ;    penalties  not  always  enforced. 


4t>2  ;    legislation  by  a  Constitution. 
464  :  its  demerits  and  its  advantages, 
474  ;  constitutional  conventions,  101, 
477  ;  limitations  on  legLslatures,  494. 
Constitutions,  rigid  or  written,  i.  30,  34. 
36,  37,  60,  66,  101,  360,  364.  382,  384, 
397-4(X),  401,  407,  696  ;   ii.  643,  65H ; 
contra.sted  with  flexible  constitutions 
i.  361,  397. 
Constitutional  .\mendments,  i.  27.  55, 
101,  126.  2.36,  328,  365,  373.  470,  713, 
715-718. 
Constitutional  Conventions.     Sei  Con- 
ventions. 
Continental  Congress  of  1774  at  Phila- 
delphia, i.  19. 
Convention  (Constitutional)  of  1786  at 
.\nnapolis,  i.  21  ;    of  1787  at  Phila- 
delphia, 22-24,  30,  95.  185.  216,  223, 
280,    282,  312.  324,  681-683;    ii.  5, 
271  ;  of  different  States,  i.  26,  27,  103, 
681-683. 
Conventions,  Note  on  Constitutional,  i. 
681;    nominating,  ii.  84,    107.  874; 
National.  84  ;    their  evolution.   176. 
222;     composition.    180;     working. 
182;    objects,  186;    classes  of  aspir- 
ants.    188 .      complexity     of     their 
motives,  190  ;   preliminary  work,  ib. ; 
opening    of    the    convention,     192 ; 
the  voting.  196  ;  effect  of  the  system 
upon  public  life.  223 ;   their  tempes- 
tuous character.  224. 
Cooley,  T.  M.  (Judge),  quoted,  i.  55.  67, 
309.  313,  334,  3.38,  377,  384,  400,  695. 
Cooley's  "Constitutional  Limitations," 
(juoted,  i.  234,  446,  448,  470.  532. 560, 
695. 
Cooley's  "History  of  Michigan."  cited. 

i.  384,  405. 
Cooley's  "Principles  of  Constitutional 
Law.  "  quoted,  i.  234,  237,  313,  420. 
"Copperheads,"  the,  ii.  33. 
Copyright,    i.    33 ;     International,    ii. 

328,  839. 

Cornell  University,  Ithaca,  ii.  719,  720. 

Corporations,     i.    89,    526,     729-735; 

hostility  of    State  Constitutions  to, 

460. 

Corruption,     ii.     156-167,     240.     .See 

Bribery. 
County  Organization,  i.  603-6)0,  612, 

614,  610;   ii.  935 
Courtesy  of  the  Senate,  i.  62. 
Court  of  Claims,  i    232,  '235. 
Crandall,  Prudence,  ii.  343. 


11 


3p 


046 


INDE' 


•i«- 


Creative   intellectual    power,    ii.    832. 

See  Intellectual  productivity. 
"Croker  Corretpondenoe,"  the,  i.  279. 
Cuba,  ii.  667,  576  aqq. 
Currency,  control  of  the.  i.  33  ;  currency 

queition  a  source  o(  diaquiet,  ii.  359. 
Custonw  CourtB.  i.  232. 

"Dark  Horse,"  meaning  of  the  term, 

ii.  188;  referred  to,  201. 
Dartmouth    College    v.    Woodward,    i. 

698. 
Darwin,  the  "Btruggle  for  exirtonce, 

and  political  strife,  i.  401. 
Debt,   National,   i.    178,    183;    public 
debts  of  States,  528 ;   of  cities,  529, 
533,  640. 
Declaration  of  Independence,  t\i,  i.  30, 

91,  30,  ;   ii.  360,  602. 
Deficiency  Bill,  i.  180. 
Degrees  and  Examinations,  University, 

ii.  725. 
Delaware,  State  of,  i.  127, 414, 434,  439, 

457,465,490. 
Demagogues,  influence  of,  ii.  627. 
Democracies,  and  the  control  of  forciRn 
policy,  i.  108,  222,  342  ;  charged  with 
fickleness,  467;    and  the    judiciary, 
512,    516;     ii.    635;     "rotation    in 
office,"  136 ;    may  bo  tested  by  the 
statesmen      produced,      230 ;       the 
strength  of  popular  government :  its 
excellence,  263  ;  two  dangers  to  which 
it  is  exposed,  264  ;  safeguards  against 
these,  265 ;  its  educative  power,  ib. ; 
democracy   and   State   interference, 
689    aqq. ;     chief    'aulls    attributed 
to  democracies,  61J ;    how  far  these 
are  present  in  America,  614 ;    their 
true  faults,  030-641;    how  far  ob- 
servable in  America,  033  ;    necessity 
of  reverence  and  self-control,  794 ; 
effect  of  social  equality  upon  man- 
ners, 818 ;  on  thoughts,  822  sqq. ;  pro- 
fusion of  speech  due  to  democracy, 
864 ;    not  rightly  charged  with  pro- 
ducing uniformity  of  character,  887. 
Democracy   in   America   and   the  ju- 
diciary, i.  512,  510  ;   and  rotation  in 
oK"       ii.  138 ;   tested  by  the  states- 
man it  produces,  230 ;   its  educative 
influence,  308;    its  supposed  faults 
examined,     613,      weakness,     614; 
fickleness,  615  ;  insulxjrdination,  ib. ; 
jealousy  of  greatness,  624  ;   tyranny 
of  the  majority,  625 ;  love  of  novelty, 


626 ;   influence  of  demagogues,  627 , 
its  true  faults,  6.30  sqq. ;    its  merits. 
642;  stability,  t'6. ;  obedience  to  law. 
844;    consistency  of  political  ideas, 
645;    restrictions  on  officials,   640; 
no    class    struggles,    647-049;     en- 
ergetic   use    of     natural    n>3ources, 
648;    latent  vigour  of  the  govern- 
ment, 650 ;   spirit  of  fraternity,  652  : 
application  of  American  experience 
to   Europe,    665-662;     influence   of 
democracy  on  the  position  of  women, 
808;    spirit   of  equality,   810,   86U ; 
its  influence  on  manners,  820;    in- 
fluence of  democracy  on  American 
thought,  825  aqq. ;    on  the  pleasant- 
ness of  life,  870 ;  on  uniformity,  887  : 
its  future,  902 ;    democracy  and  the 
approa<-hing  economic  struggle,  914. 
Democratic  party,  the,  of  1793  (or  Re- 
publicans), i.  42;    ii.  6;    of  1829,  i. 
269;    ii.   H,   13,   14,   17,   19,  24-30. 
32,   40,    180;    intelligent    adherents 
of,  32. 
Denominational     Census     (1906),     n. 

773,  789. 
Desty's     "Constitution     Annotated, 

quoted,  i.  328. 
Dicey's   "Law   of   the   Constitution, 

quoted,  i.  245. 
Direct  Primary  laws,  the,  i.  102. 
Distinguished  men,  want  of,  in  America, 
i.  78-85,  201,  202  ;  ii.  51,  69  sqq.,  237, 
041,  661,  844. 
District  Courts,  i.  230,  232,  272. 
Divisions  of  Congress,  mode  of  taking, 

i.  105,  134. 
Divorce  in  the  United  States  increas- 
ing :    more  frequent  in  the  West,  ii. 
791. 
Domestic  service,  aversion  of  Americans 

to  enter,  ii.  817. 
Dred  Scott  decision,  i.  254,  263,  265. 
270,  388  ;   ii.  14,  15. 

Education,  Bureau  or,  i.  89,  620. 

Education,  legal,  provision  for,  i.  630. 

Education,  public,  in  America,  i-  461, 
623-  higher  education  and  politics, 
ii.  255;  public,  288,  317,  711  sqq.. 
796,  812.  .      . 

Kleetious,  influence  of  local  fef-ling  m.  i. 
191-195;  question  of  annual  elec- 
tions, 198;  winning  of  the  work  of 
politics,  ii.  62;  their  machinery. 
146  aqq. ;   fraudulent  practices,  148, 


INDEX 


947 


156,  214.  216,  '2i2,  639  ;  cost  i)f  po- 
tions, 162  :  a  corrupt  district  of  New 
York    State.     151  ;      machinery    in 
Massachusetts,    »3.'J ;     clc<   ions   the 
instmmrnt  of  government  by  pubhc 
opinion,  .T.'«-:W1. 
Elections.  Presidential,  i.  0»,  72.  2iJH. 
299;     nominatinn    conventions,    ii. 
176 :    the  canipaiKn,  201 ;    cnthtisi- 
asm  evoked,  227  :    disputed  election 
of  1876,  M3. 
Eliot   C.  W.,  on  the  material  develop- 
ment of  the  United  States,  ii.  «4'.». 
Elliot's  "Debates,"  ijuoted,  i.  22.  23, 
1>1,  26,  28.  41.  »5,  W.  103.  113.  19S, 
256.  280.  361. 
Emerson.  U.  W..  quoted,  ii.  924.  92. . 
EnRland,  former  American  hatred  of. 
i.  24  ;    ii.  8.J0 ;    growinK  friendliness 
to.  570.  8.50. 
Encland  and  America  compared ;    the 
judiciary,  i.  35.  230.  240,  274  ;  ii.  679, 
681  :    Parliamentary  system,   i.   3.>. 
56   86.  92.  97,  98,  120,  129  »ot-,  1^*7, 
140,  149,  162,  163,  196,  200,  202,  278, 
475;    control  of  foreicn  poliiy,   lOs. 
109  •    royal  preroeative,  .56  59,  69  ; 
elections,  i.  70,  73,  129,  193;   ii.  77 
90    174,  220 ;   the  cabinet,  i.  8(),  90, 
91'-    parties,    151;    ii.  21,   39,    141; 
finance,    i.    176;     whips,    151,    203; 
interpretation     of     statutes,      2.j1, 
259-265 ;   relations  of  executive  and 
legislature,  278;    ii.  065;    "referen- 
dum," i.  466,  467  ;  municipal  Kovern- 
ment,  576,  581  ;    counties,  603,  010; 
sanitation,  622;    politicians,  u.   .)0, 
61,   63,   70;     corruption,    166,   239; 
political  morality,  243 ;   public  opin- 
ion, 251,  254,  272.  274  sqq..  321  -m-. 
,374-    classes,  295;    government  in- 
terference. 349  sqq.:    the  Bar.  66.-> ; 
power  of  wealth.   814;    intellectual 
productivity.     834.     838;      liberty, 
848 ;  oratory,  862. 
English  Acts  of  Parliament,  modf   of 
interpretation  by  the  judges,  i.  2.51. 
English  borough-owning  magnates,   u. 

237.  , 

English    common    and    statute    law.s, 

taken    by    the    I'nited    .-states    as    a 

model,  i.  345. 
English    Constitution,    referred    to.    i. 

•>8  29  30,  34.  35.  39,  56,  a, .  60,  I7t., 

219.  245.  2.55.  2.59,  278,  ;<()(),  387.  394. 

397.  403.  446  ;   ii.  287. 


English  counties,  formerly  independent 
kingdoms,  now  local  administrative 
areas,  i.  16.  .       _     . 

English  ( 'rown.  antiquity  of.  i.  217  ;  in- 
dependent part  of  the  Constitution. 
219. 

English  kings,  memln-rs  of  Pariiament, 

i.  56,  209. 
English  moralities  in  public  life,  u.  243- 

245. 
English  Parliament,  omnipotent,  i.  243  ; 

cited,  ii.  321. 

English  parties,  ii.  22. 

E<iuality.  sen.ses  of  the  word.  u.  810; 
ineiiuality  of  wealth  in  America,  tb. ; 
social  cMuality.  813;  effect  on  man- 
ners. 820 ;   its  charm.  872. 

Equalization.  Hoard  of.  i.  520.  636. 

European  aggres.sion.  fear  of.  i.  27.  309. 

European  statesmen,  representative 
types,  ii.  231. 

European  travellers,  and  the  study  of 
tlie  State  Governments  of  America,  l. 

Exchequer,  Chancellor  of  (English),  his 
budget,  i.  176. 

Executive,  American:  influence  of 
public  opinion  on  it,  ii.  267;  its 
latent  vigour.  651.  See  Cabinet, 
President,  Senate. 

Executive  and  Legislative  departments, 
separated  by  the  American  Consti- 
tution, i.  89,  iK),  178,  209  sqq.,  216 
sqq.;  their  relations  under  the 
European  cabinet  system,  279  sqq. ; 
struggles  l)etween  them  in  England, 
288;  and  in  America,  289;  results 
of  their  separation,  293  ;  danger  of 
making  legislature  supreme,  675; 
separation  not  essential  to  democ- 
racv,  ii.  6.36. 


Fabmebb'  Alliance,  the,  i.  573;    ii. 

41.  44.  .    ■       , 

Fanners  in  America,  characteristics  of, 

ii.  297. 
Fatalism  of  the  multitude,  ii.  347,  .362. 
"Favourite,"  meaning  of  the  term,  ii- 

"  Favourite  .Son,"  ii.  188. 

Federal  Courts.  .SVp  Judiciary  (Fed- 
eral). .  . 

Federal  C.overnnient .  the;  its  chiel 
functions,  i.  33.  315;  limitations 
on  its  pow.rs,  :16,  37,  316  ;  its  several 
departments:     the    President,    38; 


948 


INDEX 


Cabinet,  K5  sqq. ;  Senate,  97  tgq. ; 
House  of  Representatives,  126  iiqq. ; 
the  legislature  and  executive,  216 
sqq. ;  the  judiriar>',  229  sqg. ;  "con- 
current powers."  316;  working 
relations  with  the  State  governments, 
325;  intervention  in  disturbances, 
320 ;  its  relations  to  individual  citi- 
xens.  330 ;  cases  of  resistance,  333  ; 
coercion  of  a  State  impossible,  .33(1, 
3;!S  ;  the  determination  of  its  powers, 
.37il,  .3H(» ;  lines  of  their  development, 
,3N2  ;  results  of  the  latter,  391,  4(>1- 
4()S. 

Federalist  party,  the,  i.  41,  92,  .3.35; 
ii.  fil2,  177. 

Foliriilist,  The,  <iuot<Hl,  i.  29,  S6,  113, 
192,  19S,  1<>9,  230,  236,  256,  283, 
394. 

Federal  .'System  of  America,  the :  its 
main  features,  i.  312  ;  distribution  of 
powers,  313,  702  sqq.  ;  onii.Hsions 
in  the  Constitution,  317,  321  ;  iii- 
destnictibility  of  the  rnion,  322 ; 
working  of  the  system,  325,  35H ; 
criticism  of  it,  .341-349;  its  merits. 
350-357  ;  causes  of  its  stability,  357  ; 
dominance  of  the  centralizing  ten- 
dencies, 35X,  404 ;  its  future,  ii. 
539,    902. 

Federal  System  of  Canada,  i.  697. 

Federal  Union  of  1789,  parallels  to,  i. 
23. 

Federations,  faults  attributed  to.  i.  341  ; 
their  merits  as  illustrated  by  America, 
:j.50-3.")8. 

Female  Suffrage.  .Set  Woman  Suf- 
frage. 

Fiftc  .,th  .\niendment,  the,  i.  31s,  32r.. 

F'iiuiucial  bills  in  ICnglaml,  i.  17(> ;  mode 
of  pas.sinB  thcin  in  .\nierica,  177  IHO  ; 
results  of  the  system.  1S2  ;  reason  for 
it,  Ks;<  •  flourishing  financial  condi- 
tion of  America,  Hi. ;  yearly  .surpluses. 
ih. ;  the  paying  off  of  the  national 
debt,  ib.:    State  finance,  518-533. 

FUtrhrr  v.  Pick,  i.  258. 

Florida,  sale  of,  by  Spain,  i.  8,  27. 

Florid.a,  State  of.  the.  i.  48,  49. 

FoH'ign  relations,  control  of,  i.  33,  .">3. 
107  -110;  di.scontinuity  of  policy,  70  ; 
difficulty  of  control  by  popular  as- 
.semblies,  221  ;  division  of  powers  in 
America,  225 ;  faults  due  to  the 
Federal  system,  342 ;  influence  of 
public  opinion,  ii.  374  ;    and  territo- 


rial extension.  565 ;  and  of  the  .\nieri- 
can  spirit  of  fraternity,  652. 
Forensic  oratory,  ii.  801.     -See  Oratori- 
cal excellence. 
Fourteenth    Amendment,    the,    i.   126, 

318. 
France,   sale  of   Louisiana   by,   i.   27; 
intellectual  relations  to  America,  ii. 
849. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  i.  22,  1!>6. 
Fraternity,  spirit  of,  in  America,  ii.  6.">:-'. 
Freedom  of  discussion  in  America,  ii. 

353. 
Freeman,  Prof.  E.  A.,  <iuoted,  i.  71. 
"  Fri-e  Soilers"  party,  ii.  14,  31. 
Free  trade  and  protection,  i,  178;    ii. 

26,  49. 
Frenvont,  (icneral,  ii.  14,  180. 
French  Canadians  in  New  England,  i. 

602 ;   ii.  38. 
French  Chamber,  ii.  224. 
French  (  onstitution  and  (iovernment 
referred  to.  i.  60,  73,  91,   197,  222, 
245.  251,  288,  ,372;   ii.  262. 
French  Constitution  of  1791,  referred 

to.  i.  60,  295. 
French  .Senate,  i.  97,  197. 
Fundamental  Orders  of  Connecticiit.  of 
1638,   the  oldest  political  Ccmstitu- 
tion  in  Ameri<-a,  i.  428. 
Future,  the  intellectual,  of  America,  ii. 

842-844. 
Future,  the  of  American  political  insti- 
tutions, ii.  902  ;  of  the  Federal  sy.stem, 
/').  :  of  Congress,  the  exe<-utive.  the 
j\i(liciary,  '.MHj ;  of  the  Presidency. 
908  ;  of  the  party  sy.steni.  909  ;  of  the 
spoils  system  and  the  machine,  ih.  ; 
the  (h-nioeraey  and  the  appioaehiiiu 
economic  struggle  for  existence,  913. 
Future,  the  .social  and  economi<',  of 
.Vmerica.  ii.  916;  great  fortunes, 
(■/).;  corporations,  918;  changes  in 
population,  919;  (he  negroes,  921; 
([uestionof  (heevdhuion  of  an  .Ameri- 
can type  of  character.  922,  923  ;  ten- 
di'iicy  ..jwards  city  life,  924;  the 
d(-velopment  of  an  aristocracy  im- 
probable, 926;  future  of  literature 
anil  thought,  927  ;  of  other  elements 
of  civilization,  929. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  i.  88,  181. 
Garfield,  J.   A.   (President),  i.  46,  54. 
62,  (>3,  64,  191  ;  ii.  142,  183,  189,  201. 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  i.  545. 


INDEX 


>t4U 


( Ifiii-riil  cIcctiDii  ill  KiikIhiiiI,  a  ixTiixi  of 

itirtturlmiK'c,  i.  7(1. 
"CJfiicral   Tifkct '■   »y!<tftn   of   votiiiK, 

i.  43. 
George  III.  uiid  Enxlish   pocket   l>or- 

ouRhs,  i.  JH();  and  'place,"  ii.  VV.i. 
(icorgo.  Henry,  the  Labour  party  can- 
didate (or  mayor,  ii.  4.3:  referred  to, 
252. 
Georgia,  State  of,  i.  185,  •2m.  2.')H,  2ti!» ; 
and  the  Supreme  Court,  4()4  ;    and 
pension:*,  519 ;  and  a  second  chaniher, 
(iH4. 
(ierman  Constitution, referred  to,  i.  221 ; 

ii.  201. 
Gernianic  Confederation,  i.  10,  •3.50. 
(ierman  inmiigraiits  in  .Xmerica,  ii.  35- 

37,  2y!»,  315,  N,')(). 
Germany    and    America,    intellectual 

relation  of,  ii.  N50. 
Gerry,  ElhridRe,  i.  120. 
fioschen,  Mr.,  on  liiimnzfniri-,  ii.  ."j!)2. 
(iovernment,Wni8of,  in  free  countries, 
i.  278 ;  ii.  207  ;  their  influence  upon 
national  character,  309,  823. 
Governors,  State.    .SVc  State  Executive. 
Granger  movement,   the,   ii.  438-440, 

093. 
Grant,  U.  S.  (Piesident),  i.  45,  40,  04, 
08,  70,  77,  83,  214,  270;   ii.  183,  372. 
Great  men,  why  not  chosen  as  presi- 
dents, i.  77  sqq. 
Greece,    ancient    constitutions   of,    re- 
ferred to,  i.  23,  30,  71.  218,  221,  259, 
.302,  309,  580;   ii.  154,  224,  207. 
Greeley.  Horace,  ii.  179,  277. 
Greenbackers,  the  (party  of),  ii.  41-43, 

40.  213. 
Guelfs  and  Ghibellines,  wiirs,  of  ii.  24. 


Habeax  Corpus,  suspension  of,  i.  55. 
Hamilton,  Alexander,  i.  23.  25,  .30,  39. 

47,  03.  88,  91.  98.  99.  113.  181.  209. 

230.  230.  007  ;   ii.  6-8.  11.  13.  18.  34. 

224.  230. 
Hanseatic  League,  i.  10,  .3.50,  .")81. 
Hare's       "American       Constitution.il 

Law."  <|Uoted.  i.  337,  381,  389. 
Harrington,      author     of     "Oceana," 

duoted,  i.  37,  104. 
Harrison.  Benjamin  (President),  ii.  183. 
H.'irt.  Prof.  A.  B..  "Practical  Essays  on 

American  Government,"  ii.   154. 
Hartford  Convention  of  1814,  i.  390 ;  ii. 

11. 
Hartington,  Lord,  ii.  2'23. 


Harvard  I'niversily,  ii.  711,  718,  719, 

721. 
Fla.stings,  Warren,  i.  50. 
Hawaii,  Constitution  of,  i.  090;    rela- 
tions  of   the   island   t<i   thi'    United 
States,  ii.  575,  577,  .578. 
Hay.'s,  R.  H.  (President),  i.  47-49.  214, 

21i>,  3'2<.»;  ii.  144. 
Henry.  Patrick,  i.  .307. 
Hereditary  titles,  i.  710;   ii.  815. 
History,    its    services    to    iwlitics,    il. 

(i.55. 
Hitchcock's     "State     Constitutions," 

(luoted,  i.  5.54  ;   ii.  097. 
Holker.  Lord  .lustice,  case  of,  i.  272. 
Home  of  the  Nation,  the.  ii.  449-409 ; 
phenomena,     raciid.     climatic,     and 
economical,  of  the  New  World.  449; 
relation  of  geographical  conditions  to 
national  growth.  4.50;    influence  of 
physical  environment,  j'». ;    physical 
characteri.stics.     451  ;      climate     an 
historical  factor.  452  ;   aridity  of  the 
West.  453  ;  influence  of  early  colonial 
and    frontier    life    on    the    national 
<'haracter,  /'). ;  early  European  settle- 
ments in  .\merica,  455;    settlement 
of  the  Mississippi  basin  and  the  unity 
of  the  nation,  45() ;    easy  acquisition 
of  the  Pacific  coast,  previously  held 
in  the  feeble  power  of  Mexico,  457, 
458;    wealth  and  prosperity  of  the 
South  dependent  uix>n  slave  labour, 
459 ;    imperilled  unity  of  the  South, 
ib. ;     the    chief    natural    sources   of 
wealth  —  fertile  soils,  mineral  wealth, 
and  standing  timber,  460;    varieties 
of  soil,  ih.  ;    mineral  resources,  461 ; 
industrial       population      increasing 
faster   than    the    agricultural.    462; 
geography  and  commerce   point   to 
one  nation.  463  ;    with  a  vast  home 
trade. free  trade  with  foreign  countries 
of  little  consequence,  ih. ;    railways 
and    interstate    commerce    unifying 
influences.  4t'»4  ;  assimilating  power  of 
language,  institutions,  and  ideas.  465 ; 
unpeopled  gaps  narrowing  daily,  ih. ; 
dialectic  variations  over  the  Union 
few,   ih. ;    immigration  and   climate 
may   in   time   create   differences   in 
national    and    physical    types,    468; 
average  duration  of  life  and  physical 
well-being,  467  ;  the  nation  sovereign 
of  its  own  fortunes,  468 ;    immunity 
from    foreign    aggression,    ih. ;     im- 


950 


INDEX 


mrniic  dcfensivo  utronnth  and  nin- 

tfriol  prosixrity,  tV». 
Homiiido   rondonctl   in   sonio   Htat«'B, 

ii.  016.  682. 
Honourable,  titln  of,  i.  131. 
HouB*'  of  CommonB  (Knglish),  refemd 

to.  i.  fli,  o«.  w.  low,  116.  i:n,  i37, 

13S,  144,  14(1,  141».  15<),  lOH,  170.  1^5, 

lOO-.'Ol,  20."),  211.  2W».  2Hl,  •2HH,  290  ; 

ii.  56,  223.  226.     See  Parliament. 
Route  of  Lords,  reforred  to,  i.  61,  97, 

m,  110,  120,  123,  IM"),  1H!»,  UKJ,  274. 

28U ;   ii.  66.     See  Parliamont. 
Howard     on     "Lopiil     Con-ititutioniil 

Hifltor>-  of  the  United  States."  i.  600. 
Hunio  (David),  "EsBays,"  referred  to, 

i.  24;  ii.  18. 
Hyde  Park  (London),  meetings  in.  ii. 

229. 

luAHo.  Stat*  of,  i.   127.  442,  462,  5Wt, 

5!K),  6«1.  592. 
Illinois,  State  of,  i.  4H5,  606-610.  612.  _ 
ImmiKrants  in  America,  i.  24 ;  ii.  35, 
303,  857  ;  pounced  upon  by  votiiiK 
agents,  103;  influence"  of  public 
opinion  upon  them.  370  ;  in  the  nine- 
teenth century.  469-490 ;  nationality 
of  the  new  influx.  409-471.  478,  479  ; 
its  character,  472-477  ;  its  influence 
in  pol'li'  3,  477  ;  the  probability  of 
its  continuing,  479-482;  its  effect 
upon  the  nation,  482-484,  486.  48!) ; 
the  effect  upon  it  of  the  American 
environment.  487-490;  their  in- 
fluence upon  the  national  character, 

922. 
Impeachment  of  executive  officers,  i.  60, 

90,  212.  505 ;  of  judges,  111.  231.  563. 
Income  tax    (Federal),  referred    to.  i. 

370. 
Indian  affairs,  i.  88,  210,  209.  585,  593 ; 

ii.  374. 
Indiana.  State  of,  i.  414. 
Indian  Territory  (west  of  Arkansas),  i. 

97,  585,  593. 
Individualism,  spirit  of,  in  America,  ii. 

691. 
Individuals  and  Assemblies,   combats 

between,  i.  227. 
Influence  of  religion,  the.  in  America, 

ii.  781-794. 
Initiative,    the,    and   Referendum,    tis 

parts  of  ;he  machinery  of  govern- 
ment, i.  102,  479 ;  662. 
Insular  Affairs.  Bureau  of.  the,  i.  90. 


Intellectuul     eminence,     position     ar- 

rordi'd  to,  ii.  HlO. 
Int<'lleetu8l  produ<  tivity.  conditions  of, 
ii.  H.14  KiiQ. :  how  far  existing  in 
America.  H35  ;  recint  developments 
of  American  thought.  842;  promise 
for  the  future,  853,  927. 

Intellectual  relation  of  America  to 
Kuro|)o,  ii.  H45~H,54. 

Interior.  .Secretary  of  the,  i.  85,  88. 

Interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  i. 
372.  374-391  ;  the  interpreting  au- 
thorities, 370;  judicial  principles  of 
interpretation  and  construction.  379  ; 
lines  of  development  of  implied 
powers.  3h2  ;  devj-lopment  by  the 
executive  and  Congress.  383  ;  checks 
on  the  process,  387 ;  its  important 
reHult.-*,  38S-391. 

lowii.  State  of,  i.  414,  524,  614. 

Irish  Draft  Kiots.  of  1863.  ii.  651. 

Irish  ill  America,  the.  i.  24 ;  ii.  35-37, 
50,  303,  370,  371.  920. 

Irish  Parliament,  placemen  in,  i.  224. 

Irish  vote,  the,  ii.  158. 

Isle  of  Man,  Constitution  of,  i.  219. 

Italian  lulxnir  vote  in  America,  ii.  103. 

Italian  ministers,  usually  meml)er9  of 
Parliament,  i.  86. 

Italian  Parliamentary  system,  i.  92. 

Italian  Representative  chambers,  i. 
1H8;  Italian  members  of.  and  free 
railway  passes,  ii.  161  • 

Italian  Senate,  i.  189. 

i  Jackson.  Andrew  (President),  i.  47. 
aii,  58.  03,  66.  83,  269,  291,  292,  377. 

I      :«>5 ;   ii.  137,  178,  370. 

.  Jackson,  Mrs.  Helen,  appeals  on  behalf 

I       of  the  Indians,  ii.  370. 

,  Jameson  on  "Constitutional  Conven- 
tions," i.  360. 

I  Jefferson,  Thomas  (President),  i.  30, 
41,  44-47,  57,  59,  76,  77,  83.  87.  91, 
92.  210,  214,  20H,  270.  304.  334.  336, 

I       342,  377.  384.  425 ;   ii.  6-12.  33.  136, 
177,  236,  .375. 
Jefferson's  "Manual  of  Parliamentary 
Practice,"  i.  144. 

i  Johns  Hopkins  University,  ii.  719,  720, 

1      729.  730.  751.  753. 
Johnson.  Andrew  (Preaideiit).  i.  51,  50. 
59.  61.  124.  190.  207,  212.  214,  270. 
291. 
John.son.  Reverdy,  treaty  of  1869.  i.  108. 
Joint  stock  companies,  ii.  706. 


INDBX 


U61 


Judiciwy.  American,  nonfral  ri<niark!< 

on,  «.  657.  fl7<>-'W!t. 
Judiriary,    Enulwh,    indcpciidonpo   of, 

i.  L'59. 
.Judiciary   (F<-d<Tal),   thr,    i.   .'U    <1-: 
rii««i<  "f  inippnchniont.  Ill;    l'«'diTul 
coiirtH  It  iiccffwury  l>iirt  of  the  novrrii- 
niont.  'i'M,  'J47  ;  .Suiirrnir  (Vmrt,  2HI> ; 
Cirruit  courts,  :.'.ll  .    Dinfrirt  .curfs, 
232;  Court  of  Cliiim!",  i'>  ;   Court  <>f 
CuNtonix  Appt'iil.t,   i'l. ;    their  .luri>- 
dirtion.    1.>;V.'  '-»:»!»;    prorrdurr.    S.i' . 
woritiiiK  of  the  system,  TM) :  wpiirii- 
tioii  of  the  judieiul  froin  f  he  ixeeutive 
iind     legislative     depart meiits.,     i'>. ; 
nerpMity  for  its  erentiou,  '.'Hi ;    the 
eourtu  (io  not  eoiitrol  the  le«i«lnture, 
hut  interpret  the  hiw,  2M  :_  inipor-  , 
tanee  of  their  fuii<tiou».   -'>4 ;    the 
svstem  not  novel,  2.J0;    its  fueeess,  ; 
ih. ;  not  poruliar  to  a  Federal  Royern-  i 
nu'iit,  •_'.">!•:    the  Courts  and  ;)olitii«, 
202;    salutary  influenre  of  the  Har, 
266 :    eonfliet   of   other   authorities, 
2«H ;   weak  point  in  the  constitution  I 
of  the  Hupremo  Court,  271,  27(1,  30.5  ;  | 
superiority  of   Federal   Circuit  and 
District  judues,  272  ;  Htate  judiciary  ' 
ill-paid,  ih. ;  corruption  and  partisan-  i 
.ship    rare,     273 ;      .Supremo    Court  j 
•feels  the  touch  of  public  opinion,' 
274  ;    value  of  the  Fi-deral  courts  to 
the  country,  272  ;  dcRree  of  strenKth 
and  stability  possessed  l>y  them,  274  ; 
indeiM-ndence    of,    27«,    3(C> ;     their 
relation   to   the   .State   courts,   331  ; 
mode  of  interpretuiK  tlie  Constitu- 
tion,   375:      development    of    their 
powers,  403  ;  character  of  the  Bench, 
ii.   OHl  ;     fri'edom   from   corruption, 
(iho  ;   its  future,  (iSH. 
Judiciary  (State),  the.  i.  35;   nature  of 
its    authority,    44t);     principles    of 
action.  447  ;    variety  of  courts,  507  ; 
jurisdiction,  608 ;  attempts  of  eoditi- 
'cation.  r>W.    power  of  judges,  510; 
mode  of  appointment,  ih. ;   tenure  of 
office,  511;    salaries.  512 ;    character 
of  the  bench,  ib. ;    amount  of  inde- 
pendence,   502;     local    judiciary    in 
lUinois,     010;      city     judRcs,     032; 
American  ^itute  Bench,  ii.  657.  079- 
689;    charges  of  corruption,  0M5. 

Keakneyism  in  California,  ii.  420-44S. 
93,S. 


Kent's  "Commontarioi,"  quoted,  i. 
232,  447.  4»4. 

Kentucky  legislature,  on  the  Constltil- 
ti(m  Sedition  and  Alien  Acts.  I.  334  ; 
on  the  tariff  of  17lW.  335;  on  the 
rinht  of  assembly,  440;  on  life  and 
jiroperty.  ih.;  on  child  lalniur.  401. 

Kentucky,  State  of,  i.  3:13,  334. 

Kiiitthts  of  Labour,  ii.  H.  ^ 

'  Know-nothinn  "  party,  ii-  14,  10.  2tto. 

Knox.  Henry,  of  Mass.,  i.  91,  92. 

Ku  Klux  Klnn  outraKcs,  i.  IMM. 


L\nut;R  Pabtt,  ii.  41,  301.  441. 

Labour  troubles,  ii.  552.  040.  647. 

L<iiii(i<-t  fnirr,  |>olicy  of,  i.  340;    il.   19, 
2M,  534  647. 

Laws,  American,  four  kinds  of.  i.  24S ; 
their  want  of  uniformity.  346. 

Lawyers  in  America,  ii.  3(K),  307.  624. 
See  Har  (American). 

Lea,  Henry  ('.,  i|uote<l,  ii.  4'24. 

Lectures  in  .\meric8,  ii.  H07. 

Legal     issues,     their     importf'        in 
Congress,  i.  Wl. 

Le^al  piiifession.     See  Bar. 

Legal    render  Acts.   i.   249.  270.  276. 
315,   383.  , 

,  LcKislation  in  America;  the  President  s 

I  part  in  it.  i.  50  ;  tests  of  its  excellence. 
107  ;  applied  to  English  legislation, 
lOS;  and  to  .Vnierican,  170;  eriti- 
eism  of  the  method  of  direct  legisla- 
tion by  the  people,  464-480 ;   ii.  660. 

I  Legislation,  special,  distinguished  from 
ueneral,  i.  217 ;   an  evil  in  America, 
540,  55M,  559,  577.  040,  674. 
Legislative  intervention,  chief  formBOf, 

i      "   ■^■♦''  .u 

Legislative  pfiwer.  supreme,  rests  with 

!       the  people,  i.  2.50.  4M  «OT- ;  ii- 059. 
I  Legislature   and   Executive.     .See   Ex- 
ecutive. 
I  Legislature  (Federal).    See  State  Legis- 

latures.  .  . 

1  Legislatures     (City).     See     Municipal 
'       government. 
Levermore's  "Town  and  City  Govern- 
iiicnt  of  New  Haven,"  tiuoted.  i.  633. 
Lewis,  Sir  C>.  Cornewall.  ii.  233. 
"LilH-rty"   part,v.  ii.   14. 
Lincoln,   Abraham   (President),  i.   51, 
53,  04,  72.  77,  »3,  »7,  101,  189,  270, 
296,  297,  300,  3m»,  421  ;    ii-  14,  67, 
278,  280,  307,  370. 
Li<iuor  prohibition,  i.  474,  577  ;    ii.  25. 


952 


INDEX 


Litprury  inrn  in  AmorirB,  ii.  'M7. 
Litcruturi-,    Amoriraii,    ii.    H.'M ;     roiii- 

pttrutivc  wunt  of  iri'»tivr  |«>w<t.  h;W  ; 

cniiw-M  of  thin,  H.l.'j ;    n-ri-iit  dcvi'lop- 

ini-ntH  of  thoiiaht,  H.ti» ;    nUtioii  to 

Kuropo,  H47  :  promiiM-  for  the  future. 

KM  :  infliK'iiri'  of  u  cupitiil  on.  h/id. 
"Lolil.y,"  tlx',  i.  4(1.1.  (MM  ;  ii.  100.  UU. 

\M. 
Lonil  feclinit.  Htrrnnth  of.  i.  H(>-H1.  1»1- 

llt5.  4MJ,  4H«i,  M\.  Mlt,  5!tl. 
Locnl  (lovcrnnii'iit.  typ«*  of,  in  Amrrii'ii, 

i.  6im,  «l« ;  townnhip  type,  5!t7,  tUtS ; 

county  typo,  »HW ;    niixt-d  type,  5!M'. 

tkW.  (114  ;    in(iti»n<<'  of  Illin<iin,  tM)7  ; 

of  Mirhigun.  (MO :   of  lowii,  (il4 ;   of 

PiiinHylvuniii.     (U4.    (il.'i;      control 

over  lociil  uuthoritic.M,  (>l!l ;  taxation. 

(12<) ;  ahm'iicc  of  rcprcxciitution.  tt'2\  ; 

chief  functions  of  local  Kovcrnmcnt, 

ib. ;    influence  of  party  spirit.  025 ; 

siniplicity     of     the     fiy«tem,     02(1; 

KOV«Tnnieiit    of   citiis.   fl2S-03!>    {are 

Municipal  Kovcrnmcnt) ;    character 

of  the  Htatcsnien   produced  by  the 

system,  ii.  233. 
Lociil  option,  i.  474. 
Local  Hclf-Kovernment,  advantages  of, 

i.  ;iol  ;   ii.  05!). 
Lock,   on  "Civil  Government,"  i.  2S3. 
Logan.  General,  ii.  201. 
Log-rolling,  li.  UM). 

London,  imiifference  to  voting,  ii.  324. 
Long  Parliament  (England),  the,  i.  21K. 
Lord  ("hancellor  (Knglish),  powers  of, 

i.  !•.^ ;   on  wool.tack.  120. 
Louisiana  (French  territory  west  of  the 

MLssissippi),    i.    27,    3H4.    3S8,    390: 

ii.  11. 
Louisiana,  State  of,  i.  55,  345,  439,  440, 

441;    code  of.  5(M»,  519;    rings  and 

johlK-ry,  ii.  127. 
Loui.sville  (Kentucky),  ii.  127. 
Low,  Honourable  Seth,  on  'Municipu! 

Government  in  the  U.  S.,"  i.  04M, 

rt.'jO-(l79. 
Lowe.  Rooert.  referred  to,  ii.  013.  !S23, 
Lowell,  .1.   R.,  <iuotcd,  i.  34,  and  the 

"White  House."  ii.  143. 
Liithrr  v.  Hordrn,  i.  55 
Lynch  law.  i.  338;   ii.  017. 

Machine,  the.  it.s  organization,  ii.  H2 ; 
what  it  hiis  to  do,  93  ;  its  working 
anil  results.  Ktl  ;  the  desire  for  offi'-c 
its  source  uf  power.  111 ;    Kings  and 


howMv  it*  inner  spriniM,  112;  Ma- 
chined of  .New  Vork  City,  IM;  the 
struggle  ttgailiot  it,  lOH  175.  313; 
|H>pidar  opinion  of  it,  242;  the 
Machine  in  the  ."^luth,  310,  unscni- 
pidous  men  who  work  it.  .30.3 ;  thi- 
nominating  maihinery  in  .MaaMchu- 
sefts,  935:  how  far  it  is  due  to  de- 
mocracy, 0;«1 ;  its  future.  (KM*.  .V.  .• 
under  Party  ()rgttni»ati<m.  also  under 
Tammanv  Ring. 

Machinery  of  Amerii'an  (iovernmcnt. 
to  Kurf)|)con«  conspicuous  hy  its  al>- 
BJ-ncc.  i.  18, 

McKinley,  IVsident,  i.  59. 

Mncy,  Professor,  on  "(iuvernment," 
i.  014,  017. 

Madison,  James  (President),  i.  23,  39, 
0.3,  77,  87,  4.52 ;   ii.  8,  1,30. 

Magna  Charta.  i.  242.  447. 

Majority.  iKJwer  of  the,  in  America,  ii. 
338-:J40,  349,  352. 

ManhiHxl  Suffrage,  ii.  050. 

Manx  eoh.nituti<m,  referred  to,  i.  219. 

Marriag-  laws,  i.  345. 

Marshall.  John  (Chief-Justice),  i.  03, 
230-238,  240,  255,  208,  275,  377. 
379  Mqq.,  .385-387. 

Marshall's  "Life  of  Washington," 
(luote<l,  i.  300, 

Maryland,  State  of,  i.  42,  43,  195,  414, 
439.  442. 

Massachusetts,  State  of,  i.  28,  29,  414, 
428,  442,  453,  535,  545,  580 ;  ii.  90, 
874. 

Mayoralty,  the,  and  its  powers,  i.  030, 
005. 

"Mean  Whites,"  ii,  319. 

Merchant  Ciuilds.  Knglish.  i.  427. 

Mexico  and  the  L'nited  States,  i.  342 ; 
ii.  500,  .572.  574. 

Michigan,  State  of,  i.  43,  OU  ;  and  the 
ballot,  ii.  148. 

Militarism,  freedom  from,  ii.  .508,  023. 

Militia,  the.  i.  i      499.  704,  709,  7i5. 

Millionaires,  ii.  !>0>  . 

Ministers,  the  Presidents.     See  Cabi- 

I       "'-t-  .       .. 

;  Minneapolis,   rings  and   liosscs   ni,    n 

i       128.     129;     St.    Paul    and,    rivalry 

I       between,  129,  897,  898. 

Minnesota.  State  of.  ii.  173. 

Minorities  under  government  by  public 

opinion,  ii.  204.  .349. 

Minority    representation    in    cities,    i. 

020 ;   ii.  330. 


INDKX 


vr^A 


tiipia. 


MiriilHuu.  (|u<>tri|,  i    I  HI. 
Mi!.mn»i|.|.i.  Htutr  of,  (•oii«tituli..ii.   i 

4:«t,  44l>.  4«l.  4«H(  4(1.'. 
MUwiiir'    ioiii|)roiiii.s<'  <»f  Ih.'O,  i.  .H>.> , 

ii.  1'.'.  VI,  M- 

Mimumri,  <  DtiKtitution  of,  i   .><1 

MiMwrnri.  Stiitc  of,  ii.  IJ  ;  rinu-  in.  i:<J 

Mixlirutor  of  II  Town-iiHitiiiu.  i   tWM) 

Molly  MiiKuir.'  cotixiiiriu  y,  ii.  til<.>. 

Momy  in  City    Kl'' tionx,   i.   .VJ'.t;    ii 
170,     .S..  hinhop,  ,1.  H. 

Mi>iio|M)li.v-,     hostility     to,     in    Stitti 
(•(inwtitiitionx,  ii   <>'-•'> 

Moiiriw,  .liiiiKx  (rri«itl<'nt),  i.  >»"  ;  i"  " 
11,  177,  .5C.7. 

Montima,  State  of.  i.  \\l'.r,m. 

Montrwiuit  u,  nfirriil  to.  i.  -it. 

Mor«',     Sir     Thoniai«,     hit     "  I 
(|U()tr(l,  i.  .'i'.'". 

Mormons,  the,  ii.  :!'.t,  <i44,  7f. 

Morrill.  (JoiiviTiiiur,  i. -^^>.^  I 

MuKWUinpf,  till',  ii.  17,  4h,  'il,      .■>. 
Municipal    ('.ovirnni<nt    in    .\nirrira ; 
its  orKanization,  i    trj'.t ;    tli.-  iniiyor. 
WAO.    uUltrnirn  ami  (oniniou  Coun- 
cil, tWl  ;    judKcs,  (i:VJ  ;    nature  of  its 
(unctions,  *V.H  ;    municil':'!  systiiii  of 
Boston,    <)H<i:     of    St.    Louis.    »•.:<'.»: 
tests    of    efficiency,    (i4();      case    of 
Fhilailelphia,    /'-.  ;     thi-   system   of   a 
conspicuous  failure,  (>4J  ;    nature  of 
the  (•vil,f'«4_' ;  remedies  proposi<l,(>4(> ; 
Hon.  Setli  Low.  on  municipal  itoverii- 
nient,  (ioti :  system  of  Hrooklyn.  »>()1  : 
prohlem  of  the  leaislative  l.ranch  of 
city    Kovernnunt.     (•)7  "> ;     _tenileii<y 
towards    improv<'ment.    •'>7t'> ;      cor- 
ruption, ii.   If..'),  ;iH'.»;    efforts  of  n- 
(ormirs.  174,  4()-'. 

National    character    and    tendencies. 

i.3. 
National  dcl)t.     .S<<  I>cl)t. 
National    Government.     S(V    Ifderal 

(lovernnjent. 
National      Nomination     Conventions. 

,S(. Conventions. 
Nations  and  small  conununities,  tyi)es 

of  relationship  hetween,  i.  10. 
Naturalization  law.s.  i.  4 1!>;   ii.  Wt. 
Navy,   control  of  the,   i.   33.   5:5;    in- 

creuse  of,  *.M>. 
Navy.  Secretary  of  the,  i.  >^''>- 
Nel.raska,  State  of,  i.  H'-'-  .. 

Nerro,  the.  present  and  future  of.  n. 
5112-504  ;    physical  conditions  m  the 


Soii.h  favoiiral'le  to  hisdevelopinpnt, 
.'(tHt,  ,'>i;<;  proiMirtion  of  colourwl  to 
the  white  p.,|.ulation.  .ILl;  the  negro, 
»ave  in  two  States,  a  relatively  <Ip- 
<reasinK  ehniint,  /'>. ;  infant  mor- 
tality, i''. ;  economic  and  iiidu.strial 
I'oiidition.  ,".1»;  (xmrest  and  lowest 
social  stratum,  i'<.;  occupation  U-nt 
sirted  to  the  hlacks.  i'>. ;  from  the 
slaveship  to  the  pluntution.  510; 
political  riKhtH  thrust  prenmturely 
upon  them.  ill.  ;  chariicter  and  Kift* 
of  the  neuro.  517,  54J  ;  educationul 
status,  .-AS.  51'.»,  54J;  illiteracy, 
ih.     reliitioii  formerly  the  only  civil- 

iziuK   influe •■»■-'(>;     relinion   and 

morality    often    divorci-«l,    il>. ;     in- 
dustry   a    means    of    self-help,    522; 
need  of  i.rovision  for  instructinn  the 
nearo  in  handi<Taft.  ih.  ;  iiiminity  and 
crime.  5_'.i ;   intcrnuirriaKc  forliiddon 
by  law.  ih. ;    his  social  status  In'forc 
aiid  after  the  war  contrasted,  524; 
„o  social  intermixture  iMtween  races, 
525;    new  coloured  Renerution  lost 
its     instinctive     suhservieuco     and 
ilependcnce.  520  ;   strained  reltttions, 
white    women    and    neuro   lust.    %b. ; 
so<iul  repulsion  and  lynchinRS,  527, 
5'>H-      race     antanonism     and     the 
political    prol.hni.    52'.».    530;     the 
whites  and  electoral  malpractici-s,  ih. ; 
(luestion  of  neifro  disfranchisement, 
-,M,   .532.   533.    544-547;     proposo<l 
educational  test,  532;    (fravcr  social 
prolilems.   ih.;    deportation  imprac- 
tieahle.  533.  534  ;    settiiiK  the  noRro 
apart  inexpeilient,  535 ;  "  miscegrna- 
tion,"  53l>;  the  future  likely  to  con- 
tin.,   him    to    the    '  Hlack    Belt'    and 
the  (iiilf  HcKion,  530,  537;    potency 
of  moral  remi  dies,  53S  ;    his  future, 

'.121. 
Netsro  prol.hni,  later  reflections  on  the, 
ii.    .">4()  .')(>4 ;     the    capacity    of    the 
iietiro,    542;     his    proKress    in    edu- 
cation, 542.544 ;    social   relation    to 
the  whites,  54",> ;    race  friction,  549- 
551;   lalM.ur  troul.les,  552:   the  atti- 
tude  of   the   Southern    whites,    552, 
.".54;     the   attitude   of   the   ncRroes, 
5,">4,   .V.O;     people  of   mixed   blood, 
,"i,„".  557  ;     a   fon-cast   of   vnrcuraKc- 
in(.nt,  557  .504. 
Neisro  vote,  the,  i.  44 ;  ii.  38,  134,  148, 
14',l,  320. 


054 


INDEX 


Nevada,  Stiitn  of,  i.  r.'7. 
New  England  Htaton,  usually  Republi- 
can, i.  81 ;   type.  ii.  -U-i,  >>>>!•• 
New  Hampshire,  State  of,  i.  43!);    ii. 

151. 
New  Haven.  Town  and  City  of,  i.  (H)2, 

632. 
New  .Jersey  and  indepeiidenro  (.:  Eiik- 

land,  i.  m). 
New  Mexico,  State  of.  i.  ,5M),  .5i»3. 
New    Orleans,     "rinus"    In,    ii.     13o: 

attraetivc  history,  S>S2. 
Newspaper   PresH,    the,    ii.    27."),    27it ; 

rewards  to  owners  or  editors  of,  277  ; 

infliienre  as  orgiins  of  oiiininn,  S4(>. 
New  York,  ('itv    of,  i.  (i.'vl,  M\  i'<r>\. 

^55.    ii.  118,  1,50,  l.V),  Ki.j,  (Wi,  70,j, 

8ft0,  881.  j 

New  York  eoniniissionerw  of  1S70,  on  : 

the  eity's  niistiovernnient,  i.  M'-i  xqil-  \ 
New  York,  State  of,  i.  21,  2.5.  2)i,  S».s,  j 

127,  4(13,  54«.  670;   ii.  131.  Hil.  | 

NominatinK   Conventions,     .s'lc    Con-  ! 

ventions.  ! 

Nominations,  winning  of,  ii.  02  ;   nonii-  ; 

nations  to  office,  cost  of,   122;    uli-  ; 

nervations  on,  222. 
^  o    h  Dakota,  State  of,  i.  442.  i 

.Northwest,   most   populous   seetiof   <  I 

the  Union,  i.  80  ;  usually  UepuMiciiii,  j 

81. 
Northwestern    man,    primn   fn     ■    the  j 

best  candidate  for  the  Tresideucy,  i.  , 

80.  ! 

Norway,  and  its  indifference  to  politics. 

ii.  67. 

Oath  of  allepinnce  to  tin-  Constitution. 
i.  1.33. 

Obligations,  p>il)lie,  regiird  for,  ii.  (>45. 

Ohio,  State  of  (executive  ofTiiials  of), 
i.  603;   ii.  <K),  212. 

Oklahoma,  .Stat<'  of,  i.  472,  ,5S(i,  ,5!»2, 
718. 

Opinion    p-  Mic,  in  America,  the  ulti- 
mate force  in  goveriiiuent,  i.  (> ;    the 
real  source  of  the  President's  power, 
7  ;   its  influence  on  the  Suprenu'  I'ed-  ; 
eral  Court.  274  ;    on  the  interi>ret;i-  | 
tion  of  the  Constitution,  3.S7  ;  on  the  | 
State  judiciary,  514;   on  the  profes-  I 
sional  politicians,  ii.  tlS;  itsstrennth. 
li.   241  ;    i's  n:ttui'f,  2.51  ;     rtat;vs  ••{  ; 
formation,  /'/).  ;    opinion  in  the  edu- 
cated and  uneducated  classes  com- 
pared, 2.54  ;    leaders  of  opinion.  2i5r> ; 


not  a  nr'w  force  in  the  world,  260 
difference  between  free  and  despoti- 
eully  governed  states,  2(il  ;  evolu- 
tion of  opinion,  2(12;  governini'nt  by 
it,  2(13,  2(i7  273;  its  dangers,  264; 
and  safegvnirds,  2()5 ;  its  character 
on  tlie  whole  ujiright,  240,  30(1; 
its  powerfulne.ss,  2,51  ;  American 
opinion  of  vjirious  f<'aturea  f)f  their 
politicid  .system,  240;  government 
liy,  2.5! t ;  nature  of  its  rul",  2(>7  ; 
causes  of  its  importance,  271  :  the 
consc(iuences,  272;  mode  of  its  ex- 
pression, 274  ;  necessity  of  efficient 
organs,  ih.  ;  tlie  newspupi-r  press. 
27.5;  public  meetings,  2S0 ;  elec- 
tions, 2M  ;  a.ssociiitions,  ih. ;  com- 
parative influeni'e  of  urban  and  rural 
l)opulation.  2S3  ;  tlie  discernment  of 
o|>inion,  2S4  ;  the  effect  upon  it  of 
tiational  characteristics,  28.5;  class 
characteristics.  2!t7  ;  local  types  of 
opinion,  31 1  ;  in  the  Kast,  //). ;  West, 
313;  Pacific  slope,  311);  South,/').: 
tendency  to  homogeneity,  320 ;  analy- 
sis of  opinion  ii^  England,  321  ;  dif- 
ferent phenomena  in  America,  32,5; 
its  influence  exerted  thro\igh  elec- 
tniMs,  328  ;  independent  oi)inion  and 
the  great  i)!irfi(  s,  32!>,  337  ;  its  in- 
flui'uce  on  officials,  331  ;  mutability 
of  electoral  bodies,  332 ;  privati' 
agencies  for  the  expression  of  opinion, 
333  ;  its  relation  to  the  regidar  party 
organizations,  334;  its  activity  less 
continuous  than  in  Europe,  i/i. ;  tyr- 
anny of  t'u  majority,  338;  in 
Congress,  331;  in  the  States,  340; 
in  the  action  of  public  opinion,  341  , 
improvement  in  this  respect,  343; 
its  defects  as  a  governing  i)ower,  3.57  ; 
faialism  of  tlie  nmltitude,  347,  ,352  ; 
its  effect  on  the  action  of  opinion, 
3.50;  difference  in  this  between  the 
States  and  the  whole  Union,  361  : 
its  merits.  300  ;  educative  influence 
on  m  wcoiiiers,  370;  its  influence  on 
public  appointments,  373  ;  on  foreign 
policy,  374  ;  influence  of  a  capual 
on  public  oiiinioii,  S55 ;  effect  of 
the  absence  of  a  canital  in  America. 
NK). 

('ranji' nun    :(!id    Irish    C^itholics.    ii 
051. 

Oratorical  exci4lence,  nature  of,  ii.  8()2  ; 
how  far  attained  in   .Vmerica,  805 


INDEX 


055 


Ami-rirun  defects,  il). ;  (li(T(  rent  kiixls 
of  oratory,  !S(i4 ;  three  kiiiils  >ii(- 
eially  dev('lop<'(l  in  Aiiuricii,  Ht>(> ;  re- 
serve of  au<lienee,  WiN. 

Oratory,  lunl  the  i>:irties,  ii.  2.5L',  L'.it, 
235. 

OreKon,  State  of,  i.  101,  lOl'. 

Oxford  I'liiversity,  I'arlianientary  n  p- 
reMeiitatioii,  ii.  1!»2  ;  and  tlie  Thirty- 
Nine  Artiih's,  24 1. 

Palmeuston,    Lohi),    referred    to,    ii. 

2.J1. 
I'nnaina,  ii.  f)"?,  .'JMl. 
I'arliainent.   Kni?li^h,   a  sovereign  ami 
con.stitutional   assenililv.   i.   :i ") ;     re- 
ferred to.  .")<i,  KiS,  I7.'i.  251.  2')2,  2.).'>,  | 
2o(>,  2Ho  «(/«.,  oM  :    ii.  272.  | 

Parties,    i)(>litiial,    in    .\uieriea :     tlieir 
development,  i.  5,  ti.  :{s',> ;    effect  <.f  i 
strURgii'    over    the    Con.ttitution    of  , 
17H!»,    20;     tlieir    interference    witli  | 
presidential  .ledions,  12.  11  :  urowtli  ; 
of  a  1'Vderali.st  party,  !I2,  :f<.tO  ;    ii.  (> ;  j 
influeuee  of  parties  in  the  Senate  on  i 
foreiKn  policy,  i.  10(> ;   their  cohesion 
in  ''onKress,  152;   no  real  party  (fo\- 
ernrnent    in     .\nierica,    2!tJ ;     .Stale 
parties ennulfed  by  the  National.  571 . 
572;    causes  of  this,  .57:!;  its  results. 
571,    575;     eases    of    neimine    State 
parties,   57H ;     factions,   57i» ;     party 
spirit    in    rural    local    noverninent. 
.5SO-5H2;     in    cities,    //'.,    t>70 ;     ini- 
portani'c    of    the    parties,    tiU;     the 
great  inoviuK  forces  in  America,  ii.  5  : 
their    iiistory,    il>.  ;      Kedi'ralist    and 
Repul)liean.s,  (1;     National   Hepubh- 
cans  or  Whins  and  l)<'mocrats,   12; 
Republican  party  of   ls5t),   14;    the 
foundations    of    party    in    America 
compared  witli  luirojx'.  Iti;   tlic  an- 
tithesis of  liberty  an<l  order,  IS;    H" 
definite    principles    in    the    modern 
parties,  21  ;  ilhistrations  of  tliis,  21 ; 
composition  of  tin"  Republican  party, 
■M);    of  the  I)emoerati<',  .{2;    politic 
of  immicrants    ,14;    of  neuroes.  H7; 
infhience  of  religion,  /''. ;    ueoiirapln- 
eal  di.stribution  of  parties,  .{S  ;   less.r 
orKanizatioiis,  :i'.l ;    test  of  a  party. 
il).;  lireenbuckers,  ('>.,   214;  Labour 
party,  41,  42,  :«»1,  s55 ;   I'rohibitioTi- 
ists,  42,  21-i,  55^;    Woman  .Sulliani 
party,  45,  21)'.>,  54S  ;  the  MuKwumps, 
45,  -iti,  5(1 ;   causes  of  the  pcrsiBteute 


of  the  parties.  4H ;  eminent  leaden 
I.'.-.-  iinjirirtant  than  i"'  Kurr)pc,  &1  ; 
the  silectiou  of  candidates,  53,  84, 
177;  so(  ial  influeni'c  of  parties,  53; 
their  coiiiieetion  with  State  politiefl, 
.Vl  ;  the  politicians,  55  (»<t  Politi- 
ei.ms)  ;  the  best  men  indisponed  for 
politics,  •)<• ;  party  orKanizutioii  ((j.ii.), 
7t);  types  of  statesmen  produced, 
2:i(t ;  pulilic  opinion  and  the  i*y»tem, 
240;  the  streuRth  of  party  founded 
on  the  national  character,  204; 
Know-nothinu  party,  2!I7  ;  the  partiea 
and  indi  pendent  opinion,  327,  336; 
their  future.  ll()!». 
I'artx-  uo\ernment  a  neeess'iry  evil,  i. 

71  ;   its  meaninjj  in  America,  292. 
Party    oruauization    in    Anierictt :     its 
perfection,  i.  7'.» :    in  Connress.  14W- 
1.52,    201;     tlie   party   caucus,   206; 
aims  of  a  party  orisunizutioii  in  Eu- 
rope, ii.  7<i;    in  .America,  77;    modes 
of     selectitin     candidati'S,     Hi.;      the 
.\m<'rican    system,    7h  ;     its   history, 
7'.»:     the    Macliine,    S2 ;     orKaniiinj? 
lommittees,   i'l.  ;     primaries,  S5,  93, 
1(12.    l.')();     nominatiuK  conventiona 
(i/.i-.).  s4,  17(1 ;    procedure,  H5  ;   tents 
ol    party    membership,    H7 ;     party 
lo.\alty,  ^^ :    profusion  of  election*. 
<«):     (■:■:      of  Oliio,    ill.;    MasHHchu- 
selts.  '.l.{ ;   tile  results,  94  ;   the  work- 
ing of  the  Machine  in  the  eountry, 
<I7  ;  ill  larne  lilies.  (IK  :  manipulation 
of  elect  ioii>,  llil);theRinEii(9.i'.),l08, 
111    122,    It)'.'.    3,sO,    3hS,   40»i;    the 
Ho.sses,  1 10  1  l"i ;  Slates,  Tradiii,  and 
Tickets.    115,    110;     hatred    of    re- 
formers, ll'.t;    revenues  of  the  RinK, 
/■/..;    sale  of  offices,  121;    the  system 
>tronf:est    in    cities,     124;     illu.stra- 
tioiis.  1 24-1  •■'.();    exceptional  in  rural 
distri'ts.      bit    i:«;      and     iu     the 
.Soutli.  i:«;    spoils,   135;    p.'irty  or- 
uaiii/atiiiii-  .it  elections,  154;    preisi- 
(lential  election,  177,  204;   oraaniia- 
linii  in  Ma.ssachusetts,  «;>5  •    leMons 
loi  lairope,  055  <iti2  ;  its  future,  Wi)i;. 
:  Patents,  i.  33.  HIS. 
P.itroiiaKc,  i.  01   t)7,  110,  111,  293;    ii. 

i:<0  .si/i/.     Si-tt  Spoils  System. 
"Patniiis  of  lluslmndry,"  ii.  093.     See 
;      (■  rangers. 

i-.itt.  r.son';s    ■iVdefui     Rentraints    on 
'       State  .Vction,"  (juoted,  i.  379. 
i  I'uupers,  i.  022. 


956 


INDEX 


1<)5.  544 ;  ii. 
231. 


Payment  of  Irnislators,  i. 

59. 
Peel,  Sir  Robert,  rcfcrrpcl  to 

259. 
Peers,  English,  rreation  of,  by  the  sov- 
ereign, i.  289. 
Pendleton  Act  of  1883,  ii.  144. 
Pennsylvania,  State  of,  i.  24,  42,  103, 
126,  185,  546,  570,  614,  640 :    ii.  32. 
Pennsylvania  judiciary,  i.  510. 
Pensions,  i.  88,  178,  180,  519. 
People,  the,  and  the  i)urties,  ii.  241. 
People's  party,  the,  i.  579;    ii.  31,  37, 

46,  213,  299. 
Philadelphia,  C'uy  of,  i.  640;   u.  16.>, 

333,  406-425. 
Philadelphia  Convention  of  1787,  i.  21- 
25,  30,  223,  280,  312,  324,  609;   u. 
5,  271. 
Philadelphia  Gas  Rins,  ii.  406-425. 
Philadelphia,    "History   of    Municipal 
Development  of,"  quoted,  i.  641.051. 
Philanthropy  in  America,  ii.  790. 
Philippine  Islands,  the,  i.  90 ;    u.  o77- 

580. 
Pierce,  Franklin,  i.  77,  83  ;   ii.  183. 
"  Pinl-.erton's  men,"  ii.  621. 
Plan  of  the  Work,  i.  5. 
Platform,  the,  in  politics,  ii.  334. 
Plato,  referred  to  in  connection 

democracy,  ii.  826. 
Plutocratic  element  in  America,  ii 
Police,  the,   in  America,   ii.   411 

aqq. 
Police    administration    in    New 

City.     See  Tammany  Ring. 
Political    and    social    experiments    in 
America     cited     as     patterns     and 
warnings  in  Europe,  i.  2,  9. 
Political  institutions  in  America,  future 

of,  ii.  902.     See  Future. 
Political    morality    in    England    and 

America,  ii.  243. 
Political  supremacy  in  Britain  in  the 

householder,  ii.  321. 
Politicians,  professional,  i.i  Europe,  ii. 
55  ;  conditions  .>f  their  devclopmeiit. 
66;  the  conditions  in  America,  .'>7  : 
and  tneir  results,  57 ;  number  of 
professional  politiciim;-.  00;  their 
"work,"  62;  ward  politicians,  03; 
minor  office-seekers.  04  ;  managers, 
65 ;  non-professional  politicians,  66  ; 
a  term  of  reproach,  ih. ;  their  objects, 
place,  and  inconic,  08;  the  ablest 
citizens  averse  to  i)r)litical   life,   09  ; 


with 

,661. 
,   618 

York 


caiLsesof  this, 70-75;  ))Mrty  organiza- 
tions, 70 ;  Rings  and  Bosses,  111; 
professional  politicians  and  the  Spoils 
system,  137  ;  st.-uggle  with  reformers, 
168  sqq. ;  numlier  of  lawyers  amongst 
politicians,  306.  .Sec  Tammany  Ring. 
Politics,  American,  unattractiveness  of, 
77,  201  ;  ii.  65,  69  sqq.,  239,  588,  612. 
Politics  in  England,  a  social  fascination, 

ii.  72. 
Polk,  President,  i.  54,  77.  83. 
Position  of  women,  the,  in  America,  ii. 

795-809. 
Postmaster-General,  the,  i.  85. 
P(  -i.nasters  and  Civil  Service  reform, 

li.  59. 
Post-office,  the,  i.  33. 
President,  the,  i.  36  ;   reasons  for  creat- 
ing the  oflice,  38,  39 ;    nature  of  his 
powers,  39,  40 ;  mode  of  election,  40, 
46-52;    ii.   204;    re-<'lection,   i.  45; 
removal    by    impeachment,  50;    his 
powers  and  diities,  53-68 ;    the  veto 
power,  58-60,  224-227,  2H9  ;  ii.  136- 
145;     .■<ource   of    his   power,    i.    67; 
jealou.sy   of   'the   one   man    power," 
68 ;   dignity  of  the  position,  ih. ;   de- 
fects of  the  system,  69-72,  298,  299  ; 
its  success  on  the  whole,   "72 ;    ini- 
j      portance  of  presidential  elections,  73  ; 
'      the  office  as  a  social  institution,  74  ; 
causes  of  the  want  of  eminent  Presi- 
i      dents,  77  ;  bril'<ant  gifts  not  required, 
I      80 ;    power  of  sectional  feeling,  81  ; 
position   of    ex-Presidents,  82;    his- 
torical review  of  the  Presidents,  83 ; 
his  responsibility,  90  ;  relation  to  his 
ministers,  ih. ;    to  Congress,  92,  93- 
95,  209-215,  284,  289  ;  the  President, 
when    attacked    in    Congress,    211: 
the  President  really  a  branch  of  the 
legislature,  224  ;  his  veto  power  th.- 
ical  strength  of  the  executive,  212, 
225,    226;     conflicts   with    Congress, 
291  ;     his   consent    not    required   to 
Con-stitutional     amendments,     301  ; 
claim  to  interpret  the  Constitution. 
377  ;    development  of  his  functions. 
402;    origin  of  the  office,  085;  j)r(>- 
visions  of  the  Constitution,  708,  710 
712;    his  position  compared  with  :i 
State  (governor's,  535;    Spoils  sys- 
tem, ii.  130  ,   iie\er  seriously  chargetl 
with  cormption,  158 ;  mode  of  nomi- 
nation, 178,  224  ;  election  campaig:.. 
205;    the  issues  at  stake  in  a  presi- 


INDEX 


957 


dential  rliction,  -'It;  future  of  the 
office,  OOH. 
Presidential  oanipaiKn,  the,  ii^  204  ;  in- 
fluence of  news<pai)ers,  207  ;  "f  the 
clergy,  208;  of  women,  20<> ;  pa- 
rades, ih.  ;  the  issues  at  stake  in  a 
presidential  election,  214;  nature 
of  personal  attacks  on  landidates. 
21H-220;  ))oints  of  diffen-iiee  in 
English  elections.  220. 
Presidential   election  dispute  of    ISTti. 

i.  47-f)0,  72,  271,  2<.»'.>. 
Presideiitial      election,      sometimes     a 

turninc-point  in  history,  i.  74. 
Preside!:'  at  election  in  France,  i.  7.'i. 
Pnvid       ial  electors,  i.  40   10.  702.  70S. 
Primaru  s.   the.   i.   071  ;    ii.  H4.  No,  «», 

<».■>,  OS,  102,  10.'),  UiS. 
Private    Hills.     .SVc    Lecij'lation    (Spe- 
cial). 
Priv.v  Coimcil  of  England,   i.    10,  Oo, 

24S.  240,  :iS7. 
Prohibitionist  part.v,  i.  ."O ;   ii.  2.">,  44. 

213.  .5.iH. 
Prohibitionist.s  and  the  tariff,  ii.  4:{. 
Property  tax.  criticism  on.  i.  .')20-.">24. 
"Proprietors"  in  the  North  .Vnii-rican 

colonies,  i.  '2M. 
Protection    and    Free   Trade,    i.    17S; 

ii.  20,  47,  215. 
Protection  and  the  tariff,  i.  is:?. 
Protection  of  citizens,  provided  for  l>y 

the  Constitution,  i.  3:5.  710.  717. 
Pnissian   Constitution,   referred   to.    i. 

221. 
Prussian  Herrenhaus.  i.  07.  00. 
Public  aKeuts,  validity  of  their  acts.  i. 

244. 
Public  lanils.  wa.-.cful  di.-posal  of.  i.  :i.)4. 
Public  life,   bracinu  atmosphere  of,   in 

.\miTica,  ii.  ^lOO. 
Public  opinion.     Sk  Opinion. 
I'ublic  Service  ( 'onunission.  the.  in  \c" 

York.  i.  .">0.">.  o.VI.  074. 
Public  works,  controlled  by  Conun  .->. 

i.OO. 

Puerto  Ui i.  00;   ii.  o77,  o7S. 

Pure  Food  Laws.  i.  00. 

I'urit.inism.  influence  of.  in  .Knierica.  i. 

(in    Constitution)    -iW) :     traces    of. 

41,-,;   ii.  20.  iJliS,  7S2.  SOO. 


OfOHiM,  in  Conuress.  i.  127, 


2(M). 


ll\li.KO.\ns.  fniuht  r.ites,  i.  oiV-i  ;   strike 
riots  of  l&y4,  ii.  509  ;    bla<kmailed. 


101.  04'.);   abuse  of  free  passes,  161  ; 
their  wealth  and  influence,  427,  441, 
442.  C!M),  702  :   conflicts,  693  ;   Inter- 
state Commerce  Conmiission,  694; 
their  autocratic  character,  697. 
Railroad  passes,  Krantinn  of,  to  lenisla- 
tors  forbidden  by  many  States,  ii.  161. 
Hallway  companies  (EnRlish),  i.  245. 
Railway  kiiiKS  (.\merican),  ii.  698-700. 
Recall,  i.  6.S7.  t)52.  672. 
Redfield.    Chief   .lu.stice.    of   Vermont, 

case  of,  i.  272 ;   quoted,  445. 
•Hcferenihim,"'    the,    i.     26,    436,    453 
.iiiq.,    4(i6  472,    475,    477,    470,    Mi, 
.■>S4.  616.  6.-)2.  673  ;  ii.  71,  263-35S. 
Reform  .\ct  (EiiKlish)  of  1832,  i.  2S7  ; 

ii.  321.  322. 
Relation  of  the  I'nited  States  to  Eu- 
rope, the.  ii.  S45. 
Reliiiion  and  jxilitics.  ii.  37. 
Reliuious  denominations  in  America,  ii. 

/70  -776. 
RcliKious    (Miuality,    enforcei'    by    the 
Federal  and  State  Const'         .ns,   i. 
430,  706;    ii.  763;    in  the         versi- 
ties.  7.34  ;   explanation  of  the  .Vmeri- 
can    view.    765;     national    recoRni- 
tion  of  Christianity,  770;   legal  posi- 
tion of  religious  bodies,   ih. ;    social 
equality.  775  ;  the  charm  of  religious 
freedom.  S74. 
Religious  spirit   of  the   Americans,   ii. 
200;     religion    in    the    Universities, 
734  ;    national  recognition  of  Chris- 
tianity, 765  ;   influence  of  religion  on 
the  people,   776,   7S1   xqq.  ;    gain  to 
religion  from  the  absence  of  State  in- 
terference. 771  ;  its  influence  on  con- 
duct, 770;  on  the  imagination,  "02. 
Representatives,     Fi-deral,     House    of, 
instances  of  election  of  Presidents  by 
it,  i.  46;   influence  on  foreign  policy, 
54  ;   mode  of  election,  126  ;   speeches 
in,   120;    character  of  its  members, 
i;{0,    14S;     its   p,)wers,    120;    i)rocc- 
(lurc.    132-130;     the   Speaker,    140- 
143;    the  House  at  work,   144-155; 
its   homogeneity,     150;    absence  of 
party  leaders,  151-203;    effect  upon 
the  discharge  of  its  functions,   152; 
.\nicrican  conception  of  its  position, 
153  :    mode  of  voting,  154  ;    its  con- 
mittees,   156-166,   178-180;    results 
of  the  »>.-.teni.   161-166 ;    why  it  ia 
maintained.    1(>5;     criticism   of   the 
House's     legLslatiou,     170;      of     its 


958 


INDEX 


finance,  176;  rollisions  with  th  ■ 
Senate,  186;  siilarics  of  mcnibprs, 
195;  short  tenure  of  offiee  and  its 
results,  197  ;  want  of  opportunitirs 
for  distinction,  201;  party  cauruars, 
206 :  how  far  the  House  is  a  jiarty 
body,  207  ;  numtier  of  nu-nihcrs,  \27. 
225 ;  provisions  of  the  Constitution. 
700  ;  oratory  in  the  House,  ii.  S65 ; 
future  of  the  House.  007.  .SVr 
C'onnress. 
Representatives,     Htate,     Houses     of. 

■See  State  Legislatures. 
Represt'ntative  systeni,  essentials  of  a. 

i.  302. 
Repuhliean  party  of  179:^  (or  Demo- 
crats), i.  42  ;  ii.  6  ;  National  Repubh- 
eans  or  Whigs,  of  1S21I.   1-',   Is  20; 
Republican  party,  ii.  21,  'M.  '-^x.  1>^^. 
1H6,  200,  205  ;  characteristic  niodcr'i 
adherents  of,  31,  :12. 
Rhode  Island,  State  of,  i.   10.  21,  22. 
25,  65.  12H,  1»S,  249,  329,  335.  3.rl, 
413,  430.  432,  434,  481-1>S3,  4>s5,  480. 
491,  610-512,  .'j02,  5S0,  020. 
Riders  to  .\ppropriation  Hills,  i.   1^'>, 

216. 
RiHRS,  ii.  Ill :  mode  of  working.  Ho; 
revenues,  120 ;  their  local  extension, 
124;  case  of  rincinnati.  125;  St. 
Louis,  Louisville,  128;  Minneapolis, 
127;  and  St.  Paul,  129;  r^ral  dis- 
tricts  generally  free  from  th>  ni,  133  ; 
modes  of  combating  them,  108-17."). 
279;  Tammany  Ring.  New  York  j 
City,  379:  Philudelpliia  Gas  Kim;. 
406.  ^    , 

Robinson,  J.  H.,  on  "Features  of  the 
United  States  Constitution."  i. 
086. 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  occasional 
outbreaks  of  hostility  against,  ii. 
17,  707.  .       , 

Roman  Catholics  and  denominational 

schools,  ii.  340,  341. 
Roman  pra;tor,  i.  273. 
Roman  Senate,  i.  221,  227. 
Rome,  Constitution  of  ancient,  referred 

tci.  218,  221,  362;   ii.  57.  209. 
Roosevelt,   Theodore,   his   presidential 
vetoes,  i.  50;   on  niisKoveriinniit  (if 
pities,  ."ilfi.  547:    ii    1<»7,  1J3.  175. 
Rotation  in  office  considered  essential 

to  democracy,  ii.  130,  138.  140. 
Ruskin,  influence  exerted  by  his  books 
on  American  art  taste,  ii.  852. 


Sai..\Ries  of  Congressmen,  i.  105-197. 
Sand  Lot  party  in  California,  ii.  430. 

135,  438-440. 
San   Francisco,  ii.   130,  434,  441,  440, 

883. 
Sanitation,  an  unimportant  function  of 
local  Kovernmi'iit  in  America,  i.  023. 
Scandinavian  immigrants  and  American 

politics,  ii.  37. 
Schedule,  the.  of  a  Constitution,  i.  4.37. 
SciiH  V.  Siimlfiiri/.  case  of,  i.  254,  203, 

205,  270.  ,388;   ii.  15. 
S'-ottish   law,    different   from   that    of 

English,  i.  ,340. 
Scott.  Sir  Walter,  on  Edinburgh  mobs, 

ii.  227. 
Secession  of  a  State  impossible,  i.  322, 

;!:!0,  313,  424. 
.Secession,   War  of.   referred  to.   i.   25. 
55  .^O  72.  88,  124.  180,  270,  275,  290, 
308,  310,  322,  330,  348,  307,  384,  410, 
422-424. 
Second  Chambers,   utility  of,   i.    185; 

ii.  O.J8. 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  i.  85,  H8 ;    of 
the  Navv,  85,  88 ;    (jf  State.  85,  87  ; 
of   the  Treasury,   85,    87,   88,    177; 
of  War,  85,  88. 
Sectionalism.     Src  Local  feeling. 
Senate,  the  F<-(leral :    its  control  over 
foreign  policy,  i.  .54,  107-110;    pat- 
ronage, 01,   02,    110,    HI;    ii-    1''57: 
composition,    i.   97;     functions,    08; 
the  Senate  essential  to  the  Federal 
i      Scheme,  98,  121,  124,  125;   mode  of 
ele<'tion,   100,  370;    of  voting,    102; 
\      tenure  of  office,   103;    treatment  f^f 
money   bills,    104 :     procedure,    105. 
119.073;    executive  functions,  107; 
judiciil   fuiictio.is.    Ill;    objects   of 
\      its  creation.  113  ;    n.ature  and  causes 
of  its  success,  115;    character  of  its 
members.  121  ;    its  place  in  the  con- 
stitutional   system,    124;     its   Com- 
mittees. 150-100.  178.  179;  colli-sions 
with  the  House,  180,  185;   salary  of 
members,    105;    (iiiorum,   200;    ah- 
seiK-c  of  l)arty  leade.s.  203;    party 
caucus.    20t'>:     development    of    it> 
functions,  402  ;    extracts  from  rules, 
t)87  ;   provisions  of  the  Constitution 
700;   its  oratoric.il  .standard,  ii.  805 
its  probable  future,  -M'.     ^tt  Con- 
gress. 
Senates.  State.     .See  State  Legislatures. 

Seward,  Mr.,  i.  87. 


IN'DEX 


950 


Share  Market,  (if  New  York,  ii.  705. 

Shaw'a  "  Local  Government  in  Illinois." 
i.  610. 

Shopkecfier,  the,  in  America,  ii.  300. 

Siey^  and  the  Reign  of  Terror,  i. 
310. 

Signal  Service  Weather  Hiireau,  i.  00 

Silver,  free  coinage,  and  the  Democrat - 
ii.  27. 

Slave-emancipation  proclamations  of 
President  Lincoln,  i.  55. 

Slavery  Question,  the,  i.  'M  ;  ii.  12  sqq., 
214,  330,  .343,  o4',». 

"Slip  tickets,"  ii.  147. 

Smith,  Goldwin,  on  Canadian  Constitu- 
tion, i.  475. 

Smith's  Wndth  of  Xalions,  quoted,  i. 
430. 

Social  and  econoniic  future  of  America, 
ii.  917. 

Social  equality  in  America,  ii.  774,  77K, 
779,  HIO  xqq. ;  existence  of  fine  dis- 
tinctions, 817,  SIN;  effect  of  social 
equality  on  manners,  S22  ;  its  ciiarni, 
S72. 

Social  intercourse  lietween  youths  aud 
maidens  in  America  easy  and  unre- 
strained, ii.  h03. 

Socialists,  ii.  44. 

Social  life,  influence  of  political  parties 
on,  ii.  53. 

Solicitor-General,  the,  i.  89. 

South  African  I'nion,  Constitution 
of  the,  i.  33. 

South  America  and  the  I'nited  States, 
ii.  575. 

South  Dakota,  State  of,  i.  442. 

Southern  Confederacy,  the,  i.  71.  209. 
696. 

Southern  States,  population  of  the.  ii. 
316;  character  of  thi'ir  statesmen. 
317;  "mean  whites,"  319  ;  negroes, 
320 ;  relati(ms  with  the  North,  374  ; 
their  future,  921.  See,  also,  pp. 
491-511. 

South,  the,  since  the  war,  ii.  491  511  ; 
exceptional  political  and  social  c(jndi- 
tions  of  the  Soutiiern  States,  491  ; 
type  of  its  civilization  long  moulited 
by  slavery,  ib.  ;  alien  and  unali- 
sorbed  coloured  population  a  peculiar 
and  menacing  problem,  ih.  ;  ijhysical 
f  haractoristics,  ib. ;  the  planlution 
and  the  mountain  country,  492 : 
contingents  from  the  latter  on  the 
Dortiiern  side  in  the  Civil  War,  *. ; 


the  planter  nristocracy,  the  "mean 
whites,"  and  the  negro,  493  ;  break- 
up of  o!.i  plantation  life  after  the 
Wi.r,  in. ;  amnesty,  and  the  problems 
it  brought  with  it.  494  ;  temper  of 
( 'ongress  in  approaching  the  problem 
of  reconstruction.  495  ;  headstrong 
violence  f)f  President  Johnson,  ib. ; 
rejection  of  the  Fourteenth  Amend- 
ment, 496 ;  the  Reconstruction  Act, 
496,  497 ;  ratification  of  the  Four- 
teenth and  Fifteenth  Amendments 
and  readmission  of  Confederate  Stat  .'s 
to  full  political  rights,  ih. ;  the 
I'reedmen'r'  Bureau.  495,  497  ;  sinis- 
ter activity  of  the  "carpet-baggers," 
49s :  roguery  and  plunder,  499; 
the  spoilers  nin  up  the  State  debts, 
.")(Kt;  outrages  of  the  "Ku  Klux 
Klan,"  .")(l(),  501  ;  Federal  repression 
ineffective,  ib.  ;  political  reaction  in 
favor  of  self-government,  502  ;  with- 
drawal of  the  carpet-baggers,  ib. ;  the 
"colour-line"  in  politics,  503;  the 
negroes  and  the  suffrage,  ib. ;  the 
new  Democratic,  or  anti-negro  party, 
.504,  .">05;  "bulldoiing"  at  the 
polls,  and  baUot-lx)x  stuffing,  505 ; 
with  white  control  came  industrial  re- 
generation, 507  ;  the  iron  industry, 
50S ;  profitable  extension  of  the 
cotton  trade,  16. ;  manufactures 
transform  .'Southern  life,  ib. ;  rise 
f)f  n  new  tiiiclil|r>  •las.-',  509;  educa- 
tional priifres.-,  i'l. ;  civilization  in 
many  respects  still  backward,  510; 
homicide  rife,  ib. ;  sanguine  views, 
511,  ."),>7-504. 

Spain,  sale  of  Florida  by,  i.  27. 

SpciUi  I-  ('<  the  House  of  Uepresenta- 
tiv(  s.  i.  .jl,  133,  140-143,  402. 

Speculation  and  betting,  ii.  709,  710. 

Spoils  .system,  the.  i.  63,  .395,  506,  647 
ii.  50.   124,   125,   136-146,   168,  243, 
637,  909. 

Stamijede  a  convention,  to,  ii.  200. 

.State     Constitutions.     See     Constitu 
tions  of  the  States. 

State  Executive  :  position  of  the 
Governor,  i.  225,  4N3,  492-494,  408 
50(i ;  537  540,  557  ;  outlines  of  the 
system,  483;  executive  ..ouncils, 
1S1  ,502  ;  other  officials,  IMo ;  power 
of  ri'nioval,  506. 

State  Governments :    their  reUtloD  to 
the   National   govcrnmeut,    i.   312- 


0«)0 


INDEX 


3j:{;   rt'straiiits  ii|)im  thoin   317,  3J(i, 
327  ;    <'ii.tc.i  of  rfsi.stancc,  334.  337  ; 
8c<-c8«ioii  iini)i)»Mil)lf,  33(),  343.  424; 
large  nKiisun-   of    iiidcponclonrc    ul- 
lowed  thctn,  33H,  41H  ;   politicnl  rom- 
binations  anionK«t  them.  344  ;    the 
Mtutly   of  them   conii^irativply   ncK- 
liTtfd,  411;    causes  tcluiiiiK  to  dis- 
«imilaritv,   411;     eauses   tendinK  to 
uniformity.     414;      fianrhise.    41<t; 
power  over  minor  eomiiiunities.  420  ; 
trer  ion  uKailist   a  State.   /''•  :    State 
.^overeiKnty.    421  42r>;     history    of 
.-!tate  ('on.stitution»,   427-43.").   5S(y 
.IIH);      mode     of     alterations,     433; 
their  real  nature.  43(1 ;  their  contents. 
4.37  ;    less  capacity  for  development 
than  the  Federal  Constilution.  444; 
development  of  State  (;overnment«. 
451  :    growth  of  Democratic  tenden- 
cies.   4.')<).    ■)H4 ;     comparative    frc- 
(luenev  of  chanRe,  4.J7  ;    jealoiisy  of 
ofTieiais,  and  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment,   45!>;     protection    of    imvate 
property.   400;     extension   of   State 
interference,    ih. ;     penalties   not  al- 
ways enforced,   402;    luidRets,  51S  ; 
forms  of  taxation.  519;    exemptions 
and  mode  of  collection,  .520  ;   amount 
of  taxation  restricted,   527;    putdie 
debts,  528 ;    restrictions  on  l)orrow- 
ing.  530-533  ;  working  of  the  govern- 
ment, 534  554  ;  its  defects,  555,  5.50  ; 
remedies  for  them,  550-5.59 ;  dechne 
of    its   importance,    507,    50H,    5S() ; 
change  of  character,  .50K,  .509;    re- 
lation to  the  great  parties,  570;    n. 
52  ;    decline  of  State  politics,  i.  .580  : 
local  government,  570;    seats  of,  in 
small  towns,  ii.  58. 
State  Governors,  i.  225,  220. 
State  legislative  interference,  eaucrness 
for.  ii.  594  ;  its  chief  forms,  ih.  ;  illus- 
trations, 597. 
•5tate    Legislatures:     their   relation    to 
the  Federal  Senate,  i.  KM),  102;  rela- 
tion to  the  Governor,  225,  493,  494  ; 
relation  to  the  State  Gonstitutioiis, 
432-435 ;    to  the  courts  of  law,  435  : 
distrusted  bv  the  people,  444.  474  ; 
their  character,  474,  5:'<'    543,  500  ; 
composition,  484  ;    the  right  of  .suf- 
frage,   489  ;     thei-    numbers,    41K) ; 
salaries,    491,    54.,     sessions,    491, 
5(>4-.500  ;   powers  of  the  Senate,  492  ; 
procedure,    493;     constitutional    re- 


strictions on  them,  495,  087  ;    busi 
news,  540  ;  charaiter  of  the  memlwrs. 
.513;   charges  of  corruption,  545 ;    ii. 
103;     h)eal   influence,    i.    .549;     rest- 
lessness. .551  ;  timidity,  .552  ;  philan- 
thropy,  5.53;    their  defects  sumiua- 
ri'',ed,  5.50  ;   safeguards  and  remedies, 
ih. ;    effect  on  th  ir  working  of   th<> 
political   parties,   .570;    powers  and 
characteristics  of,  ii.  3.58.  359;    style 
of  oratory,  800. 
States-General  of  France,  i.  185. 
Statesmen,  types  of,  in  Europe,  ii-  230  : 
in  .\nieric>a,  23(> :    want  of  first-class 
men    i.  201  ;   ii.  231.  041.  001. 
States'   Rights,  i.  3S9,  421   425;    ii.  0. 

11.24. 
Statutory    recognition    of    party    as    a 

(lualification  for  office,  ii.  1.55. 
Stevens.  Thaildcus.  i.  207. 
Stimson.  F.  J.,  on  the  "Ethics  of  De- 
mocracy." ii.  595. 
St.  Louis.  City  of,  i.  039;   ii.  12,5,  127. 
Story's  "Gommcntaiies."  cited,  i.  237, 

2113,  328,  4.H4  ;   ii.  <>24. 
St.  Paul  (Minnesota),  ii.  129. 
"  Stump,"  the,  ii.  234. 
Suffrage,  right  of,  i.  325.  419,  488,  718 ; 

ii.  103,  057. 
Suffrage,  Wcmian,  ii.  ()(M)-012. 
SuiKlay  observance  in  .\mcrica.  ii.  782. 
Su|)reme  Gourt.  the  I'ederal.     .Sec  Judi- 
ciary (Federal). 
Surpluses,  .\nnual.  i.  178.  183. 
Sweden,  Diet  of,  i.  185.  290. 
Swiss   Gonstitution   and   Government. 
referre<l  to.  i.  10.  23.  38.  00.  251.  200. 
•>01   "9't.  320.  337.  343.  3.50.  300.  372. 
413',  44(i,  4()0,  485,  500,  .503,  580;   11. 
71,73, 
Swi.ss  railways,  under  control  of  govern- 
ment, ii.  093. 
Swiss   Refer<-ndum.     .Sec   Ueferenduni. 
Switzerland,  cantons  of.  i.  413.  .581  ;  n. 
43.  154.  203.  292. 


"T.\i.isMAN.  The."  Saladin  quoted  in, 

i.  79. 
Tammany  organization.  ..  070  ;  u.  103. 

100,  189,  195,  381  .sqij. 
Tammany  Ring  in  New  York  Gity.  u- 

.■178-405;    the   city    'the  ?eiit   of  i"; 

trigues  and  battle-ground  of  factions. 

379;    doctrine  of  'the  Spoils  to  the 

Victors'    first    formulated    by    New 
1      York  politicians,  ih. ;    foreign  popu- 


1 

Si 


INDEX 


iB61 


lation,  poor  and  ignorant  voters,  led 
by  shrewd  and  forneful  party  mana- 
gers, 380 ;   leading  men  negknt  local 
civic    duties,    ih. ;     early    origin    of 
Tammany,  ih. ;  Aaron  Burr's  malig- 
nant influence,  ih. ;    Tammany  |)rc- 
dominant    as    early    as    1>'36 ;     it« 
mercenary  objects,  382  ;   nationality 
of  its  members,  382  ;  Fernando  Wood, 
383,  384,  386;    W.  M.  Tweed,  .384 
39tl ;   Tweed  and  his  friends  capture 
the  organization,  387  ;  P.  B.  Sweeny, 
388;    A.   Oakley  Hall,   ih.;    R.    B. 
Connolly,      ih. ;      Albert     Cardozo, 
George  Bernard,  and  J.  H.  McCunn, 
members   of   the  Tammany   bench. 
389;    Governor  J.  T.  Hoffman,  ih.\ 
offices     occupied     by      the     junto, 
388 ;  executive  power  concentrated  in 
Mayor  Hall,  *. ;  treasury  plundc-rcd 
through    jolw    and    contracts.    389; 
county  court-house   steal.    390 ;   as- 
toundinr,  advance  of  the  city  debt, 
391 ;   coiTuption  rampant,  ih. ;   press 
muzzled  or  subsidizjnl,  ih. ;  licentious 
luxury  of  the  Ring,  393  ;   dissensions 
and    fall,    ih. ;     New    York    Times' 
exposure,   394;    Nast's    caricatures, 
395;    Governor  S.  J.  Tilden's  part 
in  the  exposure,  387,  400 ;    Tweed's 
trial.     Sweeny's     flight,     Cardozo's 
resignation,  395,  398 ;  Tammany  and 
John    Kelley.    396,    :i98 ;     Richard 
Croker    and    Tammany    henchmen 
of  to-day,  398  ;  the  Machine  organi- 
zation, 399  ;    blackmailing  and  com- 
plicity with  criminals,  400 ;  as.«essing 
office-holders,  ih. ;  leaps  and  Iwunds 
of  the  city  revenue,  and  reduction  of 
city  debt,  403 ;  sense  of  public  duty 
quickened,  404  ;  progress  of  reform, 
i6. ;    Tammany  heavily  smitten  by 
the  elections  of  November,  1894,  i6. ; 
downfall  of  the  Ring  referred  to,  68H. 
"Tancred,"  Disraeli's  novel  of,  quoted, 

ii.  78. 
Taney,  Chief  Justice,  quoted,  i.  234. 
Tariff,  the,  and  lobbying,  ii.  160. 
Taxation :  for  Federal  purposes,  i.  33, 
104,  332,  51<J;    for  State  purposes, 
518-528;     for  local   purposes,   619- 
621 ;  mode  of  levying,  626 ;  taxation 
in  cities,  635. 
Temper  of  the  West,  the,  ii.  891-901. 
Tenure  of  OflSce  Act  of  1867.  i.  63.  64  ; 
repeal  of,  in  1886.  227. 

3q 


n. 


587; 

their 

re- 


Territorial   extension,   problem   of, 

565-586. 
Territories,  the,  i.   127.  230,  363, 
585 -.'>95;     their   organization, 
positioii  of  their  citizens,  588 ; 
conversion    into    States,    589 ; 
marks  on  them,  590-593;    working 
of  the  system.  590.  .">94  ;    their  dele- 
gates admittcu  to  national  conven- 
tions, ii.  181 :  women's  suffrage  in  the 
different  States,  tH)3. 
Texas.  State  of,  area,  i.  413 ;  Constitu- 
tion of,  441,  455,  460.495. 
TfXfi.i  V.  White,  case  of,  i.  322. 
Thayer.  J.  B.  (Harvard  Law  .School), 

(juoted,  i.  448.  449. 
Thirteen    original    British  colonies,    i. 
19,  249;   each  a  self-governing  com- 
monwealth, ih. 
Thought,  influence  r)f  democracy  on,  ii. 
822-831  ;    in   the  case  of  America. 
824  H31  ;     recent    developments    of 
thought,  842  ;  promise  for  the  future, 
853. 
Tildcn,  Mr.,  i.  47,  49. 
Toc(iueville,  Alexis  de,  referred  to,  i.  3. 
117;   ii.  41,  .339.  342.  570,  624.  822, 
845,  911.  916. 
Tories  and  Whigs  in  England,  ii.  22. 

28.     See  English  Parties. 
Town  or  Township  system,  i.  596,  605, 

607,  614,  617.  626;  ii.  288. 
Transmarine  dominions,  ii.  576-586; 
canal  zone,  5H0 ;  Guam.  577.  578 ; 
Hawaii,  577,  .585;  the  Philippine 
Islands,  577-580,  585 ;  Puerto  Rico, 
577,  578;  Tutuila,  578;  relations 
with  Cuba,  580,  581  ;  the  United 
States  as  a  World  Power.  584- 
5S6. 
Treasury,  Secretary  of  the,  i.  85,  87 ; 

his  Annual  Letter,  175. 
Treaties,  power  of  making,  i.  53.  107- 

110. 
Tweed,  W.  M.,  and  Tammany,  ii.  109, 

286,  384  sqq. 
Tyler,  President,  i.  329. 
Tyranny    of    the    majority,    ii.    251 ; 
change  in  this  respect  in  America, 
338,  346,  625. 

Union,  Indestructibility  of  the  Federal, 
i.  322,  336,  343. 

United  States,  splendour  of  the  past 
reser\'ed  for  them  in  the  develop- 
ment of  civilization,  i.  2. 


062 


INDEX 


I' 


United  States  institutions  of  a  new 
type  —  an  experiment  in  the  rule  of 
the  multitude,  i.  1. 

Unity,  want  of,  in  the  American  gov- 
ernment, i.  294,  302. 

Universities,  American :  their  influence 
on  politics,  ii.  307  ;  statistics  of,  714, 
715 ;  their  history,  713  ;  their  general 
character,  715-737;  general  observa- 
tions on  them,  738-762 :  their  later 
development,  743-747;  in  endow- 
menU,  743  ;  in  scope,  744  ;  increase 
of  salaries,  745;  in  number  of  stu- 
dents, 746,  748 ;  in  quality  of  instruc- 
tion, 747 ;  causes  of  the  changes,  ib. ; 
their  effects,  747,  748;  three  main 
types,  749-751 ;  courses  of  study, 
751-763;  graduate  schools,  7.53; 
extension  work,  764;  women  stu- 
dents, 755;  athletic  competitions, 
756 ;  present  needs,  760-762. 

U.  S.  District  Attorney,  i.  2.38. 

U.  S.  Marshal,  i.  238. 

U.  8.  Pacific  Railway  Commission  and 
legislative  corruption,  ii.  162. 

Utah,  State  of,  i.  586,  592. 

Van  Buben,  President,  i.  83,  269 ;   ii. 

183 
Vassar  College,  ii.  722,  737. 
Venetian  Councils,  encroachment  of, 

i.  227. 
Venice,  oligarchy  of,  influenced  by  the 

opinion  of  the  nobles,  ii.  260. 
Veto  power,  the,  in  America :    of  the 

President,   i.   57-61,   224-226,   290; 

ii.  327 ;   of  State  Governors,  i.  226, 

463,  494,  499,  600, 539,  567 ;  ii.  364  ; 

proposed  for  Congress,   i.   257;    of 

mayors,  630. 
Veto  power,  the,  in  Canada,  i.  475. 
Veto  power,  the,  in  England,  i.  60. 
Veto  power,  the,  in  France,  i.  60. 
Vice-President  facetiously  named  "His 

Superfluous  Excellency,"  i.  74. 
Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  i. 

40,  61,  97,  119,  300,  402,  710,  712, 

716;  ii.  184. 
Villages,  their  place  in  the  system  of 

local  government,  i.  610,  612. 
Virginifi  Convention  of  1788,  i.  236. 
Virginia  legislature,  on  the  Constitu- 
tion and  Sedition  and  Alien  acts,  i. 

334. 
Virginia,  State  of,  i.  19,  25,  236,  430. 
Voting,  machinery  of,  ii.  146-149. 


Wall  Street  and   its   influence  on 

American  life,  ii.  664-661,  703-710. 

Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  England  under, 

ii.  239. 
War  of  1812,  the  Union  drifted  into  it, 

i.  342,  344. 
War  power  of  the  President,  i.  33,  64. 
War,  Secretary  of,  i.  86,  88. 
Washington,  City  of,  i.  75,  121,  200, 

585.  661 ;   ii.  140.  858,  882. 

Washington,  George  (President),  i.  21. 

23.  38,  41.  44,  46.  57.  68.  74.  '.o,  85, 

91.   264.   401;    ii.   7.   8,    136.    177, 

381. 

Washington,  State  oi",  i.  691 ;    ii.  552. 

Wealth,   influence  of,  in  America,  ii. 

627,  638,  661,  810,  814. 
Weather  Bureau,  i.  90. 
Webster,  Daniel,  i.  69,  83.  118;  ii.  14. 

236,  376,  869. 
Wellesley  College,  ii.  722,  737. 
Wells,  David  A.,  on  perjury,  i.  623. 
Western   States   of   America,   distinc- 
tiv»ly  American,  ii.  31S ;    their  pe- 
culiar character,  889 ;  development, 
ib. ;  their  temper,  891 ;  carelessness, 
895;    superstition.  894;    loyal  con- 
ception of  greatness.  896;    rivalry 
of  Western  towns.  897 ;   their  confi- 
dence. 898;    air  of  ceaseless  haste, 
899. 
West  Indies,  relations  of  the.  to  Amer- 
ica, ii.  574. 
Whig  party,  the,  of  1830,  ii.  12-14,  29, 

31,41. 
Whigs  and  Tories,  English,  and  corrup- 
tion, i.  280. 
Whips,    Parliamentar>',    their    impor- 
tance in  England,  i.  203;    want  of 
them  in  America,  204  «M- 
Whiskey  Ring,  of  1875,  ii.  169. 
Whiskey,  women's  war  against,  ii.  333. 
White  House,  the,  i.  74,  75. 
Waiiam  and  Mary,  College  of.  ii.  712. 
Wilson.  James,  referred  to,  i.  22,  23. 

256,  361. 
Wilson.  Woodrow.  quoted,  i.  123,  163. 

182. 
Wisconsin.  State  of.  i.  485. 
Women,  position  of,  in  America:  the 
suffrage,  ii.  47,  2a  -.  600-612 ;  their 
influence  in  politics,  209,  333,  797, 
798;  education,  736-738,  799-801: 
legal  rights,  795;  professional  em- 
ployment, 796;  freedom  of  social 
intercourse,      803;      deference      to 


INDEX 


063 


women,  804  ;  their  literary  taste,  807  ; 
influence  of  democracy  on  their 
position,  808 ;  resultH  to  themselves, 
t6. ;  and  to  the  nation,  809. 
Women's  Anti-Sti£Frage  Association,  ii. 
610. 


Working  man,  the,  in  America,  charac- 
teristics of,  ii.  300,  302. 
Wyoming,  State  of,  i.  127  ;  ii.  603-607. 

Yaus  Univerbitt,  New  Haven,  ii.  712, 
717.  719,  720.  721.  732.  734. 


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